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The Political Economy of Japan Bradley M. RICHARDSON

The Political Economy of Japan Bradley M. RICHARDSON

The Political Economy of Japan Bradley M. RICHARDSON

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conditions and to flexibly produce different products to take advantage <strong>of</strong> market"niches" <strong>of</strong> varying kinds (81). Elsewhere in the economy, small supplier firms aresaid to serve as a cushion to large firms by allowing the larger firms to reduce laborcosts. This is <strong>of</strong>ten said to be the practice in such assembly dominated industries asautomobiles. In some cases small supplier firms are said to also absorb the effects <strong>of</strong>economic downturns, albeit this is recognized to occur at considerable social cost(82).e) Rapid postwar economic growth in the industrialized world plus aninternational commitment to free trade also facilitated <strong>Japan</strong>ese growth in the 1950sand 1960s. <strong>Japan</strong>'s growth in the entire postwar era depended on her ability to sellsufficient amounts <strong>of</strong> products abroad to pay for raw material imports needed for agrowing economy. A free trade regime made this possible. Also, while <strong>Japan</strong>'s earlypostwar growth reflected the pull <strong>of</strong> internal demand for industrial equipment andconsumer durables, in some later years exports were the locomotive <strong>of</strong> growth (83).This was the case during the sustained domestic recessions <strong>of</strong> the 1970s (84).f) <strong>Japan</strong>'s dynamic growth may in some areas also reflect the <strong>Japan</strong>esegovernment's limited direct ownership role in the economy compared with postwarEurope. All <strong>of</strong> <strong>Japan</strong>'s telecommunications and the major international <strong>Japan</strong>ese aircarrier were government owned until the privatization <strong>of</strong> the mid-1980s. So was much<strong>of</strong> the <strong>Japan</strong>ese railway system. All long-distance lines were publicly owned,although there were private rail and subway operations in the largest cities. Butcomparability with Europe stops at this point. Unlike the French government, <strong>Japan</strong>had no nationalized banks. Nor did <strong>Japan</strong>'s government own or managemanufacturing and production facilities in economic sectors such as iron and steel,electric power, petroleum refining and automobiles, whereas one or another <strong>of</strong> theseindustries was wholly or partly publicly owned and operated at some time in postwarFrance, Britain, Germany and Italy (85). <strong>The</strong> modest direct role <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Japan</strong>ese stateis not well appreciated abroad, where a much more substantial level <strong>of</strong> governmentintervention is usually assumed to exist.Levels <strong>of</strong> government ownership were thus limited in <strong>Japan</strong> compared withother major economies (86). (<strong>The</strong> United States is an exception, and <strong>Japan</strong> lookedsomewhat more like a typical European government until recently. But the UnitedStates is a notable outlier among advanced nations on the dimension <strong>of</strong> publicownership). After the mid-1980s the <strong>Japan</strong>ese government's direct role in theeconomy was further limited by privatization <strong>of</strong> the national railways, <strong>Japan</strong> Air Linesand Nippon Telephone and Telegraph. (<strong>The</strong> government still owns major portions <strong>of</strong>the stock in the divested companies. Complete de facto separation has been slowdue to lack <strong>of</strong> market interest in the privatized firms' stocks. Still, the management <strong>of</strong>the firms, their relationships with labor and their ties with other firms are radicallydifferent from before privatization.) Finally, while the <strong>Japan</strong>ese government has

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