Science vs. religion : what scientists really think - File PDF
Science vs. religion : what scientists really think - File PDF
Science vs. religion : what scientists really think - File PDF
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6Crossing the Picket Lines: The Personal Faith of Scientistsemploy just as many diverse responses to these challenges. Some, pressed bythe needs of (and their concern for) their students, engage the topic of <strong>religion</strong>in the classroom. This is <strong>what</strong> I call environmental push , when events outsidethe university challenge <strong>scientists</strong> to reexamine the barriers between scienceand <strong>religion</strong>. Some <strong>scientists</strong> were raised apart from a religious tradition, havehad bad experiences with <strong>religion</strong>, or simply know very little about differentreligious traditions or the variety of ways that <strong>religion</strong> and science might relate.They have not necessarily rejected <strong>religion</strong> because they are <strong>scientists</strong>. Otherswho do practice a religious tradition anticipate—whether rightly or not—hostility from their colleagues and so practice a closeted faith . Nearly all, fromthe atheist to the devout, <strong>think</strong> about how to interact with the increasing numberof religious students who are flowing into their classrooms. Some <strong>scientists</strong>eventually become boundary pioneers ; because of their institutional legitimacyas elite <strong>scientists</strong> and their deep commitment to religious ideals they are able tocross the picket lines of science and <strong>religion</strong>, introducing a measure of kinshipto the controversy. And others are <strong>what</strong> I call spiritual atheists , who practice anew kind of individual spirituality—one that has no need for God or agod—that flows from and leads into science.This isn’t chiefly a book about social forces or conflict resolution. It’s aboutvoices. Throughout my research and during countless probing discussions,certain voices have stuck out. Some individuals seem to perfectly capture <strong>what</strong>entire groups are <strong>think</strong>ing, so I decided to structure the narrative around thelives of a few <strong>scientists</strong> who embody many of the major findings and themesrevealed by the larger study. Other interviews and the survey results provide asupporting cast for these protagonists. 10The stories of <strong>scientists</strong> like Arik, Margaret, and Evelyn emerged over andover during the systematic analyses of the one-on-one conversations I had withindividual <strong>scientists</strong>. As we journey from the personal to the public religiouslives of <strong>scientists</strong>, we will meet the nearly 50 percent of elite <strong>scientists</strong> like Margaretwho are religious in a traditional sense and the over 20 percent more likeEvelyn who, though eschewing <strong>religion</strong>, still see themselves as spiritual to someextent, with spiritual sensibilities that often derive from and are borne out inthe work they do as <strong>scientists</strong>. For the proportion of <strong>scientists</strong> who are, likeArik, indeed committed secularists, we will draw out the complexity in theirreasons for rejecting, leaving, or ignoring <strong>religion</strong>. 11Max Weber, a founder of sociology, described people he called “carriers,”who were “types representative of the various classes who were the primary . . .propagators” of major world <strong>religion</strong>s. In particular, these carriers perpetuatedideologies of “the kind of ethical or salvation doctrine, which most readilyconformed to their social position.” 12 Scientists have been perceived as carriers