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Struggles for Sustainable Urban Development in Cochabamba, Bolivia

Struggles for Sustainable Urban Development in Cochabamba, Bolivia

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numerous examples of efficient publicly owned water utilities <strong>in</strong> develop<strong>in</strong>g countries such as<br />

Ecuador, Chile, Zimbabwe and Botswana (Johnstone et al. 1999). The successful examples<br />

have a certa<strong>in</strong> degree of autonomy and <strong>in</strong>centives <strong>for</strong> the staff. Nickson & Vargas (2002) tell<br />

of another such example, a publicly owned water utility praised by the World Bank <strong>in</strong> Santa<br />

Cruz de la Sierra. Although <strong>in</strong>ternational f<strong>in</strong>ance <strong>in</strong>stitutions have started to promote private<br />

sector participation with<strong>in</strong> the structural adjustment framework, the public water utility <strong>in</strong><br />

Santa Cruz de la Sierra was still granted a loan <strong>for</strong> network improvement by the World Bank.<br />

However the <strong>Bolivia</strong>n government refused to guarantee the loan, demand<strong>in</strong>g that <strong>in</strong>vestment<br />

<strong>in</strong>to urban water supply should be carried out by private sector only. This reflects how<br />

narrow m<strong>in</strong>ded the central government has become with its neo-liberal agenda, conducted<br />

s<strong>in</strong>ce 1985. Paul Hirst (1997) believed that:<br />

The danger of recklessly pursued <strong>in</strong>ternationalization without sufficient regard to<br />

its social effects is that there will be revolts aga<strong>in</strong>st an open <strong>in</strong>ternational<br />

economy <strong>in</strong> both the advanced and the developed world.<br />

If the <strong>Bolivia</strong>n government had considered this, perhaps the bloodshed over water would<br />

have been avoided. On the other hand it might be unjustified to popularly blame neo-liberal<br />

strategies. Perhaps it was not neo-liberalism itself that caused the problems, but the way it<br />

was implemented without adequate social considerations. Privatisation has come to be<br />

considered by the majority of <strong>Bolivia</strong>ns as <strong>in</strong>tr<strong>in</strong>sically bad, although it might, when carefully<br />

implemented, prove a useful development tool.<br />

In l<strong>in</strong>e with neo-liberal economic strategy Chanda (2003) argues that:<br />

Trade liberalization <strong>in</strong> services can result <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>creased competition, lower prices,<br />

more <strong>in</strong>novation, technology transfer, employment creation, and greater<br />

transparency and predictability <strong>in</strong> trade and <strong>in</strong>vestment flows’.<br />

Actually service efficiency improved under Aguas del Tunari (see Nickson & Vargas 2002).<br />

Besides the efficiency, however, the equity and government legitimacy ga<strong>in</strong>s were far below<br />

expected. Economic literature often ignores social or political aspects of privatisation which<br />

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