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RUSSIA THE EURASIAN CUSTOMS UNION AND THE EU COOPERATION STAGNATION OR RIVALRY?

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FOCUS GROUP RESULTS<br />

which had been successfully resolved by the neighbouring<br />

countries during their process of integration with the <strong>EU</strong>.<br />

Other risks may be divided into two groups.<br />

(1) Political – according to many focus group participants,<br />

Ukraine’s accession to the Customs Union will result in loss<br />

of national sovereignty – the main political and strategic<br />

economic decisions will be taken in Moscow, Ukraine’s<br />

relations with the <strong>EU</strong> will deteriorate.<br />

• Political dependence on Russia (Zhytomyr)<br />

• Tension with Europe. Russia will be able to place its TMD systems<br />

at the Polish border, which is an <strong>EU</strong> member (Kharkiv)<br />

• They have a dictator, and we will have the same (Donetsk)<br />

• They still wage a war there, with Chechnya… I do not want it…<br />

(Donetsk)<br />

• When the Russians come, the Russian language will be treated as<br />

the main one (Lviv)<br />

At the same time, it should be noted that adherents of<br />

accession to the Customs Union admit the existence of threats<br />

to the national sovereignty and democracy, but express no<br />

interest in preserving sovereignty or strengthening democracy<br />

in the country:<br />

• Ukraine has never been politically independent. Every busybody<br />

used to sell it.<br />

• How can one lose something nonexistent? It [sovereignty] is<br />

absent anyway (Simferopol)<br />

• Loss of sovereignty is not bad (Donetsk)<br />

• Democracy is nothing but a fiction, what are you talking about?<br />

It is all rubbish.<br />

• Maybe if there is a bit less freedom of speech but a bit more bread<br />

and butter, people will not feel worse (Kharkiv)<br />

• Does anyone need democracy? In Russia, nobody complains. In<br />

Belarus, nobody complains, too. Despite the totalitarian system.<br />

(Simferopol)<br />

(2) Economic: increasing economic dependence on<br />

Russia; reduction of the Ukrainian state budget and the<br />

Pension Fund revenues (i.e., the curtailment of social<br />

programmes) due to the redistribution of customs proceeds.<br />

Some participants expressed fears that some industries and<br />

competitive enterprises, not wanted by Russia, might be<br />

curtailed:<br />

• Customs duties collected on the border are distributed not quite<br />

fairly there. As far as I remember, 70% goes to Russia, 20% –<br />

to Belarus and 10% – to Kazakhstan. The figures are incomparable.<br />

(Kharkiv)<br />

• They will suck more blood from Ukraine than it gets (Zhytomyr)<br />

• Everything will be stocked with Russian produce (Donetsk)<br />

• Maybe a few more plants will be closed ( Donetsk)<br />

Effects of accession for some social groups. Similar<br />

to discussions about the effects of joining the <strong>EU</strong>, many<br />

participants expected no personal benefit from accession<br />

to the Customs Union:<br />

• Nothing will change for ordinary people. Everything will stay the<br />

way it is (Kyiv)<br />

• Nothing will change unless the system is changed here (Simferopol)<br />

• After joining the Customs Union we will see no change whatsoever<br />

(Zhytomyr)<br />

However, the participants of focus groups which were<br />

more inclined to join the Customs Union (e.g., Simferopol)<br />

expected a better life for most of the population.<br />

The Simferopol focus group also discussed the possible<br />

effect of the <strong>EU</strong>/СU on their lives by looking at the<br />

Crimean tourism related activities and expressed hopes that<br />

investments from the Customs Union and Russia, in particular,<br />

would contribute to the development of tourism business.<br />

• Moderator: if, say, Ukraine joins the Customs Union, what social<br />

groups will win from that, in the first place?<br />

• The middle class.<br />

• Probably, the state servants.<br />

• Public servants, teachers, physicians will benefit.<br />

• Pensions will go up, because they are higher in Russia (Simferopol)<br />

• Business, say, medium and small (Kharkiv).<br />

• I guess that those [companies] that were engaged [in cooperation]<br />

with Russia will win. The rest will win nothing (Zhytomyr)<br />

• Maybe we will have a lower unemployment rate among the youths,<br />

if we join the Customs Union and find new markets (Lviv)<br />

• Representatives of agriculture will benefit from joining the Customs<br />

Union (Kyiv)<br />

• Russian investments will help the tourism business improve<br />

[prices will go down and services will improve]. They [Russian<br />

businessmen] already own land, assets and hotels, but they are<br />

not allowed to develop all that (Simferopol)<br />

Regional specifics<br />

Focus group discussions in different regions revealed<br />

differences in positions of residents of different regions.<br />

The participants themselves had reported of those differences,<br />

noting regional specifics of foreign policy preferences of<br />

Ukrainian citizens.<br />

The participants said that none of the integration options<br />

would remove that problem and unite the country. On the<br />

contrary, they suggested that choosing one option could<br />

aggravate the existing differences. Also, a lot will depend on<br />

the conduct by Ukrainian leadership and politicians: they can<br />

either mitigate or aggravate regional differences.<br />

• West Ukraine will always be against Ukraine’s accession to the<br />

Customs Union.<br />

• And we will always be against the <strong>EU</strong>.<br />

• Anyway, differences among regions will grow.<br />

• However, the majority will accept any choice calmly. Our people<br />

will not revolt. Everyone will agree (Simferopol)<br />

CONCLUSIONS<br />

The discussions showed that economic incentives<br />

play a major role in reasoning the need for joining the<br />

<strong>EU</strong> and the Customs Union alike. Meanwhile, adherents<br />

of an integration with the <strong>EU</strong> tend to associate economic<br />

efficiency of the <strong>EU</strong> mainly with innovative development,<br />

while adherents of the Customs Union – with the idea<br />

of “restoring what had been lost”: economic ties among<br />

former Soviet republics, a return to low prices for energy<br />

resources.<br />

While the proponents of the <strong>EU</strong> integration stress the<br />

importance of high democratic standards in Ukraine,<br />

to the adherents of accession to the Customs Union<br />

democratic development is much less important than<br />

prosperity.<br />

The participants tended to focus not on the advantages<br />

but on the shortcomings of different lines of<br />

integration (with the <strong>EU</strong> or the Customs Union).<br />

Alongside the vocal support for a specific integration<br />

path even the adherents of accession to those unions<br />

expressed concerns that Ukraine would be an unequal<br />

partner, “used” by other countries (by wealthy Western<br />

European states in the <strong>EU</strong>; by Russia – in the Customs<br />

Union) for own political and economic interests.<br />

The preference for one or another integration<br />

trajectory is largely attributed to the mistrust in Ukraine’s<br />

ability to solve its social, economic, political problems<br />

independently. This is primarily related to the low level of<br />

trust in the Ukrainian political elite that, according to an<br />

overwhelming majority of participants, is not interested<br />

in positive changes. Those changes may be encouraged<br />

after joining an international union. These hopes were<br />

more often reported by the proponents of accession<br />

to the <strong>EU</strong>.<br />

On the other hand, mistrust in the Ukrainian<br />

leadership also gives rise to pessimism of many participants<br />

about the success of any integration, since,<br />

according to respondents, the Ukrainian authorities tend<br />

only to proclaim one or another policy (foreign policy)<br />

course and are not interested in its implementation that<br />

will benefit the lives of ordinary citizens.<br />

•<br />

RAZUMKOV CENTRE • NATIONAL SECURITY & DEFENCE • №4-5, 2013 • 103

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