xxvisimplistic, words like oppression, exploitation, and domination” (1990, pp. 51–52).Kathleen Barry also criticizes the academic marketplace, the de-funding <strong>of</strong> analyses<strong>of</strong> racism, sexism and class oppression, and the “defeminism <strong>of</strong> women’s studies”(1991, p. 83). “Immense political energy is devoted to seeing that alternatives arenipped in the bud, rendered ridiculous, and never adequately funded,” charges MaryO’Brien with reference to women and health care (1989, p. 213).In her introduction to Feminism/<strong>Postmodernism</strong>, Nicholson definespostmodernists as critical <strong>of</strong> objectivity and neutrality and this is, she claims, “evenmore radical” (1990, p. 3) than the work <strong>of</strong> scholars involved in “other” politicalmovements, including feminism, Marxism, Black and gay liberation. It ispostmodernists, not feminists, who “have extended the field where power hastraditionally been viewed as operating, for example, from the state and the economyto such domains as sexuality and mental health” (1990, p. 4). Thus, at least onecentury <strong>of</strong> div<strong>ers</strong>e feminist scholarship and practice is unrecognized, ignored,rewritten, trivialized. It appears that a certain authoritative consensus is beingpromoted and recirculated, a somewhat totalizing postmodern feminist metanarrativeabout the history and the potential <strong>of</strong> feminism. Curious how the critical practice isnot situated in a study <strong>of</strong> the culture or the epistemology <strong>of</strong> postmodernism.Nicholson believes that postmodernism deconstructs the “God’s eye view” (1990,p. 2, 3) bias <strong>of</strong> an Enlightenment methodology. I believe that Nicholson has readDerrida, but did not recognize him. Yet Nicholson’s book has been well-received byEnlightenment misogynists; as Modleski points out, “postmodern feminists mightwell wish to ponder how they wound up in this new ‘alliance’ with anti-feministhumanism” (1991, p. 14).Gender and Knowledge, Elements <strong>of</strong> a Postmodern Feminism goes one stepbeyond the presentation <strong>of</strong> feminism as an aspect <strong>of</strong> postmodernism, and portrayspostmodernism as the ultimate (post) feminism. But then, “Consent”, as MaryO’Brien ironizes, “relies on a perception by the public that, imperfect though asystem may be, it is the only game in town” (1989, p. 213). And the game here is theabsorption <strong>of</strong> all critical space by postmodernism. Hekman’s project is topostmodernize feminism; h<strong>ers</strong> is not a feminist critique <strong>of</strong> postmodernism, but a“postmodern approach to feminism” (1990, p. 3). It is no longer a question <strong>of</strong>extending postmodernism by adding gender; it is feminism which must be purged bypostmodernism <strong>of</strong> Enlightenment, essentialist, absolutist and foundationalisttendencies. Cartesian epistemology, not class or heterosexuality, is the main enemyhere, and Foucault, Derrida and Gadamer are brought forward to critique feminism.Indeed, Hekman’s major target is not the sexism <strong>of</strong> social and political thought, butthe “women’s way <strong>of</strong> knowing” literature. Daly, Ruddick, Gilligan, Chodorow,Lorde, feminist standpoint theory, the “Marxist feminist camp” (1990, p. 40), the“contradictory” (1990, p. 30) radical feminists, the maternal think<strong>ers</strong>, all aredistinctly less perfect than Derrida and Foucault: “The strongest case for apostmodern feminism can be made through an examination <strong>of</strong> the work <strong>of</strong> Derridaand Foucault” (1990, p. 155). Hekman proposes a “conv<strong>ers</strong>ation <strong>of</strong> mankind”[sic] (1990, p. 9) between feminism and postmodernism (1990, p. 123). In thisTaming <strong>of</strong> the Shrew it seems that only man may speak <strong>of</strong> woman and not be a
iological determinist. Hekman’s assertion that life with men under the darkness <strong>of</strong>postmodernism would be different than under their “Enlightenment” is notconvincing.Modleski finds that “what distinguishes this moment from other moments <strong>of</strong>backlash is the extent to which it has been carried out not against feminism but inits very name” (1991, p. x). Modleski’s “Postmortem on Postfeminism” (1991,pp. 3–22) outlines the literary/political process in which a feminized backlashundermines feminism and deliv<strong>ers</strong> us “back into a prefeminist world” (1991, p. 3).She points to “gynocidal feminisms” (1991, p. 4) fascinated with deconstructions <strong>of</strong>masculinity; ironically feminism is only valued as a “conduit to the morecomprehensive field <strong>of</strong> gender studies” (1991, p. 5).I reject both the postmodernist theory/practice dichotomy as well as the male/theory use <strong>of</strong> female/experience as matter. (The child is usually matricidal anywayand has delusions <strong>of</strong> being self or Father-born.) Fraser and Weedon, among oth<strong>ers</strong>,suggest that if one is truly serious about social change, she must read and use themale bodies <strong>of</strong> work. Surely our activism must be something other than standing asexperts bringing masculine formulations to movement matt<strong>ers</strong>? Bringing maletheory to the women’s movement is not feminist critique or intervention; it is aposition <strong>of</strong> compromise within institutions and a form <strong>of</strong> quietism. It denies andhides the abusiveness <strong>of</strong> the ideology to which it reconciles itself and oth<strong>ers</strong>. JoanScott sees theory as a way <strong>of</strong> ordering experience and determining political practice.We need, says Scott (1988, p. 33), theory that will enable us to think, analyze andarticulate, “And we need theory that will be relevant for political practice. It seemsto me that the body <strong>of</strong> theory referred to as postmodernism best meets all theserequirements” (1988, p. 33). Instead, I argue the best methodology for evaluating thepractice <strong>of</strong> theory that is put before us as what feminists must attend to if we arereally serious about social change is whether it originates from feminist politics andwomen’s experiences. Not a tributary to or coincidence with male philosophy;women must be the matter and the energy: the future. This is what The MilanWomen’s Bookstore Collective suggests in their work, Sexual Difference:This book is about the need to make sense <strong>of</strong>, exalt, and represent in wordsand images the relationship <strong>of</strong> one woman to another. If putting a politicalpractice into words is the same thing as theorizing, then this is a book <strong>of</strong>theory, because the relations between women are the subject matter <strong>of</strong> ourpolitics and this book. It is a book <strong>of</strong> theory, then, but int<strong>ers</strong>p<strong>ers</strong>ed withstories. We believe that to write theory is partly to tell about practice, sincetheoretical reasoning generally ref<strong>ers</strong> to things which already have names.Here we are dealing partly with things that had no names (1990, p. 25).xxviiCertainly, bringing the women’s movement and feminist theory to bear on maleideology and practice is a more risky position, and the Milan Collective takes thoserisks.In (Ex)Tensions, Elizabeth Meese reacts against the charges that feministdeconstructors are fath<strong>ers</strong>’, not moth<strong>ers</strong>’ daught<strong>ers</strong>, and attacks the pione<strong>ers</strong> <strong>of</strong>feminist literary criticism as dominating, severe, austere, restrictive, controlling,
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