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Grant, The Boat People - Refugee Educators' Network

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The Boat People<br />

transport war arranged for them and some of their possessions. Food<br />

and a small amount of money was provided for the trip. On arrival,<br />

local authorities werc supposed to provide tach family with certain<br />

essentials: land, f m roois, seeds, fertilizers, building materials and<br />

six months' rice. Once in the zones, families were ro buy basic suppl~es<br />

on credit at state-run stores, paying for them after tht fimt harvest.<br />

The NEZS were not simply a way of cutting an intolerably high<br />

level of urban unemployment, boosting agricullural output and<br />

making Vietnam more self-sufficient, They were part of s process<br />

of resmcturing society dong socialist lines. They served to dispmt<br />

people from potential centre1 of dissent and resistance formerly<br />

under the mnaol of the old rkgitne, Once in an NEZ, southtmm<br />

could expect to lx mixed with mlcrs from the north, Northern<br />

adres could shepherd the ideologically unccnain southern flock.<br />

'Re-education', which was intended to reform through 'study,<br />

practice and latar', is as convovcrsial a subject as NEZS. It bepn<br />

on a large ale<br />

in June 1975, when memkrs of the defeated armed<br />

forces were ordered to register. Numbers involved were huge. The<br />

regular force - army, navy, air force and marina - as well as the<br />

regional and popular forces, totalled about 1.2 million men, They<br />

were commanded by 40 000 to 50 000 officers, Paramilitary forces<br />

added another 1.2 million men to the tally; the national police<br />

another 125 000. Many of thest military personnel had shed their<br />

unifum and weapons, donned mufti and merged into civilian life<br />

rather than surrmdcr to the communistsa However, a left-wing<br />

French journalist who w ~s in Saigon after the takeover and had dose<br />

links with the new rulers reported that they had captured one of five<br />

American computers. In its memory bank was a 'Who's Who' that<br />

included informatiori on the politid affiliations of members of the<br />

disbandd army Computer cards for the police and civil service<br />

were also repd<br />

to have bnn recovered. In addition to the military<br />

and police, there were about 300 000 civil servants, politicians, and<br />

others closely associated with the previous rtgimc who were eligible<br />

for reeducation.<br />

lie authorities outlined their approach to the subject in these<br />

terms: Political courses huve been organized to help the persons concerned<br />

to see more clearly the crimes and schemm of the Americans<br />

I<br />

and the traitm, as well as the duties of Viemamere citizens in the<br />

new stage of national reconstruction md socialist itmction, and<br />

to mend their ways in order to find a place for themelvee in the<br />

new society. Thm broad categories of 'the persons concerned' w m<br />

established. In the first were ordinary soldiers, ~ws, and lowranking<br />

mberr of the administration and poiitid organizations<br />

of the previous government. They completed on-the-spot courses in<br />

less than a week. Secondly, there were the more senior funaionarics<br />

and officers, up to the rank of captain. They remained in rp.<br />

education ccnm for anything from ten days to a y w and werc then<br />

liable to sdminisaativr surveillance for dx to twelve month* Then<br />

,<br />

thcrc were the 'difficult' mw from the second categoiy. Thew were<br />

held longer and merged with inmates of camps set up for thosc who<br />

had htld important political, military and policc posts.<br />

Evasiun was consider~ble. In Saigon for cxsmpie, official figures ,<br />

suggest that in one disvict 5000 out of 25 000 military did not regis-<br />

'<br />

ter. Also, although the authorities promised to err on the ~idc of<br />

leniency, so that thmc who were found to have made real ptogrcss ,<br />

would be authorized to return to their homa and to recover their<br />

civil rights earlier than the rtgul~tion time, many detainees hsve ail1<br />

not been released. Most are believed to be military and police officers.<br />

With them are m unknown number of ex-civil servants, politicians<br />

and lml officials. In 1976 Vietnam's ambassador in Paris<br />

claimed 'only 50000' people w m still being htld, In April 1977 a<br />

senior mmunlst official teporttd that 96 per cent of those formerly<br />

associnttd with the defunct Sdgon government had b m<br />

'cnfranchiscd'.<br />

For many, re-cduation was a simple stepping stone to rcinttgration<br />

in society and recovery of civil righu, but for others it was a<br />

tougher transition to probationary or second-class citizenship md<br />

for some (the 'stubhm' cases) it was bleak detention. The US state<br />

department in December 1978 estimated that Vietnam held from<br />

lH3 000 to 200 000 politiaal prisoners. Whatever the actual number,<br />

they are ~pparentiy kept in two types of camp - those for long-term<br />

incarceration and thae from which releases we progressively made.<br />

Most are believed to be in the latter. They live under conditions that<br />

can be survived by people in robust physical health but would certainly<br />

bc damaging if not fatal to the ill and weak, They have to

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