30paper if it is multinational and controlled by <strong>the</strong> United Nations, or consists of nationalforces which are no longer directly controlled by <strong>the</strong> contributing nations.In 2004, <strong>the</strong> ICRC announced that it would expand its contacts with <strong>the</strong> PMCindustry, recognising its role in conflict zones. The Red Cross also reaffirmed its stancethat contractors, including armed guards, are civilians entitled to <strong>the</strong> protection ofinternational humanitarian law. 102 In September 2008, <strong>the</strong> ICRC finalised <strong>the</strong> MontreuxDocument on Private Military and Security Companies, also referred to as <strong>the</strong> ‘SwissInitiative’. This initiative was intended to promote respect for international humanitarianlaw, and <strong>the</strong> signatories acknowledged <strong>the</strong>ir duty to control PMC. Australia, <strong>the</strong> UnitedStates and United Kingdom were among <strong>the</strong> original seventeen national signatories. Afur<strong>the</strong>r twenty-four countries have since signed. 103Whe<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> UN’s legal definition can be strictly applied to today’s PMC in <strong>the</strong>GWOT is debatable—but <strong>the</strong>se PMC have already achieved de facto legal status.PMC generally assert that <strong>the</strong>y perform ei<strong>the</strong>r supporting roles or security functions,meaning that <strong>the</strong>y have no intention of ‘fighting in an armed conflict’. Fur<strong>the</strong>rmore,<strong>the</strong> operations in which <strong>the</strong>y participate carry <strong>the</strong> official sanction of <strong>the</strong> UnitedNations and are <strong>the</strong>refore not ‘a concerted act of violence aimed at overthrowinga government’. Thus, PMC logically assert that <strong>the</strong>y do not fit <strong>the</strong> UN’s definitionof mercenaries. The governments participating in Coalition operations in Iraq andAfghanistan apparently agree with this interpretation as <strong>the</strong>y ei<strong>the</strong>r have contractswith PMC to support <strong>the</strong>ir operations or have allowed <strong>the</strong>ir citizens to be employedby PMC. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> United Nations and its agencies also utilise <strong>the</strong> services of PMC. 104None<strong>the</strong>less, all armed PMC personnel run <strong>the</strong> risk of being regarded as mercenariesif captured—and thus forfeiting <strong>the</strong> legal rights of recognised combatants or noncombatants.102 ‘The ICRC to expand contacts with private military and security companies’, 4 August 2004, accessed 5 January 2010.103 ICRC, Montreux Document on Private Military and Security Companies (also referred to as <strong>the</strong>‘Swiss Initiative’), Bern, 17 September 2008, accessed 5 January 2010.104 The author observed this first hand while serving as a UN observer in East Timor in 2000.
31National laws and accountabilityAt <strong>the</strong> national level, mercenarism has rarely attracted significant legal attention. Forthis reason, PMC generally operate outside <strong>the</strong> framework of legal accountability.In <strong>the</strong> United States, <strong>the</strong> Neutrality Act was originally enacted in 1794 andrevised in 1937 following <strong>the</strong> Spanish Civil War. The Act prohibits <strong>the</strong> recruitment ofmercenaries on US territory. During <strong>the</strong> 1970s, accepting mercenary employment waswidely believed to result in <strong>the</strong> loss of US citizenship although, under contemporaryUS law, mercenary activity is not a crime unless o<strong>the</strong>r criminal or international lawsare breached. 105 Prior to his election, President Barack Obama promised to tightencontrol on <strong>the</strong> operations of PMC. His administration has since determined thatUS PMC operating in conflict zones must adhere to <strong>the</strong> Uniform Code of MilitaryJustice. 106In <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom, <strong>the</strong> Foreign Enlistment Act of 1870 was originally intendedto prevent British subjects from jeopardising British foreign policy, and arose from<strong>the</strong> difficulty of British neutrality during <strong>the</strong> American Civil War ra<strong>the</strong>r than as ameans of prohibiting mercenarism. There have been no convictions under <strong>the</strong> Act,suggesting that <strong>the</strong> issue has been largely avoided. 107 Following <strong>the</strong> prosecution of<strong>the</strong> British mercenaries in Angola in 1975, Lord Diplock told <strong>the</strong> British Governmentthat mercenarism per se should not constitute a crime, although <strong>the</strong> recruitmentof mercenaries to fight in foreign conflicts may be considered so. 108 Mockler arguesthat <strong>the</strong> Neutrality Act and Foreign Enlistment Act are virtually dead letters. 109 TonyGeraghty agrees, pointing out that:Such inactivity derives from <strong>the</strong> fact that some freelance operators can be veryuseful to government from time to time, and that this consideration outweighs<strong>the</strong> occasional embarrassment. 110105 Hoare, Congo Mercenary, p. 241; and Kwakwa, The International Law of Armed Conflict,pp. 116–18.106 N Hodge, ‘PSCs become US election issue’, Jane’s Defence Weekly, 12 March 2008, p. 9.107 Burchett and Roebuck, The Whores of War, pp. 184–96; Shearer, Private Armies and MilitaryIntervention, p. 20.108 Kwakwa, The International Law of Armed Conflict, pp. 118–19.109 Mockler, The New Mercenaries, p. 356.110 Geraghty, Who Dares Wins, p. 133.
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- Page 45: 41March 1987,SydneyMay 1988,SydneyM
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- Page 56 and 57: 52Hider, J, ‘Private guards to lo
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