Chapter 2. Insect Foods of North American Indigenous Populations ...

Chapter 25 of 68 9/20/2012 1:34 PMyellowjackets, aphids, mesquite beetles, june beetles, stoneflies and lice were also eaten but in lesser quantity.Sutton disagrees with the view that insects were mostly obtained on an "encounter" basis, stating that, "theethnohistoric and ethnographic data indicate that considerable planning, travel, and effort was often involved ininsect procurement." Such effort suggests that aboriginal groups were knowledgeable about the seasonal andgeographic availability of insects and that the insect resources were fully integrated into aboriginal economicsystems. Although fresh insects were available primarily from April to October, many accounts specify thatinsect foods were stored for later use, often in large quantities. According to Sutton, "Stored insects, combinedwith stored plant products (with which insects were often mixed) may have formed a balanced diet providing fora comfortable winter."Although cost/benefit ratios for collecting most insect resources have not been determined, Sutton notesthat studies have shown high return rates for Mormon crickets and grasshoppers. Collecting and processing ofinsects in the Great Basin was conducted primarily by women, although in "drives" requiring the participation ofmany people, men, women and children probably participated.In summary, Sutton concludes that insects probably constituted a major rather than a minor resource inthe Great Basin, and states that "Anthropologists should continue to seek elucidation of the use of insect foods,both ethnographically and archaeologically, and should consider insect foods important resources that were fullyintegrated into the various economies of the aboriginal Great Basin."The point made by Sutton that if the role of insects in North American aboriginal economies isunderestimated, the role of other components is therefore overestimated and we lack an accurate understandingof the systems as a whole, is of particular interest and has wide implications. If this is true for North America, itis probably equally true for Africa, Asia and elsewhere inasmuch as most of the early information was furnishedby Europeans. The historical record of insect consumption may be an excellent example of history distorted bybeing seen only through the eyes of those who wrote it.Several points come into focus as one peruses the North American literature:1. Insect consumption was widespread among tribes in western North America, but not in the eastern partof the continent. Waugh (1916) and Carr (1951) are among the few reports from east of the Mississippi River.On the other hand, not all western tribes used insects (see Dorsey 1884, Ray 1933, Voegelin 1938, and Barnett1939, for example). Hoffman (1896) suggested that the Menomini did not eat insects and other "loathsomefood" because they had "always lived in a country where game, fish, and small fruits were found in greater orlesser abundance," and Skinner (1910) suggests that "the universal practice of agriculture south of the GreatLakes" obviated any need for insects as food.The reasons suggested by Hoffman and Skinner would seem to be discounted, however, by numerousreports from the West that the Indians relished insects in the midst of abundant food resources. Dixon (1905)states, regarding the Northern Maidu in the lower Sierra region, "Of animal food [deer, elk, rabbits, etc.] therewas an abundance. . . . Yellow-jacket larvae were, however, eagerly sought, as were also angle-worms.Grasshoppers, locusts, and crickets were highly esteemed, and in their dried condition were much used in trade."Muir (1911), described a great variety and abundance of foods, then stated, "Strange to say, they seem to like thelake larvae [Hydropyrus hians pupae] best of all." According to Ross (1956), despite a profusion of salmon,buffalo and vegetables, the Snake Indians resort to "the most nauseous and disgusting articles of food," such ascrickets, grasshoppers and ants.2. Insects were an integral part of the seasonal rounds of food gathering. This is evident in many reports,but quick insight on the role of insects within the context of food gathering can be provided by quoting from theexcellent and concise description by Emma Lou Davis (1962) of the seasonal activities and locations of theMono Lake Paiute. Mono Lake is located at the base of the Sierra Nevada, within the Upper Sonoran Life Zoneat an elevation of 6,400 feet. Davis states (p. 24):Due to this climatic variability and to the range in altitudes the area offered a wide range ofseasonal foods which were attractive to hunter-gatherers. From April through October differentnatural food crops matured in turn throughout the territory. The activities of the Mono LakePaiute, and of other aboriginal travelers and visitors, were geared to this cycle of food events. Ateach season the people had different sorts of camps, in different places and with significantlydifferent artifact assemblages.The Kuzedika had only a stone-age tool kit, [but] their culture was characterized by a number ofhighly developed specialties which permitted them to cope successfully with their unpredictableenvironment. In common with other Basin-Plateau peoples they possessed a diversified complexof beautifully made baskets, permitting them to collect, toast and winnow tiny seeds and fine