18 NOTHING MAT(T)ERSmisogyny becomes…a problem <strong>of</strong> self-loathing for the male” (Elaine Hansen inModleski: 1991, p. 11).What are some <strong>of</strong> the practical implications <strong>of</strong> this theory <strong>of</strong> form and matter?Semiotics 23 is the applied v<strong>ers</strong>ion, a cousin <strong>of</strong> abstract poststructuralism. In“Pandora’s Box in Aftertimes”, the internationally recognized American semiotician,Thomas A. Sebeok, reports on his work (during Ronald Reagan’s term) for theBechtel Group, Inc. This group was engaged to form a Human Interference TaskForce and prepare a study for the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission. Sebeok wasengaged to devise a semiotic system <strong>of</strong> communication to prevent human disruption<strong>of</strong> buried nuclear wastes that would be und<strong>ers</strong>tandable for up to 10,000 years.Sebeok recommends that the area be cursed and a legend and ritual developed and reenactedannually so that “sup<strong>ers</strong>tition” may grow and “the uninitiated will be steeredaway from the hazardous site for reasons other than the scientific knowledge <strong>of</strong> thepossibility <strong>of</strong> radiation and its implications;” (1986, p. 168). The secret <strong>of</strong> theradioactively cursed area would be held by an elite few: “The actual “truth’ would beentrusted exclusively to an—as it were—“atomic priesthood’, that is, a commission<strong>of</strong> knowledgeable physicists, experts in radiation sickness, anthropologists, linguists,psychologists, semioticians, and whatever additional administrative expertise may becalled for now and in the future” (1986, p. 168). The scientist <strong>of</strong> semiotic systemsand communication recommends, as his fail-safe code, a curse and a priesthood.Semi-idiotics? This is the future envisioned by priests <strong>of</strong> expert masculinity, logosand rationality: word without end, deadly secrets, disguises, clandestine initiations.“Memb<strong>ers</strong>hip in this elite ‘priesthood’ would be self-selective over time” (Sebeok:1986, p. 168).What sort <strong>of</strong> political action emerges from these ideas about the world? MichelFoucault wrote a series <strong>of</strong> articles in the Milan newspaper Corriere delta Serachronicling his trips to Iran and his ardent praise 24 for the Ayatollah Khomeini’soriginal, mythical and supposedly anti-political discourse (1978, p. 1). TheAyatollah, said Foucault, is a man who says nothing but no, who is non-political,and there will never be a “Khomeini” government (1978, p. 1). An Iranian womanresponded: “It seems that for a Western Left sick <strong>of</strong> humanism, Islam is preferable…but elsewhere! Many Iranians, like myself, are at a loss, desperate at the thought <strong>of</strong>an ‘Islamic government’” (Eribon: 1989, p. 305). Foucault responded that Mme. H.was unintelligent, hateful, and did not und<strong>ers</strong>tand Islam (Eribon: 1989, p. 305).White western men und<strong>ers</strong>tand Islam better than Iranian women?Vincent Descombes (1989) analyzes Foucault’s defense <strong>of</strong> his support forKhomeini which appeared in Le Monde as “Inutile de soulever?” 25 Descombessummarizes Foucault’s political strategy: “What importance can there be in this23. Robert Young (1981, p. 3) describes semiology as “a science <strong>of</strong> signs, whereas structuralism is amethod <strong>of</strong> analysis.” Semiotics is how semiology has come to be known in America, following theinfluence <strong>of</strong> C.S.Pierce.24. See also the interview with Michel Foucault, “Iran: The Spirit <strong>of</strong> a World Without Spirit” in thecollection edited by Lawrence Kritzman (Foucault: 1988, pp. 211–224).25. See especially pp. 41–43 <strong>of</strong> Descombes (1989).
A SPACE ODYSSEY 19death, that shout, or that uprising and in return, what do I care about any generalprinciple in any particular situation?” (1989, p. 41). Descombes consid<strong>ers</strong> that thisarticle reveals Foucault’s fundamental views about the individual and the collective.Committed revolutionary activity is not the source <strong>of</strong> Foucault’s acts, rather, heindulges in a desire to participate enthusiastically in disruption. Singularity takes allprivileges; Foucault is enraged by all constraints, limits, obstacles to the wilful andspontaneous expression <strong>of</strong> the singular (man). According to Foucault’s formulations,the question <strong>of</strong> whether the individual is abusive can never be raised. Any actionagainst the univ<strong>ers</strong>al, or collective oth<strong>ers</strong>, is good. In Foucault’s system, arguesDescombes, there is no place for political judgement (1989, p. 43). “Foucault hasmanaged to join in one sentence a surrealistic ethic demanding a state <strong>of</strong> permanentexception for the individual and a supercilious cleric. It’s an unexpected alliance <strong>of</strong>the marquis de Sade and Julien Benda” (1989, p. 43).Dario Fo, active in Italian political theatre, also speaks to the empty gestures <strong>of</strong>the contemporary postmodern era: “In Italy postmodernism is a fashion that isalready dead. Fashion is by nature ephemeral: it is what results when there is not afundamental, real reason, ideology, or morality behind a discourse. In other words,when discourse doesn’t make an argument” (Stephanson and Salvioni: 1986/7,p. 167). Fo’s Gramscian critique <strong>of</strong> postmodernism’s cultural vision and point <strong>of</strong>reference reintroduces notions <strong>of</strong> connection and creative formation, indeed, <strong>of</strong> selfotherrelations: “Culture is also a moral term. We are not just talking about literaturebut about a concept <strong>of</strong> life and the quality <strong>of</strong> life. Culture means the search for apositive relation between people, for an active moral attitude <strong>of</strong> solidarity”(Stephanson and Salvioni: 1986/7, p. 164). 26The implosion <strong>of</strong> consciousness and responsibility, the death <strong>of</strong> meaning, is beingproclaimed by postmodernism. All this is occurring as feminist critiques <strong>of</strong> theeconomy <strong>of</strong> patriarchal ideological and material control <strong>of</strong> women emerge fromwomen’s liberation movements. In her article, “The race for theory,” BarbaraChristian charges that this new white male theory and language “surfaced,interestingly enough, just when the literature <strong>of</strong> peoples <strong>of</strong> colour, black women,Latin Americans, and Africans began to move to ‘the centre’” (1988, p. 71). I arguethat postmodernism’s declaration <strong>of</strong> the death <strong>of</strong> God the Father is a denial <strong>of</strong> thepractice <strong>of</strong> male supremacy, past and present. It is my contention thatpostmodernism is a masculine ideology based on a notion <strong>of</strong> consciousness ashostile, and an epistemology <strong>of</strong> negation which is one <strong>of</strong> separation, discontinuityand dismemberment. Narcissistic and romantic, these idéologues (lateEnlightenment nominalists) imitate divine process. They are engaged in a process <strong>of</strong>disengagement. As such, it is not possible to reclaim or rehabilitate postmodernismfor feminist uses. To simply add woman to the recipe for the “death <strong>of</strong> man” and the26. The work <strong>of</strong> the Milan Women’s Bookstore and Italian feminism is not necessarily within hisconsideration, since his reference is to a masculine class analysis. For a preliminary feminist critique<strong>of</strong> Gramsci, see Brodribb (1989b).
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