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54 • Fifty Shades of Tax Dodging<br />

Special Purpose Entities (SPEs)<br />

Denmark has a certain type of shell company structure called<br />

‘kommandit’ companies and it is possible to set up trusts. As<br />

part of the December tax haven package, a law was passed<br />

in April 2015 to ensure that the creator of a trust is taxed in a<br />

manner that makes it more difficult to use these structures<br />

to dodge taxes. 400 The government has also initiated<br />

investigations to outline the use of the kommandit structures<br />

in tax dodging. The full investigation is set to finish by the<br />

end of 2015. However, preliminary conclusions have already<br />

resulted in the government planning to set up a new register<br />

for the owners of kommandit companies, to avoid these<br />

companies being used by foreigners to dodge taxes. 401<br />

Patent box<br />

Denmark does not have a patent box and has no plans to<br />

introduce one. 402<br />

Tax treaties<br />

Denmark has 87 tax treaties with different countries around<br />

the world, of which 37 are with developing countries. 403 The<br />

negotiations of treaties are conducted by the Ministry of<br />

Taxation with no involvement of other ministries or external<br />

actors – including the Foreign Ministry. 404 The tax treaties<br />

with developing countries were, until the mid-1990s, largely<br />

based on the United Nations (UN) model, while subsequent<br />

treaties are primarily based on the Organisation for Economic<br />

Co-operation and Development (OECD) model. Asked if the<br />

Ministry would consider once again using the UN model as a<br />

starting point for negotiations with developing countries today,<br />

the answer is no. Officials state that they prefer to “present the<br />

same draft irrespective of the country we negotiate with.” 405<br />

However, a small step forward in Denmark’s treaties came<br />

in 2015, with the adoption of the ‘super GAAR’ (see above).<br />

This means that all Danish treaties now include an anti-abuse<br />

clause, which was not the case before. 406<br />

It is problematic that the Danish tax treaties are negotiated<br />

without the involvement of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as it<br />

results in a lack of policy coherence. This became very clear<br />

in the autumn of 2014, when the government negotiated a tax<br />

treaty with Ghana. The treaty has been highly criticised by<br />

non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and left-wing parties<br />

for being unfavourable towards Ghana. It has a tax rate of only<br />

5 per cent on transferred assets to Danish subsidiaries, which<br />

is lower than the 8 per cent stated in Ghanaian legislation. 407<br />

The treaty stands in sharp contrast to the Danish development<br />

policy in Ghana, which has an explicit focus on strengthening<br />

the Ghanaian tax system and domestic resource<br />

mobilisation. 408 Thus there is lack of coherence between<br />

Danish tax policies and Danish development policies. This<br />

misalignment sill happens despite the Danish Government’s<br />

Policy Coherence for Development (PCD) plan, which is clearly<br />

not being implemented by the Ministry of Taxation. 409<br />

A Parliamentary hearing was held in April 2015 on the effect<br />

of Danish tax treaties with developing countries. Responding<br />

to the critics of the Danish treaty with Ghana, the then<br />

Minister of Taxation sought to offer reassurance that the deal<br />

did not cheat Ghana of revenue, but at the same time he also<br />

stated that “Denmark does not give development assistance<br />

through tax treaties”, a statement that reaffirms the<br />

government’s position that tax treaties should not be crafted<br />

in a way that is more favourable to developing countries. 410<br />

The tax focus in the Danish PCD plan is on strengthening<br />

and implementing fair tax systems, and creating synergies<br />

between the fight against tax fraud and the promotion<br />

of good governance within taxation. 411 Furthermore, the<br />

Ministry of Development and Trade in April presented a<br />

plan on ‘tax and development’, which added extra funds of<br />

€1.34 million to the Danish development work on tax. 412 The<br />

ministry focuses on advocacy and capacity building, with<br />

a special focus on civil society, regional and international<br />

organisations. 413 The total value of the current and new<br />

Danish tax and development agenda amounts to €75 million<br />

until 2019. 414 These are all welcomed initiatives, but it is<br />

worrying that they are happening without coordination<br />

with the Ministry of Taxation, which allows for the kind of<br />

inconsistencies that the treaty with Ghana demonstrates.<br />

A powerful tool to become aware and to better avoid these<br />

inconsistencies would be for Denmark to carry out a spillover<br />

analysis of its tax practices on developing countries and<br />

to ensure that, when Ministries’ objectives collide, then the<br />

objective that overrules is the one in favour of development.<br />

Unfortunately, the Tax Ministry has no plans to conduct a<br />

spill-over analysis, 415 nor to implement the PCD, which it<br />

considers to belong under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. 416<br />

Financial and corporate transparency<br />

Seemingly inspired by a British model, the previous<br />

government encouraged relevant stakeholders to establish a<br />

‘Fair Tax mark’, a label that companies that live up to certain<br />

standards can put on their products to show consumers<br />

their commitment to fair and transparent taxation. 417 The<br />

government hopes that “…a fair tax-brand will bring the<br />

transparency all the way to the counter, all the way to<br />

consumers.” 418 It remains to be seen whether these plans<br />

will progress under the newly formed government.

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