Journalist’s Tradethat it got personal, with Davis at thecore of a laundry list of grievances.One mother held Davis directly responsiblefor her seven-year-olddaughter’s special education class beingcut. A community college studentblamed him for her rising fees andinability to enroll in a chemistry class.A souvenir shop manager in Hollywoodwas ticked off about her lack of parking.On and on the list grew, but to eachproblem the proposed remedy was thesame: Throw the rascal out.If recall backers were making Davisout to be the villain, to opponents ofthe recall, he remained almost an abstraction.In rural areas and in cities,even diehard recall opponents wereloath to say they actually supported thegovernor. Instead they expressed philosophicalobjections to the recall—itsexpense, the Republican’s “powergrab,” the futility of leadership change,but would just as quickly add: “Not thatI like Davis.”Hearing this chorus of complaintbegan to pose a journalistic challenge:to report what we were hearing mightmake it seem we were stacking thedeck. So we looked harder for Davissupporters to provide some balance,but often came up short. We mixed upthe story lineup, anticipating, for instance,that gay and lesbian voters inSan Francisco would likely voice strongsupport for the governor, who hadsupported them on key <strong>issue</strong>s. Instead,when we talked with them, we encounteredwidespread ambivalence. Manysaid they weren’t terribly interested inthe recall election. “San Francisco is avery colorful city. It’s hard to have agovernor as flavorless as Gray Davis,”explained a lesbian attorney.By early September, having loggedsome 1,800 miles, one thing was obvious:Gray Davis was in trouble, bigtrouble. We didn’t have to say this—instory after story, the voters did.Strategically Reporting onVotersRosemary Dominguez, with her two-year-old daughter Vanessa, intended to vote for therecall of Governor Gray Davis and for Cruz Bustamante for governor. Photo by José LuisVillegas/The Sacramento Bee.We knew none of this, of course, whenour reporting journey began in earlyAugust. Back then, the greatest challengeseemed to be how to make thepieces unique and not repetitious—toavoid the coffee-shop peril. All too often,it seems, journalists take the easyroute on these kinds of assignments,blowing into a community, locatingthe town “hang-out,” and quizzing ahandful of patrons while discreetlygathering colorful anecdotes about thetablecloths and quaint wall hangingsto give each piece a sense of place.But this election, and this state, werefar more complex than that. As thenation’s most populous state, and thethird largest geographically, Californiais a place where diversity is measurednot just by race and ethnicity, but bymany other factors: socio-economics,sexual orientation, language and culture,urban vs. rural, young and old,newcomer vs. old-timer.To truly capture these wide-rangingvoices, and to distinguish the pieces,we had to spurn the journalistic traditionof the mom-and-pop café—of hittingthe road and winging it. We had tohave a plan, a strategy for where wewere going and why. With meticulousfront-end research by Bee librarian PeteBasofin, who crunched and recrunchedstatewide data and rifledthrough dusty political annuals, wesketched out our targets before we lefthome.There was Placer County in the Sacramentoregion, for instance, a Republicanstronghold that had collected thehighest percentage of recall signaturesof any county in the state. Later, wewould visit heavily Democrat San Francisco,the county that had returned thelowest percentage of recall signatures.We traveled to remote Modoc Countyon the Oregon and Nevada borders,where median household income isthe lowest in the state.And we spent time in Merced Countyin the San Joaquin Valley, where smalldairy farms and lush orchards are givingway overnight to model homes andnew Starbucks. As demographics haveshifted throughout the Valley, Mercedremains one of the last counties whereDemocrats still hold a slight edge overRepublicans, though Republicans oftenprove to be more reliable voters.These particular aspects about variouslocales helped frame the stories,giving readers a fresh context for eachinstallment in the series. With Basofin’shelp, the stories contained not onlycolorful characters talking about therecall and what it meant to them, butalso plenty of rich detail about the54 <strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2003
California Recallareas and their historical and politicalsignificance.Not all the pieces were defined byinteresting demographics or politicalpatterns. Some places were simply chosenas backdrops for specific subjects.For instance, we wanted to talk withprison guards—one of Davis’s controversialconstituencies, as he upped theirpay during his leadership (then latertried to renege). For this we traveled toCrescent City near the Oregon border,home of the notorious Pelican Bay StatePrison, where the maximum-securityprison has not always enjoyed an easymarriage with the small coastal town.Meanwhile, women’s rights activists,supportive of Davis, struggled tobe heard over the clang-clang of voters’fiscal alarm. For this perspective, wewent to Fresno County in the CentralValley, where teen birth rates are thehighest in the state—and actually costtaxpayers the most money. We usedSan Diego as the backdrop for a talkradiostory, focusing on conservativetalk-show host and former mayor, RogerHedgecock, an early recall supporterwho whipped up local voters with“drive-by” petition signings. And justfor fun, we hit San Diego’s popularTourmaline Surfing Park, where agingsurfers defied the loopy, checked-outdude image and plunged into articulate,reasoned discussions about therecall.Moving Beyond AssumptionsThe surfers went against stereotype—one of the biggest traps I believe journalistscan fall into on these kinds ofassignments. With limited time in unknownplaces, there is a tendency toover-generalize—to make sweepingconclusions about a whole region orgroup of people, based on a day or twoof interviewing.As a 2001 Ethics Fellow at ThePoynter Institute in St. Petersburg,Florida, I wrote a paper about what Icall “geographic bias,” an affliction sufferedmost commonly by national reporters.The journalists, who parachuteinto strange places at a moment’s notice,routinely try to help readers andviewers get oriented with scene-settingor contextual stories—a worthygoal, except when the work ends upbeing one-dimensional or even twisted.Rural areas are the most susceptible,probably because they are themost foreign to urban journalists—and seem so quaint and simple to theuntrained eye. As a native Nebraskan, Icringe every four years during the presidentialcaucuses in Iowa and the predictableromps around farm country.Dara Morehouse, dressed like Marilyn Monroe and pulling a wagon, takes flyers toGrauman’s Chinese Theatre. Photo by José Luis Villegas/The Sacramento Bee.Jewell Charles blamed California GovernorGray Davis and the U.S. Governmentfor the state of the economy. Photo by JoséLuis Villegas/The Sacramento Bee.Never mind that Iowa’s political decisionsare driven by its urban areas.Never mind that Des Moines is one ofthe world’s busiest insurance centers.Do we ever see Iowa people in suitsand ties? Instead, we are constantlytreated to footage of folksy farmers andrippling ripe cornfields, despite thefact that a cornfield in Iowa in Januaryis nothing more than frozen stubble.Where there is “geographic bias” byjournalists, stereotypes abound. In ruralareas, for instance, the regulars atthe local steakhouse suddenly becomethe voice for the whole community oreven state. The images from the barbershopor bingo parlor are portrayedas the sum of life here.On our travels, José and I vowed toavoid that trap and developed a mantrato keep us grounded: “It is what it is,”we said over and over. At first, it was aresponse to weariness as we crawledinside the car after another long day ofstalking and stopping strangers or gettingchased by farm dogs. But I thinkover time it reminded us not to overreach—notto even try to write the“definitive” piece about an area after<strong>Nieman</strong> Reports / Winter 2003 55