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Why do humans reason? Arguments for an argumentative theory

Why do humans reason? Arguments for an argumentative theory

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Response/Mercier & Sperber: <strong>Why</strong> <strong>do</strong> <strong>hum<strong>an</strong>s</strong> <strong>reason</strong>?were addressed to people who were wholly unable toevaluate them from a sound epistemic perspective.R2.1. The <strong>do</strong>uble-sided <strong>argumentative</strong> functionof <strong>reason</strong>ing<strong>Why</strong> <strong>do</strong>es <strong>reason</strong>ing exist at all, given that it is a relativelyhigh-cost mental activity with a relatively high failure rate?To <strong>an</strong>swer this question, we proposed to step back fromthe study of individual cognitive processes <strong>an</strong>d to look atthe evolution of hum<strong>an</strong> communication. Hum<strong>an</strong>s areimmersed in a flow of socially tr<strong>an</strong>smitted in<strong>for</strong>mation<strong>an</strong>d are highly dependent on it. For communication tohave evolved, it had to be adv<strong>an</strong>tageous to both communicators<strong>an</strong>d receivers (who are, of course, the same individualsbut acting in two different capacities). What makescommunication adv<strong>an</strong>tageous to receivers is that it providesthem with rich in<strong>for</strong>mation that they could not, ornot easily, have obtained on their own. For this, the in<strong>for</strong>mationthey receive has to be genuine in<strong>for</strong>mation; that is,close enough to truth. What makes communication adv<strong>an</strong>tageousto communicators is that it allows them to achievesome desirable effect in the receivers. For this, the in<strong>for</strong>mationthey emit has to be conducive to this effect,whether it is true or false.Dessalles, who has himself developed a perspective insome respects comparable to ours, underst<strong>an</strong>ds us to claimthat “the biological function of <strong>reason</strong>ing is to achieveshared knowledge optimization” (para. 2) <strong>an</strong>d that this is<strong>do</strong>ne not at the individual but at the group level. We <strong>do</strong>argue that the main function of <strong>reason</strong>ing is indeedsocial but by serving the social interests of individualsrather th<strong>an</strong> the collective interests of the group.To reap the benefits of communication while limitingthe risk of being misled, receivers must exercise what wehave called epistemic vigil<strong>an</strong>ce (Sperber et al. 2010).There is no fail-safe algorithm to sort genuine from spuriousin<strong>for</strong>mation; hence, we argue, various cost-effectiveheuristics that may contribute to approximating such asorting are likely to have evolved. The main heuristic ofepistemic vigil<strong>an</strong>ce consists in assessing the trustworthinessof communicators. Thus, we agree with Opfer &Sloutsky that “children detect trustworthiness longbe<strong>for</strong>e they detect argument inconsistency” (para. 4)(e.g., see Mascaro & Sperber 2009). But if detecting thetrustworthiness of communicators were the only heuristicused, then receivers would end up rejecting a goodamount of genuine <strong>an</strong>d relev<strong>an</strong>t in<strong>for</strong>mation when theylack sufficient ground to accept it on trust. For inst<strong>an</strong>ce,few if <strong>an</strong>y readers of our article would accept its conclusionsjust out of trust in its authors! To be more effective,epistemic vigil<strong>an</strong>ce must be exercised not onlytowards the source of in<strong>for</strong>mation but also towards itscontent. Independently of its source, a message mayhave a greater or a lesser believability. This believabilityis assessed by considering its coherence with backgroundknowledge. Coherence checking, we argue, is the secondmajor heuristic used in filtering communicated in<strong>for</strong>mation,<strong>an</strong>d is at the basis of <strong>reason</strong>ing proper.Coherence checking starts as a method <strong>for</strong> receivers tofilter in<strong>for</strong>mation; it ends up being exploited also by communicatorswho engage in coherence displays in order tohave their messages accepted. Just as receivers wouldfilter out some genuine in<strong>for</strong>mation if they relied only onthe trustworthiness of the source, communicators wouldfail to communicate some believable messages if theyrelied only on their own authority. Arguing consists in displayingcoherence-based <strong>reason</strong>s <strong>for</strong> the accept<strong>an</strong>ce of agiven message. It is, in essence, <strong>an</strong> “honest display” strategyopened to evaluation <strong>an</strong>d aimed at the audience’s epistemicconcerns. Of course, what is displayed may be <strong>an</strong>invalid argument made in the service of deception <strong>an</strong>din the hope that its invalidity won’t be detected. Contraryto what Dessalles attributes to us, we <strong>do</strong> not believe thatcommunicators argue in order “to correct or updateothers’ beliefs” (para. 3) when it is not to their adv<strong>an</strong>tage.They argue <strong>for</strong> whatever it is adv<strong>an</strong>tageous to them to havetheir audience believe. Often enough, <strong>for</strong> inst<strong>an</strong>ce, whencommunicating to coordinate action, communicator <strong>an</strong>daudience have convergent interests in sharing true in<strong>for</strong>mation,but this is far from being always the case.In <strong>an</strong> evolutionary perspective, receivers’ coherencechecking creates selective pressure <strong>for</strong> communicators’coherence displays in the <strong>for</strong>m of arguments, which inturn creates selective pressure <strong>for</strong> adequate evaluation ofarguments on the part of receivers. At least in some culturalcontexts, this results in a kind of arms race towardsgreater sophistication in the production <strong>an</strong>d evaluationof arguments. Of course, argumentation c<strong>an</strong> be misused<strong>an</strong>d abused – <strong>for</strong> inst<strong>an</strong>ce, by arguing above the head ofone’s audience (Sperber 2009) or by lacing argumentswith appeals to emotion. Doing so, however, is morelikely to serve the interests of the communicator th<strong>an</strong>those of the audience. Contrary to what Opfer &Sloutsky maintain, “hot” persuasion is adv<strong>an</strong>tageous tocommunicators only to the extent that receivers yield toit, but it is not adv<strong>an</strong>tageous to receivers who care to bewell in<strong>for</strong>med. For this they had better <strong>reason</strong>, as Petty<strong>an</strong>d Cacioppo (whom Opfer & Sloutsky oddly cite insupport of their claim) have shown in numerous experimentsthat demonstrate precisely this point: Whenpeople are motivated to <strong>reason</strong>, they <strong>do</strong> a better job ataccepting only sound arguments, which is quite generallyto their adv<strong>an</strong>tage (e.g., see Petty et al. 1981).R2.2. Other functions of <strong>reason</strong>ing?Several commentators, while agreeing that argumentationmay be <strong>an</strong> import<strong>an</strong>t function of <strong>reason</strong>ing, suggest that itmay serve other functions, as well: either social functionsother th<strong>an</strong> the production <strong>an</strong>d evaluation of arguments(Baumeister, Masicampo, & DeWall [Baumeisteret al.]; Dessalles; Fr<strong>an</strong>kish; Pietraszewski) orfunctionscontributing to individual cognition (Ev<strong>an</strong>s; Fr<strong>an</strong>kish;Godfrey-Smith & Yegnash<strong>an</strong>kar<strong>an</strong>). We recognize thepossibility. Our claim is that argumentation is the main functionof <strong>reason</strong>ing, <strong>an</strong>d we tried to demonstrate this claim byshowing the signature of this function in the way <strong>reason</strong>ingactually functions, <strong>an</strong>d in particular in what has been seenas flaws <strong>an</strong>d that we argue are features of <strong>reason</strong>ing. Anyevolved mech<strong>an</strong>ism c<strong>an</strong> be put to a variety of uses: Themouth c<strong>an</strong> be used to play a wind instrument, the skin c<strong>an</strong>be used to display tattoos, <strong>an</strong>d the sense of smell c<strong>an</strong> beused to develop wine expertise. Whether these additionaluses become functions in the biological sense, or evenmain functions (in which case Gould <strong>an</strong>d Vrba’s term exaptationmight be properly applied) depends on the relative96 BEHAVIORAL AND BRAIN SCIENCES (2011) 34:2

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