proportion of women elected <strong>in</strong> the parliamentary party fractions of all six is higher than the totalproportion of female parliamentarians <strong>in</strong> the respective national parliaments. The biggest differencecan be found <strong>in</strong> the Irish Labour Party, the British Labour Party <strong>and</strong> the NorwegianArbeiderpartiet.Was it difficult to f<strong>in</strong>d a sufficient number of women to st<strong>and</strong> for election under new quota rules,as some critiques of <strong>quotas</strong> predicted? Most of the parties that responded to the PARQUOTASurvey said they had not had difficulty f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g a sufficient number of female c<strong>and</strong>idates, but onethirdagreed that it had been difficult. In general, dur<strong>in</strong>g the course of the historical <strong>in</strong>crease <strong>in</strong> thenumbers of women c<strong>and</strong>idates, parties have been able to f<strong>in</strong>d qualified women, especially if theystarted recruit<strong>in</strong>g a long time before elections rather than at the last m<strong>in</strong>ute. However, at the locallevel there have been reports of a lack of women c<strong>and</strong>idates, even <strong>in</strong> non-quota <strong>systems</strong>. Thegeneral trend is that, ever s<strong>in</strong>ce women ga<strong>in</strong>ed the suffrage, the numbers of female c<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong>of women elected have gradually <strong>in</strong>creased all over the world. If the parties make serious use of<strong>in</strong>clusive strategies <strong>and</strong> at the same time open up for changes <strong>in</strong> old patriarchal structures, thenthere seem to be few problems with regard to recruit<strong>in</strong>g a balanced number of women <strong>and</strong> men <strong>in</strong>politics.3.6. Quotas <strong>and</strong> the effectiveness of women politiciansIn the quota debate, some fem<strong>in</strong>ist opponents argue that <strong>quotas</strong> do not guarantee more <strong>gender</strong>sensitivelegislation. In contrast, the advocates of <strong>quotas</strong> often express the hope that a greaternumber of women <strong>in</strong> politics will change the male bias of politics. In general, the connectionbetween ‘descriptive’ (percentage) <strong>and</strong> ‘substantial’ (content) representation is a much debated issuewith<strong>in</strong> fem<strong>in</strong>ist research. The focus of this study is descriptive representation – that the politicalassemblies should mirror the population <strong>in</strong> terms of <strong>gender</strong>. However, some remarks concern<strong>in</strong>gthe connection between quota <strong>systems</strong> <strong>and</strong> the effectiveness of elected women politicians willcomplete this analysis.Most studies show that it is women politicians who have placed issues of <strong>gender</strong> equality on thepolitical agenda. Even if women politicians differ as much as male politicians, <strong>and</strong> are usuallydivided between the different political parties along the same l<strong>in</strong>es as men, <strong>their</strong> entry <strong>in</strong>to politicshas changed the political agenda (Wängnerud 2000; Lovenduski 2005a; Lovenduski 2005b).However, the often-heard question ‘Do women <strong>in</strong> politics make a difference?’ may be wronglyposed. An alternative could be: ‘Do men <strong>in</strong> politics make a difference?’.The adoption of <strong>gender</strong>-sensitive policies depends on many factors, such as the strength of thewomen’s movement, the power of equality agencies with<strong>in</strong> the state apparatus, the relative strengthof various political forces, the general debate <strong>in</strong> society about <strong>gender</strong> <strong>and</strong> so on. The very debateabout <strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g <strong>gender</strong> <strong>quotas</strong>, whether they are passed or not, may <strong>in</strong> fact <strong>in</strong>fluence thewill<strong>in</strong>gness of women to st<strong>and</strong> for election (the supply side) as well as the desire of the politicalparties – the gatekeepers to elected positions – to recruit more women (the dem<strong>and</strong> side).For studies of quota <strong>systems</strong>, the specific question to be raised is whether the very design of aquota system hampers the effectiveness of women politicians, once elected, <strong>in</strong> do<strong>in</strong>g <strong>their</strong> job theway they want. This should be studied both <strong>in</strong> a short-term <strong>and</strong> <strong>in</strong> a long-term perspective, <strong>and</strong>,consequently, some conclusions will have to wait until quota <strong>systems</strong> have been <strong>in</strong> operation for alonger period of time.There is obviously a need to develop more elaborate criteria for the evaluation of the effectiveness<strong>and</strong> legitimacy of women elected under different conditions. Historically, women’s movementshave been both supportive of, but also very critical of, women who have been elected. In the case36
of <strong>quotas</strong>, the prediction that women elected on the basis of <strong>quotas</strong> (‘quota women’) would be metwith suspicion <strong>and</strong> stigmatisation has, <strong>in</strong> general, not turned out to be true. When stigmatisationoccurs, it is often found <strong>in</strong> countries with a generally negative attitude towards women politicians,no matter how they are elected. Aga<strong>in</strong>, the very design of the quota system may play a role. In50 : 50 per cent zipper <strong>systems</strong> women are not elected on the basis of <strong>quotas</strong> any more than menare. It is, thus, very important to design quota <strong>systems</strong> <strong>in</strong> such a way that they give the maximumdegree of legitimacy to those nom<strong>in</strong>ated <strong>and</strong> elected.The experience with quota <strong>systems</strong> so far is that, <strong>in</strong> general, the voters have little or no knowledgeof how nom<strong>in</strong>ation takes place. After the election, when an assembly starts to work, very littleattention is normally paid to how the MPs were nom<strong>in</strong>ated – all votes count. In fact, <strong>gender</strong> is justone category added to the many categories that are important <strong>in</strong> the nom<strong>in</strong>ation process, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong>cumbency, occupation, trade union affiliation, age, residence <strong>and</strong> position with<strong>in</strong> civil society.3.7. RecommendationsParties as gatekeepersA general conclusion of this study is that political parties are vital <strong>in</strong> the promotion of women <strong>in</strong>politics. The power to recruit, select <strong>and</strong> nom<strong>in</strong>ate c<strong>and</strong>idates is <strong>in</strong> the h<strong>and</strong>s of political parties,whatever the electoral system. Any attempt to address the issue of women’s under-representation <strong>in</strong>politics must, therefore, target the political parties <strong>and</strong> <strong>their</strong> views <strong>and</strong> strategies on more <strong>in</strong>clusivedecision-mak<strong>in</strong>g assemblies.Recommendation 1All political parties should adopt an action plan for the recruitment of women <strong>and</strong> other underrepresentedgroups based on an analysis of the causes of this under-representation.Recommendation 2Political parties <strong>and</strong> women’s organisations as well as other stakeholders should develop tools for<strong>gender</strong> monitor<strong>in</strong>g of nom<strong>in</strong>ations <strong>and</strong> elections.Recommendations, targets <strong>and</strong> additional measuresA second general conclusion of this study is that the goal of <strong>gender</strong> balance <strong>in</strong> decision mak<strong>in</strong>g maybe atta<strong>in</strong>ed by several measures <strong>and</strong> that multiple measures rema<strong>in</strong> necessary for the achievement ofmore <strong>in</strong>clusive decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g assemblies. As this study has shown, the proportion of women <strong>in</strong>elected bodies may very well be <strong>in</strong>creased by measures other than <strong>quotas</strong>, such as targets <strong>and</strong>recommendations, actions plans <strong>and</strong> capacity-build<strong>in</strong>g activities <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual parties. However, it isimportant to po<strong>in</strong>t out that the application of these measures depends on the good-faithcompliance of the political parties, s<strong>in</strong>ce there are no legislated sanctions for non-compliance. Inaddition, this study has found that, without written quota provisions, the placement of women onparty lists <strong>and</strong> the distribution between female <strong>and</strong> male c<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>in</strong> good or bad districts for theparty needs to be negotiated <strong>in</strong> every c<strong>and</strong>idate selection process, which might result <strong>in</strong> less stableproportions of women parliamentarians across time.The presence of a strong women’s movement is also an important factor <strong>in</strong> the promotion ofwomen <strong>in</strong> politics. Women’s organisations may mobilise the electorate <strong>and</strong> put pressure on thepolitical parties or on governments to adopt special measures to enhance the politicalrepresentation of women. Without an active pressure group, women’s political representation mightnot <strong>in</strong>crease as quickly as desired. In order to support women c<strong>and</strong>idates <strong>and</strong> to ensure therepresentation of women’s diverse <strong>in</strong>terests <strong>in</strong> public decision-mak<strong>in</strong>g assemblies, the mobilisation37
- Page 3 and 4: Directorate-General Internal Polici
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- Page 24 and 25: of more women in politics. Many opp
- Page 26 and 27: Figure 3. The incremental track mod
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- Page 38 and 39: then the requirement of 50 per cent
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- Page 44 and 45: Matland, Richard E., ‘Enhancing W
- Page 46 and 47: Case studyBelgium: a best practice
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- Page 50 and 51: need to include at least one woman,
- Page 52 and 53: introduced, individual parties adop
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- Page 56 and 57: In order to correct the discriminat
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- Page 64 and 65: Case studyGermany: successful quota
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3.2.2. The introduction of legislat
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Table 25 shows that only one of the
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Source: Author’s own calculation
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Zakon o volitvah v Evropski parlame
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Advocates for quotas for women lobb
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Table 31. The percentage and number
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Table 33. Municipality elections in
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Case studySweden: small steps, big
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40 per cent of either sex on the pa
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voluntary party quotas than in part
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The zipper system (50 per cent) int
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While quotas for minority groups ha
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Case studyThe United Kingdom: polit
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In contrast to Labour, the Scottish
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The twinning and zipping policies a
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differences across the political pa
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Appendix IThe methodology of the qu
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Brigitte Geissel is a political sci
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ZLSDZZPUnited List of Social Democr