Вінніпеґ Український № 11 (January 2016)

#11 СІЧЕНЬ 

JANUARY 2016

Звернення 

редакторів 

EDITORS’ 

COLUMN 

Христос рождається! Славімо Його! 

Christ is born! Glorify Him! 

орогі читачі, 

Д Прийміть наші привітання з нагоди найсвітлішого та найвеличнішого 

свята для всіх нас – Різдва Христового! 

Ось ми і попрощались з 2015 роком, а зараз з надією, планами та Божим 

благословенням вирушаємо у рік 2016. Нехай він буде щасливим для 

кожного з нас! Пам’ятайте, що життя занадто коротке, аби тримати образи 

та пам’ятати погане, пробачайте одне одному та бережіть одне одного! 

У цьому номері, як і в попередньому, ми трошки збільшили кількість англомовних 

статей, а також продовжили експеримент з дитячою сторінкою. 

Якщо вашим діткам цікава ця рубрика, дайте нам знати. 

Щиро дякуємо професору Ярославу Пилинському та професору Мирославу 

Шкандрію за цікаві матеріали про сучасні реалії України, а також, 

Ярославу Зуровському за цікаву інформацію в рубриці «Думка». Як 

завжди висловлюємо подяку Норберту К. Івану, Тетяні Мурзуненко та 

Анастасії Гнатюк за допомогу в створенні цього номера. 

Дякуємо за те, що ви з нами! 

Валерій та Андрій 

ear Readers, 

Please accept our warmest congratulations 

D 

on the occasion of the greatest holiday of 

all – Christmas! 

The New Year is upon us and as we say goodbye 

to 2015 we are heading into 2016 with hopes, plans 

and God’s blessing. Let it be a happy year for every 

single one of us. Remember that life is too short for 

us to hold a grudge and harbor resentment or any ill 

feelings; instead we should forgive and cherish one 

another! 

Similarly to the past issue, we have increased 

the amount of articles in English and continued to 

incorporate the children’s section in the current one. 

Please let us know if the latter has engaged your little 

ones. 

We would like to express our sincere thanks and 

appreciation to Professor Yaroslav Pylynskyi and 

Professor Myroslav Shkandrij for providing us with 

valuable information and insight into the current circumstances 

in Ukraine, as well of Jaroslaw Zurowsky 

for interesting information in the “Opinion” section 

of the magazine. Additionally, we would like to thank 

Norbert K. Iwan, Tetyana Murzunenko and Anastasia 

Hnatyuk for their input into the current issue. 

Thank you everyone for being with us! 

Valerii and Andrii 

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Publisher: Ukrainian Winnipeg Portal 

UkrainianWinnipeg.ca 

For advertising and other inquiries, please call 

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The publishers may not have the same standpoints with the author 

of printed materials. Advertisers are responsible for the content of 

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All articles by Valerii Pasko and Andrii Shcherbukha unless 

specified otherwise. 

Cover photo: Norbert K. Iwan 

Special thanks: Slava and Gerry Edmunds, Anastasia 

Hnatyuk, Tetyana Zazulyak and Volodymyr Varakuta. 

Слава Україні! 

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WAR IN UKRAINE 

A summer 

when Ukraine 

remembered and 

commemorated, 

but the war 

continued 

Myroslav Shkandrij 

This summer, as a shaky ceasefire appeared to hold, 

Ukrainians were able to look back over the events of the 

last two years. Reminders are everywhere. A sculpture 

in the Mystetsky (Art) Arsenal Gallery in Kyiv shows a 

map of the country with Crimea broken off. Made from a 

shattered wall, it marks the moment in March 2014 when 

Putin sent troops into Crimea and annexed the peninsula. 

he dramatic events of the Maidan demonstrations between 

November 2013 and February 2014 were on display 

all summer in the centre of Kyiv, where a photo 

T 

exhibition provided eerie reminders of the drama in 

that played out in the same space a little more than a year ago. 

4 

Український Вінніпеґ - СІЧЕНЬ 2016 -


eminders of that winter’s revolution can be found 

throughout the city. On the wall of the Academy of 

R Sciences, at the spot where the protest march to parliament 

was halted and a pitched battle took place, 

there is a painting of Shevchenko as a masked partisan with the 

defiant inscription “Fire does not burn iron”– meaning it only 

tempers it. 

hroughout the country scores of Lenin statues have 

been brought down. One of the most prominent stood 

T 

in Kharkiv. Today only one boot is left of the figure. 

Above it flies the national flag and in front of it is a 

reproduction of the Byzantine-era mosaic from St. Sophia Cathedral 

in Kyiv. 

nother contentious statue used to stand by the 

Basarabka market place in Kyiv. All that remains is 

A 

the pedestal with the name Lenin still visible, but the 

steps to the pedestal are now painted in the colours of 

the national flag. 

O 

utside the main post office stands a piano that used to 

entertain demonstrators in the tent city. Today it can 

be uncovered and played by any passer-by. On it are 

inscribed the words “Death to traitors.” 

hrines commemorating 

activists and 

S 

protestors killed 

during the demonstrations 

can be found on 

the Maidan square. Some, 

like the one below, have helmets 

of construction-workers 

and the wooden shields that 

many demonstrators used inattempts 

to shield themselves 

from the bullets that flew on 

February 20, 2014 

- СІЧЕНЬ 2016 - Український Вінніпеґ 

5


ost of the 120 demonstrators who lost their that 

day were shot by armed police and special forces. 

M 

Shrines to their memory can be found on Kyiv’s 

former Instytutska Street, now renamed Heavenly 

Hundred Street, the epicenter of the fighting and the place 

where many died. 

ryna Bahmut, now a soldier in the Donbas Battalion, 

visited the exhibition. She was in the vicinity of 

I 

Ilovaisk during the tragedy, although at the time she 

had merely volunteered to help with supplying the 

troops. Since then she has enlisted, undergone training and is 

now formally a member of the Battalion. She pointed out several 

individuals in the photographs who were known to her 

personally and was able to indicate who had been killed and 

whose fate remains unknown. 

itizens appear to prefer a manner of commemoration 

that avoids patriotic inscriptions. As with the 

C 

Vietnam War Memorial in Washington, the names of 

the dead are simply listed along a long wall. Often 

attached to the individual’s name is a photograph, their place 

and date of birth, and their profession. Each person receives 

equal space. The artifacts can be touched and in this way the 

dead can be recalled and honoured. The focus is on mourning 

the loss of life. 

W 

hile the work of each photographer differs in style, 

they all focus on the life at the front: blowing up 

booby-trapped houses, relaxing with a cat, catching 

some sleep in a trench, waiting for action. 

n the last two weeks of August the Ilovaisk tragedy 

was commemorated in aphoto exhibition at 

I 

the Taras Shevchenko Museum in Kyiv. The Donbas 

Battalion fought in Ilovaisk during August 17- 

29, 2014, suffering heavy losses. Over 360 people have been 

identified as casualties in the action, but the real figure may 

be twice as high, since many people are still unaccounted for. 

They may have been killed or may be prisoners inthe selfstyled 

“republics” of Donetsk and Luhansk. The four photographers 

whose work was shown in the gallery are Oleksandr 

Hliadielov, Maksym Diundiuk, Markian Lyseiko and Maks 

Levin. They recorded the events and themselves narrowly escaped 

with their lives. 

6 



oday, in spite of the announced ceasefire, the country 

remains at war, with daily rebel attacks and 

T 

sporadic firing into territory held by the Ukrainian 

army. A few days ago, as Russian troops brought 

more heavy weapons to the front and the situation deteriorated, 

President Poroshenko gave Ukrainian troops permission 

to fire back if attacked. Most people do not need reminders of 

the precarious situation, but they can be found on billboards. 

The billboard below, which was visible in Kharkiv on August 

24, Independence Day, reads “Separatism brings destruction.” 

Next to another billboard celebrating independence. 

A number of photographs portray 

captured prisoners, who 

sometimes turned out to be foreign 

nationals (neither Ukrainians 

nor Russians, but mercenaries 

from other countries). 

Some poignant photographs reveal a landscape devastated by war. 

In front of Kharkiv’s railway station travelers can 

read a billboard with the warning that “The war is 

I 

closer than you think!” It offers the information that 

the distance from Donetsk to Kharkiv can be covered 

by tank in 6 hours, by car in 4 hours, by aircraft in 7 

minutes, and by rocket in 150 seconds. 

he exhibition was well-advertised and attracted a 

number of army personnel on leave as well as young 

T 

people trying to understand the events surrounding 

Ilovaisk. The actual causes of the tragedy -- still a 

controversial topic -- were debated in the media. It is clear 

that Russian troops and heavy armament were rushed into action 

to stop the Ukrainian advance, which would at that point 

have overrun the rebels. However, observers have also attributed 

a large role to the bravado of some local commanders 

who refused to “listen to Kyiv” and, as is sometimes said, 

forged ahead without having secured their flanks. They were 

encircled and cut off from support. The story is that they negotiated 

a retreat through a safe corridor, but Russian troops 

suddenly opened fire and many in the Battalion died in the 

crossfire. The tragedy occurred at a time when patriotic volunteers 

had rushed to serve in the army. Some were untrained 

and inexperienced. Since then the Ukrainian army has gradually 

grown into a strong, professional fighting force. the public 

remains grateful to the volunteer battalions for stemming 

and reversing the rebel advance in the early months of the 

war, but the Ilovaisk incident still resonates in public memory 

and closure has not been found. 

he message of war’s proximity was reinforced in 

Kharkiv’s central square on Independence Day. An 

T 

installation showed a rocket with its nose buried 

in the cobblestones. The inscription read “To the 

brotherly Ukrainian people with love. From the president and 

people of the RF [Russian Federation]. V. Putin.” 


7


esterners may be tempted to see the war as a crisis 

that affects only Ukraine, but the invasion of Crimea 

W and the war in the Donbas have far wider implications. 

Putin’s actions have violated international 

principles and norms. There has been no such brazen land 

grab in Europe since the end of the Second World War. These 

actions now threaten the territorial integrity of neighbouring 

states because they have set a dangerous precedent. 

1. The unilateral redrawing of borders flouts all agreements. 

If he succeeds in keeping these territories, Putin will have 

demonstrated that naked aggression works. He and other 

may be tempted to repeat the same tactic. The modus operandi 

is, before invading, to stir up local nationalism and 

claim observable human rights abuses. This confuses and 

delays the international community’s response. 

2. Putin aims to legitimize an aggressive form of nationalism 

– one that makes ethnicity more important than citizenship. 

He is trying to achieved this by allowing the promotion 

of doctrines like “Eurasianism” and "the Russian 

World." The latter doctrine provides for the “defence” of 

Russian-speakers, ethnic Russians, and even "co-nationals" 

abroad, whether or not any of these groups ask for or 

require “defending.” The terminology is purposely elastic: 

“co-nationals,” for example, includes both former citizens 

of the Russian state and the Soviet Union, and their descendants. 

kraine has been profoundly changed by the war. Evidence 

for this can be found everywhere. Statistics 

U 

show that half the country’s population is in one way 

or another involved in the volunteer effort. People 

like the women pictured below gather non-perishable goods 

for the army and displaced families, picking donations up 

three times a week at the same spot in the centre of Lviv. They 

bring with them albums ofphotographs, which show where the 

goods are sent, who distributes and receives them. The sign by 

their table says “Help the front.” Donations come in steadily 

throughout the day: food, clothes, footware, toys. 

3. Putin’s actions aim to rehabilitate imperialism. He insists 

on Russia’s superpower status, considers empires legitimate 

and necessary, and demands that smaller countries 

bow to this inevitability and remain within Russia’s 

“sphere of influence.” The doctrine of Eurasianism implies 

Russia’s right to control a large geopolitical space. 

When smaller countries react to this threat by beefing up 

defence of their borders (as Ukraine, Lithuania, Latvia, 

Estonia, Poland, Finland, and Sweden have done) Putin 

views this as a hostile act. 

he consequences for Russia of growing nationalism 

and imperialism have been a focus in domestic 

T 

propaganda on the need for ideological unity and 

military strength. A search has begun for subversives who 

supposedly undermine the message of unity and strength. The 

enemy is variously classified as Europe, America, or the West, 

but Russian society is also constantly being told to fear NGOs, 

civil society, and human rights groups. The media takes care to 

feed this fear by broadcasting a narrative of Russia’s victimization, 

humiliation and encirclement. Citizens are informed 

that their country faces danger from a fascist or Nazi threat. 

Putin’s propagandists have simultaneously taken up rewriting 

history in light of these views. The Soviet occupation of 

Eastern Europe after the Second World War is now described 

as a benevolent guardianship. Citizens are told that the Cold 

War ended as a stalemate, not a Soviet defeat. They are also 

instructed that in the 1990s Russia was rebuffed and ostracized 

by the USA, Europe, or the West in general. In fact, the opposite 

is true. Efforts were made to include and integrate Russia 

into the international economy and community in the expect- 

8 



ation that all would benefit. At the beginning of this century 

the benefits of trade and cooperation were abundantly evident; 

they led to a boom that was fuelled by sales of Russian 

oil and gas. However, the strategy for modernizing Russia’s 

economy was abruptly shelved by Putin and replaced by repression 

at home and military adventurism abroad. Putin’s 

demands of the Westcome down tohaving Russia’s “sphere of 

influence”recognized. This means, above all, granting Russia 

control over Ukraine and Eastern Europe. But Putin also wants 

access to Western decision making, an atomization of Europe 

from Lisbon to Moscow so as to more easily deal with individual 

small states, and the exclusion of the United States from 

European affairs. 

spoke to the military leaders in Luhansk, who were clearly 

reluctant to respect a ceasefire, and insisted instead that the 

war not over. In their view only the tactics had changed. They 

argued: “Our republic is not yet independent – it depends on 

help from Russia. We must first take more land, more industry, 

more cities. Only then can we finish the war.” The conflict, 

they argued, continues “just in different ways,” with fewer artillery 

attacks but more “special ops.” One commander admitted 

that the Kremlin was telling them an offensive would be 

bad politically at the present moment and they should wait, or 

risk not receiving “white trucks” (Jack Losh, The Guardian, 2 

November 2015). 

W 

hat are Putin’s demands of Ukraine? At the Valdai 

Discussion Club, which was held in Sochi on October 

24, he stated that he wants Ukraine to 

Ukraine in its turn demands: 

1. amend its constitution to incorporate a law on special 

status for the Luhansk and Donetsk territories “upon 

agreement with these territories.” This goes further than 

the existing legislation Ukraine enacted in 2014 

2. incorporate the law into its constitution, thus making it 

permanent and impervious to future changes. 

3. bring the “special status” law into effect without making 

it conditional on free and fair elections -- a condition that 

would be rejected by the leaders in the Donetsk-Luhansk 

self-styled Peoples Republics (the DPR and LPR) 

4. draft the law on “local elections in these territories” by 

agreement with the DPR-LPR 

5. enact a blanket amnesty that would enable “all DPR and 

LPR leaders who face criminal charges” to freely participate 

in political processes 

yiv opposes such a blanket amnesty, but is prepared 

to consider amnesty on a case-by-case basis after 

K 

valid elections have been held in the territories. 

But the key issue is that Putin now wants Ukraine 

to renegotiate terms directly with the Donetsk-Luhansk 

leadership. This is why new election dates for the occupied 

territories have been pushed back to February 21 and April 

20, 2016. Putin hopes this will allow time to extract Kyiv’s 

consent and thus lead to sham elections that will legitimize 

the existingleadership in the two “republics.”Russia is therefore 

demanding that Kyiv renegotiates every clause with the 

Donetsk-Luhansk leaders. This new demand invalidates what 

Ukraine has conceded so far by insisting on much more. Even 

the clause agreeing to removal of Russia’s military in exchange 

for Ukraine’s political concessions has disappeared. Ukraine 

is being pressured into agreeing to hold undemocratic elections 

even before Russian troops and weapons have left the 

country. Vlad Socor has argued that Putin’s stonewalling on 

the military clauses is undermining Angela Merkel’s efforts to 

persuade Kyiv to concede on the political clauses (Vlad Socor, 

Eurasia Daily Monitor, October 29, 2015). But are the rebels, in 

any case, ready for a deal? A Guardian correspondent recently 

1. fully democratic elections in the Donbas, held according 

to Western standards and Ukrainian law, 

with the participation of international observers 

2. removal of all Russian troops 

3. securing of borders and their monitoring by international 

observers 

hat need to be done?It is important in the current 

situation thatPoroshenko obtains enough support 

W 

to prevent undemocratic elections, which would 

only legitimize Russian proxy rule in the DPR-LPR. 

Ukraine must also continue its campaign against corruption 

and lack of transparency in government. Only then will the 

Ukrainian parliament win the hearts and minds of its citizens. 

Demands for the rule of law, transparency in government, and 

an end to corruption were, after all, key factors in launching 

the Maidan protests of 2013-14. Finally, the West needs to 

strengthen its stance in dealings with Putin, in this way preventing 

further adventurism in Ukraine and the Baltic states. 

eanwhile, it should be recognized that the chauvinistic 

messages continue to emanate from the Kremlin. 

M 

Russian bumper stickers with slogans such as “We 

got to Berlin, we’ll get to Washington too,”“We will 

repeat 1941-45,” and “Uncle Vasia’s army”are popular. 


9


hey can be seen on vehicles. The first slogan is accompanied 

by a graphic depicting sexual intercourse. 

T 

As is well-known, during its drive to capture Berlin 

the Soviet army committed an estimated two million 

rapes, with gang rape the preferred method. In the German 

capital alone ten thousand women committed suicide after being 

violated. The slogan and accompanying graphic are therefore 

threats based on a specific historical memory. Meanwhile 

expensive war movies are being made and disinformation is 

being spread identifying the democratic movement as subversive 

and directing “anti-Maidan” violence against it. Putin’s 

propaganda prefers to remember the Second World War as 

glorious conquest and state expansion. Victory Day on May 

9 has since 2008 been transformed into an enormous display 

with flags of Lenin and the USSR. The military parade 

that accompanied the 2015 celebration was the largest in post- 

Soviet history. May 9 now combines glorification of tsarism 

and Sovietism. It has eclipsed in importance the holiday of 

November 7, which celebrated the Bolshevik revolution -- 

now a divisive and less important event. May 9 has therefore 

emerged as Putin’s primary way of focusing society’s attention 

on the Soviet Union’s status as a superpower at the war’s end. 

Of course, in these victory celebrations no mention is made of 

the Holocaust, Holodomor, Gulag, Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, 

or the post-war repression of Central and Eastern Europe. 

What have the consequences of war in the Donbas been so 

far? According to conservative estimates, it has created between 

1.5 and 2.0 million internally displaced people. Some 

5 million people are in need of humanitarian aid. There have 

been 20,000 casualties and over 8,000 deaths. Ukraine has lost 

7 percent of its GDP and 18 percent of its exports. The negative 

effects of the war have in many respects been even greater in 

Russia, where the rouble has devalued by 50 percent, inflation 

is projected to reach 15 percent this year. Russia is losing its 

role as a supplier of oil and gas to Ukraine and is now funding 

its deficit from gold reserves to pay for its wars. In 2017 when 

these gold reserves are exhausted it will be bankrupt. To rid 

itself of refugees and put more pressure on Kyiv, Moscow is 

threatening to expel more Ukrainians. A special migration regime 

for Ukrainians ended on November 

1. From now on Ukrainians can no longer live in Russia 

for more than ninety days in every six month period. A 

Ukrainian citizen who does not “legalize” his or her status 

by obtaining a work permit or securing residency will 

have thirty days to leave. According to Russia’s Federal 

Migration Service, there are approximately 

2. 6 million Ukrainian citizens now on Russian territory, a 

million of whom are from the Donbas. Although Ukrainians 

from the Donets and Luhansk oblasts are excluded 

from the expulsion order, since fewer than a thousand 

have been given refugee status, this still leaves an enormous 

number of potential deportees (Euromaidan Press, 

2 November 2015). 

As they review events of the past two years and commemorate 

sacrifices made, Ukrainians remain aware of the difficult 

road ahead. But as many wryly observe, at least they can thank 

Putin for uniting them as a nation and showing them the direction 

forward. 

10 


EVENTS RECAP. ОГЛЯД ПОДІЙ 

ВИФЛЕЄМСЬКИЙ ВОГОНЬ МИРУ 

Неділя, 13 грудня Фото: Norbert K. Iwan 

Метрополича Катедра Свв. Володимира й Ольги 

В 

ифлеємський Вогонь Миру з місця народження Ісуса Христа передає 

організація української молоді Пласт. Вогонь можна запалити на Святий 

Вечір і його світлом поширити мир, любов і надію в різдвяний час. 

Аж бринить від щастя край - 

Тут ступає Миколай! 

Неділя, 13 грудня 

Український Православний Собор Св. Покрови 

Текст та фото: Анна Владко 

авітав св. Миколай і до Собору Святої Покрови. Малеча, 

вірші, янголята, пісні, цукерки й мандаринки - дух свята 

З 

відчувався скрізь! Миколай був задоволений чемними 

дітьми, діти були раді святу й подарункам, дорослі парафіяни 

були розчулені стараннями малечі на сцені. Але свято Миколая 

- це ще й чудова нагода допомогти тим, хто в скруті, хворіє 

або просто не має можливості годувати своїх дітей. Саме тому 

було організовано благодійний розпродаж «Діти Канади - дітям 

України». Хлопці й дівчата власноруч виготовляли різдвяні прикраси 

й сувеніри, аби продати їх в цей день. Навіть п’ятирічні 

діти доклалися до праці. Напевно, сам Миколай освятив той невеличкий 

столик із дитячими поробками, бо зібрали наші дітлахи 

більше $500(!!!) Кошти буде передано родинам хворих, а також 

дітям, чиї батьки постраждали від військової експансії Росії. 

Тож нехай в цей різдвяно-новорічний час крізь магазинну метушню, 

вечірки, коробки і обгортки Небайдужість, Милосердя і 

Співчуття проб’ються до наших сердець. Лише тоді Різдво буде 

щасливим! 


11

Українська Канадська Фундація ім. Тараса Шевченка 

Щиро вітає усіх жертводавців і прихильників з нагоди Різдва Христового 

та Нового Року! 

Рада Директорів: 

Андрій Гладишевський Q.C., Борис Балан, Софія Качор, Ґордон Ґордей, 

Ірка Мицак, Адріян Бойко, Ліда Нарожняк, Скот Армстронґ 

Õðèñòîñ Ðîäèâñÿ! 

Christ is Born! 

Ukrainian Canadian Foundaon of aras Shevchenko 

Extends warmest greengs to all our donors and supporters as we celebrate 

Christ’s birth and the New Year! 

Board of Directors: 

Andrew Hladyshevsky, Q.C., Boris Balan, Sophia Kachor, Gordon Gordey, 

Irka Mycak, Adrian Boyko, Lidia Narozniak, Sco Armstrong 

202 - 952 Main St Winnipeg, MB R2W 3P4 

Phone: 204-944-9128 Toll Free 866-524-5314 

www.shevchenkofoundaon.co 

З питань розміщення реклами дзвоніть / for advertising inquiries call (204) 881 3793, e-mail: info@ukrainianwinnipeg.ca

Андріївські вечорниці 

Субота, 19 грудня. Колегія Св. Андрея Фото: Norbert K. Iwan 

EVENTS RECAP. ОГЛЯД ПОДІЙ 

давніх давен Україна славиться традиційними 

З 

святами та обрядами. Одним із таких свят, яке 

завжди відзначали наші діди та прадіди, було велике 

зимове свято св. Андрія. 

Молодь Української Студентської Асоціації Манітобського 

університету вирішила підтримати цю традицію 

та підготувала виставу. Атмосфера вечора повернула 

усіх присутніх в минуле, у стару українську хату з 

давнім побутом та символікою народних костюмів. В 

програмі були ігри та забави, гуляння Калити та веселі 

співи. Після вистави усі бажаючі прийняли участь у 

конкурсі на найкращу вишиванку, а переможці отримали 

велику порцію домашніх вареників. 

Вечір завершився традиційною українською колядкою 

«Нова радість стала», яка наповнила серця різдвяним 

настроєм. 

Бережіть прекрасну, невичерпну скарбницю української 

традиції. Поважайте та плекайте любов до рідного 

народу та його пісні. 


13

КАЛЕНДАР ПОДІЙ 

CALENDAR OF EVENTS 

Щоб бути в курсі останніх подій, відвідайте наш сайт: www.ukrainianwinnipeg.ca/events 

Хочете додати Ваш івент в календар? Пишіть нам: info@ukrainianwinnipeg.ca 

СІЧЕНЬ 

JANUARY 

fri 1 

14 Український Вінніпеґ - СІЧЕНЬ 2016 - МАЛАНКА РАЗОМ З 

Смачного! 

$65 

Вечеря з п’яти традиційних страв на Свят 

Вечір з колядниками. Між стравами Орися 

Трач розкаже про українські традиції. 

Five course dinner with dishes from Sviat 

WHEN: January 15, 9 pm 

ГУРТОМ ‘ЗРАДА’ - 

WHERE: The King’s Head Pub 

Український бенкет - 


ZRADA MALANKA 

(120 King St.) 

Smachnoho! Ukrainian Feast 

WHERE: McNally-Robinson (1120 Grant Ave) 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

sat 

sun 

mon 

tue 

wed 

Annual Malanka/Ukrainian New 

Vechir with Koliadnyky-carollers. 

Year’s Eve pub night in Winnipeg. 

маланка з 

7 thu 

Between courses, Orysia Tracz will 

This year with opening 

‘львівськими музиками’ - 

explain the Ukrainian 

Malanka with ‘Lvivski muzyky’ 

zabava band ‘Budmo’ 

traditions and foods. 

8 fri 

$35 

9 


sat 

WHERE: Institute Prosvita (777 Pritchard Ave.) 

Інститут Просвіта запрошує на 

Маланку/Забаву. Перекуска о 10 год. вечора. 

За білетами звертайтесь до 

10 

11 

sun 

mon 

Ігора Катчановського (204) 798-0179 

Insitute Prosvita invites to 

Malanka/Zabava. Food at 10 pm. 

For tickets call 

Ihor Katchanovsky 

(204) 798-0179 

Music ‘N’ Mavens 

Daytime Concert 

WHEN: January 26, 2-3 pm 

WHERE: The Rady Jewish Community 

12 

13 

14 

15 

16 

tue 

wed 

thu 

fri 

sat 

Centre (123 Doncaster St.) 

Квінтет Р. Тодащук відкриває сезон 

17 sun 

улюбленими джазовими композиціями, 

написаними єврейськими композиторами в 

поєднанні з популярними українськими 

народними піснями. 

The Rosemarie Todaschuk Quintet opens 

the season with favourite jazz standards 

written by Jewish composers mixed 

with popular Ukrainian folk 

Plast Ukrainian Youth Association 

songs. 

18 

19 

20 

21 

22 

mon 

tue 

wed 

thu 

fri 

23 sat 

Malanka 

МАЛАНКА СУМ 

24 sun 

ВСЕ ВКЛЮЧЕНО - 

СYM ALL INCLUSIVE MALANKA 

Featuring Tyt i Tam 

25 mon 

DINNER/ZABAVA $120, ZABAVA ONLY $75 

Saturday, January 16th, 2016 


WHERE: Victoria Inn Hotel 

(1808 Wellington Ave) 

26 

27 

TUE 

WED 

For Tickets call 204-202-8221 

Щорічна маланка Спілки Української 

Молоді. Квитки включають вечерю, забаву 28 THU 

Dinner & Dance $100 ~ Dance $40 

та відкритий бар. Цього року грає гурт 

‘Millenia’ 

29 fri 

Fort Garry Hotel, Grand Ballroom 

Annual Malanka by Ukrainian 

5:30pm Cocktails ~ 6:30pm Dinner ~ 9:30pm Dance 

Youth Association. Open bar. 

30 sat 

MalankaWinnipeg.ca 

Music by ‘Millenia’ 

31 sun 

Щорічна маланка організована гуртом 

«Зрада». Цього року забаву відкриває гурт 

«Будьмо»

Розклад богослужень на 2016 рік 

Настоятель парафії 

отець Олександр Гаркавий 

тел. Собору: (204) 586-5440 

тел. настоятеля: (204) 227-0833 

сайт: stmarytheprotectress.org 

Покровська парафія вітає всіх новоприбулих до Вінніпеґу! 

Ласкаво просимо вас відвідати наш Собор і помолитися з нами. Божественні літургії служаться щонеділі о 10:00 в ранці, а якщо 

св’ято випадає серед тижня, то о 9:30 ранку. Відправи ведуться українською мовою. При парафії діє недільна школа для дітей. 

Звертайтеся до настоятеля Собору, отця Олександра, за духовною порадою у різних питаннях, а також відносно хрестин, шлюбів, 

похоронів, молебнів, акафистів та різних осв’ячень. Можна звертатися англійською, російською та українською мовами. 

6-го січня — середа. НАВЕЧІР’Я РІЗДВА 

ХРИСТОВОГО (Різдвяний Святвечір). 

Велике Повечір’я з Літією о 10:00 год. вечора. 

7-го січня — четвер. РІЗДВО ГОСПОДА БОГА І 

СПАСА НАШОГО ІСУСА ХРИСТА 

Божественна Літургія: о 9:30 год. ранку. 

Пригадуємо: 

— Від Різдва Христового (7-го січня) до напередодні 

Богоявлення (18-го січня) — 11 днів — не стаємо 

на коліна. 

8-го січня — п’ятниця. СОБОР ПРЕСВЯТОЇ 

БОГОРОДИЦІ (2-ий день Різдва) 


9-го січня — субота. 

СВ. ПЕРВОМУЧЕНИКА І АРХИДИЯКОНА СТЕФАНА 

(3-ій день Різдва). Божественна Літургія: о 9:30 

ранку. Великa Вечірня: о 5:30 вечора. 

10-го січня — неділя. НЕДІЛЯ ПІСЛЯ РІЗДВА. 

Божественна Літургія о 10:00 год. ранку. 

13-го січня —середа. 

Велика Вечірня в 5:30 вечора. 

14-го січня — четвер. 

НАЙМЕНУВАННЯ ГОСПОДА БОГА І СПАСА НАШОГО 

ІСУСА ХРИСТА. 

СВ. ВАСИЛІЯ ВЕЛИКОГО, АРХИЄПИСКОПА КЕСАРІЇ 

КАППАДОКІЙСЬКОГО 

Божественна Літургія в 9:30 ранку. 

16-го січня — субота. 

Велика Вечірня о 5:30 вечора. 

17-го січня — НЕДІЛЯ ПЕРЕД БОГОЯВЛЕННЯМ. 


18-го січня—понеділок. НАВЕЧІР’Я БОГОЯВЛЕННЯ 

Велике Повечір’я з Літією та Йорданське Велике 

Освячення Води о 4:30 по полудні. 

Свята Йорданська Вечеря о 6:30 год. вечора. 

19-го січня — вівторок. СВЯТЕ БОГОЯВЛЕННЯ - 

ХРЕЩЕННЯ ГОСПОДА БОГА І СПАСА НАШОГО ІСУСА 

ХРИСТА. 

Божественна Літургія о 9:30 ранку. 

Велике Освячення Води. 

20-го січня — середа. СОБОР СВЯТОГОСЛАВНОГО 

ПРОРОКА ПРЕДТЕЧІ Й ХРЕСТИТЕЛЯ ГОСПОДНЬОГО 

ІОАНА 

Божественна Літургія о 9:30 годині ранку. 

23-го січня — субота. Велика Вечірня о 5:30 год. 

вечора. 

24-го січня - НЕДІЛЯ ПІСЛЯ БОГОЯВЛЕННЯ 

Божественна Літургія о 10:00 год. ранку. 


Ukraine. Україна 

aroslav Pylynskyi is an independent expert. He received his 

kandydat nauk (Ph.D.) degree in philology from the Institute 

Y of Ethnology, Folklore and Art Studies, National Academy 

of Sciences of Ukraine in 1988, and the diploma of higher 

education with honors from the Kyiv State University (now Taras 

Shevchenko Kyiv National University) in 1983. Dr. Pylynskyi previously 

worked as a Professor of Ukrainian literature at the Kyiv State 

Pedagogical University and Kyiv State Conservatory (1989-1992), Scientific 

Secretary of the Division of Languages, Literature and Art Studies, 

National Academy of Sciences of Ukraine (1991-1997), Director of 

the Research Department of the Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy 

(1997-1999), was a Research Fellow at the Global Security Fellows Initiative, 

Faculty of Social & Political Sciences, University of Cambridge, 

UK (1994-1995), and the Center for Multiethnic Research, University of 

Uppsala, Sweden (1996), former Director of the Kennan Kyiv Project 

Woodrow Wilson international Center for Scholars (1998 – 2014). 

His research interests include interethnic relations, migration, and 

immigrants’ integration in host communities, pedagogy as a tool for 

integration, Russian-Ukrainian bilingualism and relations, and ethnic 

minorities in Ukraine. Dr. Pylynskyi is the author of over 100 publications 

in academic, professional, and periodical editions. 

1 

Hryvna – the name of Ukrainian Currency. 

2 

B. Obama calls on African leaders to fight corruption, uphold democracy http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/ 

world/2015/07/28/obama-concludes-east-africa-visit/30770761/ 

3 

The German President Has Resigned After A Huge Corruption Scandal Read more: http://www.businessinsider.com/christian-wulff-resign-angela-merkel-2012-2#ixzz3ibmzSlUq 

4 

François Hollande : «Les élus condamnés pour fraude fiscale ou corruption seront interdits de tout mandat public» http:// 

www.parti-socialiste.fr/video/francois-hollande-les-elus-condamnes-pour-fraude-fiscale-ou-corruption-seront-interditsde-tout-mandat-public 

5 

Putnam R. Making Democracy Work. Princeton University Press. 1994. 258 p. 

6 

Olson M. Power and Prosperity: Outgrowing Communist and Capitalist Dictatorships. New York: Basic Books. 2000, 272 p. 

7 

The famous slogan of American Revolution of 1776-1793. 

8 

Karl. R. Popper. The Open Society and its Enemies. Routledge; New Ed edition, 2002, 432 p. 

9 

Francis FukuyamaState-Building: Governance and World Order in the 21st century. Cornell University Press, 2004. 

10 

«Mariupol is stuck between the past and the future,” – said one of the group leaders Petro Andrushchenko. «The website of 

city council must be open and accessible to everybody,” – he added. – “If we control local authority, we control our money.” 

http://nv.ua/opinion/Peterson/mariupolskaja-vojna-mezhdu-proshlym-i-budushchim-60810.html 

16 Український Вінніпеґ - СІЧЕНЬ 2016 -


Yaroslav Pylynskyi 

Proper Education helps Ukraine 

to Overcome Corruption 

The wicked man takes a bribe in secret 

in order to pervert the course of justice. 

(Proverbs 17:23) 

Introduction 

mong many problems Ukraine has to solve, the problem 

of corruption is one of the most acute. It is discussed 

by leaders of the state and civil society, cov- 

A 

ered by media, debated by citizens, mentioned by 

international partners during official negotiations and private 

talks. Therefore, sometimes it seems that corruption is exclusively 

Ukrainian problem, vice or disease. Acknowledging its 

presence and admitting the necessity to cure it, most people 

consider that it is fatal and quote an ancient proverb “wheels 

don’t run without oil”. Despite Ukrainians recently express 

their desire to minimize corruption in increasing frequency, 

the majority of citizens do not believe that it is possible, so they 

are not really filled with struggling against it. They think that if 

a disease is chronic, but not terminal, it is easier to conform to 

it, rather than to treat it. 

The fact that the head of the anti-corruption bureau was being 

elected for over half a year and that he is likely to recruit 

assistants for half a year more attests to a certain confusion, 

rather than unwillingness to fight with corruption. When treatment 

is unclear, people prefer waiting and hoping that the 

disease will disappear by itself or something else will happen. 

However, recovery is possible only when in addition to prescribed 

medication, the nature of the disease is clearly determined. 

Only when the causes are removed, the consequences 

can be cured. All mothers know that to treat a child’s running 

nose, it is first necessary to buy warm footwear and socks, 

otherwise no medicines will help if the feet keep getting wet. 

It has occurred historically that for a long time Ukraine was 

a colony and Ukrainians did not have their state. Hence, like 

most colonial nations, after they have ceased being a colony, 

they are still unable to feel themselves the masters of their 

state and to take responsibility for its development as real 

owners. If something does not belong to you, why should you 

care to arrange it? 

Unfortunately, estrangement from the state is inherent in the 

majority of citizens – peasants, workers, entrepreneurs, capitalists-oligarchs, 

and even bureaucrats – public administrators. 

The lack of understanding or vision of mutual benefit from 

joining the efforts for arranging the common home – the State 

of Ukraine – pushes all and everyone to chaotic actions aimed 

at personal profit. At the same time, contemporary Ukrainian 

political parties are still mostly the sellers of unfeasible promises. 

Therefore, they are not able to build anything durable and 

valuable to the society. 

Recently, both friends and enemies have written a lot about 

the system character of Ukrainian crisis. However, despite important 

remarks, interesting observations and even recent demonstrative 

attempts to change something, we think that some 

fundamental sources of this crisis remain beyond attention. 

Most studies have fragmentary and academic character, so they 

are often unnoticed by those who have endued themselves with 

power to make important decisions. 

In our opinion, the main problem of Ukraine as a state 

and of Ukrainian society as a certain community on 

a certain territory is that Ukrainians have become 

dangerous for themselves. Safety has left our streets, 

squares, fields and roads. For many today, with the beginning 

of war on our land, it has become dangerous 

even to stay at home. 

This aggravated sense of danger has brought big masses of 

Ukrainian people to the Maidan. That is why, at the Maidan 

and after it, language, confessional and other phobias have almost 

disappeared. When the hazard is so real, it removes most 

contradictions between people and unites them not for the sake 

of money or even idea, but for the sake of common survival. 


17


However, besides external aggression there are internal 

factors that must be surmounted before hoping for serious 

improvement. How did this happen in a big country in the middle 

of Europe in the 21st century? 

Commercialization 

of the Post-Soviet 

Society 

or decades, Ukraine was a safe home for most of 

its citizens. At least, the majority of residents born 

F 

after the World War II considered it such. Total repressions 

were gone with Stalin’s death. Although 

hunger remained in the past, and in 1960s it looked rather as 

shortage of certain foods, but did not threaten lives of people. 

The arbitrariness of punitive bodies was limited by the state’s 

monopoly for force. Criminals were punished by the law, while 

dissidents were announced insane or also criminal. Therefore, 

the majority of citizens knew that if they did not break certain 

rules, which were proudly called socialist legitimacy, they were 

safe. Certainly, it was better not to get into the police not to 

be beaten, as it happened sometimes, mostly to intelligentsia 

and political violators. Yet, that happened on authority’s directive 

and was sanctified by it. However, if an ordinary worker 

got into the law-enforcement machine, he even had a chance to 

punish his offenders, especially when the Party wanted to show 

its concern for people and unity with them. 

Besides, the Party did not want to share its right for institutionalized 

force with anybody, so it carefully watched all the 

state repressive bodies. At the same time, under total monopolization 

of the mass media, the Communist Party also had a 

unique possibility to control dissemination of negative information 

and largely produce positive messages on socialist legitimacy, 

and thus safety of ordinary citizens. 

After the collapse of the USSR, all public institutions created 

during the Soviet period have fallen apart. Properly 

speaking, disappearance of the state was a logical result of 

their previous degradation. 

It happened slower or quicker, but the process was unceasing, 

since socialist slogans on general equality, including equal 

protection of the law under socialist umbrella, were replaced 

by new slogans on ideological freedom and enrichment. Certainly, 

both concepts of freedom and enrichment are positive 

in themselves. However, as Ukrainian experience certifies, 

if the society understands them in a simplified manner, they 

have a positive effect on prosperity of only separate people, 

while being destructive for the state and the society. Thus, the 

social consciousness has fixed the conviction that everything 

around is not a socialist property anymore, therefore the first 

who managed to appropriate something has the right for that 

embezzled part. 

After a short pause in early 1990s caused by confusion upon 

disappearance of the Soviet state, total commercialization of 

everything and everybody started in Ukraine. The first oligarchs 

began to emerge under V.Kuchma’s presidency, and it became 

evident that everything in this country was for sale, including 

the uppermost posts in government and law enforcement bodies. 

In the opinion of leaders of a young country, everything 

had to make a profit. That was the main directive of those who 

headed Ukraine at that time. Unfortunately, it mostly remains 

the same today. 

However, one has to pay. Ukraine paid with the loss of the 

sense of safety of its citizens. The Ukrainian state voluntarily 

lost, or rather sold, the monopoly for force. Ukrainian highranking 

officials delegated or sold a part of that right to lower 

instances – district courts, police units, prosecutor’s offices, 

tax inspections, customs, etc. Thus, there has quickly formed a 

broad and closed stratum in the society, for which the law has 

ceased to exist. This process may be compared with the formation 

of rights of estates in Europe in early Middle Ages, when 

for killing a peasant a knight should have paid a little penalty or 

evaded punishment at all. Under conditions, when any public 

office has turned primarily into a source of income, speaking 

about law compliance has become absurd. The one (speaking 

figuratively), who pays 100 hryvnas 1 more here and now, wins a 

case in court, since his argument is literally more valuable than 

that of his rival. 

Thus, after public prosecution, courts and police have turned 

into commercial structures and respective posts have become the 

source of considerable enrichment, the law has ceased to fulfil 

its function of protecting safety, freedom, property and life of 

citizens. Anyone, who has more money, can encroach freedom, 

property or even life of any citizen of Ukraine after paying a certain 

amount. The phrase “the cost of question” has acquired the 

concrete threatening meaning. Gradually, impunity has deeply 

penetrated into a living body of the Ukrainian society, as every 

crime has had certain, sometimes rather low price. 

Even those fields of social division of labor that have nationwide 

functions and are funded from the state budget, like health 

care, education or road construction, have begun to gain another 

meaning. They have also turned into the source of enrichment 

for those directly engaged in them. 

Especially dangerous in contemporary Ukraine is that against 

the law that guarantees free secondary education to citizens, 

this sphere has also turned into a business, where all the participants 

take part in the process of buying and selling. Therefore, 

the secondary school has largely lost its basic function of educating 

future citizens and rendering knowledge to next generations. 

18 



Corruption in 

Education 

ccording to the Constitution, secondary education in 

Ukraine is free of charge. It is well known that free 

A 

services have certain drawbacks. Experience of other 

countries certifies that there is no single optimum 

solution of this problem. For example, in the USA along with 

public schools there is a ramified network of private schools. 

This creates healthy competitiveness, but also generates various 

problems. 

Leaving American problems to Americans, let us look at 

Ukrainian realities. Since most schools, for instance in Kyiv, 

have begun to be proudly called lyceums and gymnasiums, the 

issue of free education has paled into insignificance. However, 

if in the USA the problem of tuition fees is legally regulated, in 

Ukraine there is no normative document that legalizes them for 

public schools of general education. When there is no law, the 

field for abuse has only physical limits. 

Thus, at one of gymnasiums parents have to chip in around 

$25 per month. If we imagine a school for 1000 students and 

multiply this relatively small money to 10 months, it becomes 

evident that a rather big amount accumulates during a year. 

Parents (at least most of them) are unaware how this money is 

distributed. However, there are rumors that a school’s director 

has bought an apartment in London for her daughter. In another 

lyceum, for example, parents of first-formers are demanded to 

contribute 10,000 hryvna (around 500$) for the school’s development. 

Thus, from the first year at school, children get a 

clear idea that the reality and the law (in this case, the Constitution 

and the Law on Education) do not match. 

No less important is the problem of teachers’ compensation: 

it is so low (currently no more than $150 per month), that entails 

washing of qualified staff out of schools on the one hand, 

and induces teachers that remain for commercialization of 

educational services. It is known that sometimes students are 

intentionally given bad scores over the year to offer additional 

paid training or to justify a child’s possible expulsion from the 

school. Such situations are created to force parents pay for their 

child’s stay at the same school. Changing a school is not likely to 

change the approach to education or payment and only means 

additional problems and costs for entering a new school and 

getting to it. Therefore, in most cases parents are forced to pay 

to have their child stay in the same school and class. 

We think that formally we can and should accuse some teachers 

of corruption and even extortion. However, how can we 

blame a starving man for taking a piece of bread and not paying? 

If the society is tuned for selling and buying everything through 

direct transactions and teachers’ salaries do not cover their survival 

minimum, how can they be prohibited to struggle for existence 

by those means that seem to them the most appropriate 

under current conditions? 

Hence, most schoolchildren in our country usually start 

watching the lessons of corruptive behavior around them from 

their first year at school. Although this might be not bad from 

the point of view of their future personal survival, it is deathful 

for the society and the state. This creates continual reproduction 

of generations of citizens lacking the sense of civic duty 

and devoid of understanding that a social game without rules, 

when everything is for sale, leads to society fragmentation and 

impotence of the state. To live in such a state is dangerous for 

all – oligarchs, law enforcement officers, and ordinary citizens. 

Such a state is doomed. The state is the citizens, and the citizens 

are education. Therefore, unless corruption at school is 

destroyed on the system level and teachers are elevated to a 

high level of educators of rising generations, the society will 

remain in stagnation and the state will keep degrading. No anticorruption 

bureaus can save it. Thus, without radical change in 

the sphere of education, bringing up citizens to think that corruption 

is the evil is a hardly possible task for any government. 

Nevertheless, there are positive examples certifying that the 

situation in Ukraine is not so hopeless and it can quickly change 

for better in case of consistent institutional reforms. This refers 

to independent testing. The system of independent testing 

(IVV) of school graduates willing to enter higher schools was 

introduced in Ukraine ten years ago. Despite its formalization 

and in a manner simplified approach, the system of independent 

testing is a good example of how a state institution may 

function fairly, transparently and practically devoid of corruption, 

if it adheres to the procedure. 

Before this system was introduced, entering a university in 

Ukraine was not a challenge of knowledge of applicants, but a 

contest of financial possibilities and connections of their parents. 

Therefore, talented children lacking connections and 

money had no opportunity to enter a good university and acquire 

a quality higher education. From the start, they were deprived 

of the opportunity to make successful careers. That is 

why in the Soviet Union, there were closed castes of managers, 

trade persons, public officers, doctors, diplomats, etc. After the 

system of independent testing started to operate 10 years ago, 

social lifts began to work in the country, and the so-called territory 

of freedom enlarged. By the way, this was one of the factors 

of the revolution of 2013-2014. 

Incidentally, in neighboring Russia, where the system of independent 

testing was introduced almost simultaneously with 

Ukraine, its action was practically leveled with the help of additional 

exams and creative contests established by universities. 

International Context 

T 

oday, when Western leaders speak about widespread 

corruption in non-Western countries, they apparently 

mean something different from when they speak 


19


about corruption in the countries of the Western world. Without 

overcoming this misunderstanding, it is impossible to diagnose 

the disease adequately, and thus to cure it. 

When President Obama speaks about corruption in the USA, 

he means primarily manipulations in banking and financial sectors 

or separate cases of bureaucratic abuse. 2 Chancellor Merkel 3 

and President Hollande obviously mean the same. 4 

The matter is that leaving Ukraine behind economically 

and politically, western democracies significantly advanced in 

understanding the nature of corruption and in struggling with it. 

Evidently, corruption has ancient roots, since our faraway ancestors 

making a sacrifice to gods attempted to coax them and get 

something they did not earn in other way. Incidentally, ancient 

Sumer and Egypt suffered from corruption in government. The 

Bible and the Gospel certify about corruption. Finally, reformation, 

started by Luther in Germany, was largely the fight against 

corruption, as it demanded that believers earned their place in 

heaven with righteous life and labor, rather than with prayers 

and indulgences bought from the Pope. 

At the same time, when we speak about overcoming corruption 

in the countries of the third world, we essentially mean the 

whole system of governance in these countries that works primarily 

based on clanship and nepotism. This is the source and 

the constituent of corruptive actions in governments. Hence, in 

the countries of the third world there is the mode of governance 

peculiar to pre-modern societies, where the braches of power 

are not divided and do not control each other. 5 In Ukraine under 

the presidency of L.Kuchma (who is a bright representative of 

Soviet counter-elite), there have started the process of building 

archaic clan-oligarchic system. It should have secured for the 

President (the sovereign), as he planned to be the one for life, 

the possibility to manipulate the society and enrich personally. 

Most former Soviet republics in Central Asia and Belarus also 

went this way. Russia similarly turned to this path after President 

Yeltsin had chosen his successor in the person of V.Putin. As one 

political scientist joked then: “How a democracy is called, when 

the next president is elected by one person?” 

Simultaneously, events in Ukraine of 2004 and 2013 prove 

that many citizens here do not agree to conform to archaic state 

structure suggested by L.Kuchma and his milieu. They clearly 

declare that they consciously want to live “like in Europe!” 

Sociological surveys conducted over last decades show that by 

this short formula most citizens mean not only the level of life 

– salaries, roads, or health care, but also define the rule of law, 

justice, civil control over bureaucrats, accountability of government, 

alterability of president, etc. 

The problem of Ukraine is that people called to implement this 

understanding and convert it into working institutions, for the 

last 25 years have been brought up by clan-oligarchic system of 

governance and selected to it as bearers of moral values important 

for functioning of this very system. 

The famous American scholar Mancur Olson expressed a 

right thought that one of the reasons for significant corruption 

in many societies is that governments establish such demands 

that all or most private subjects are striving to avoid. No one 

in the private sector is interested in reporting the authorities 

about violations. Moreover, when an offense is revealed, both 

parties attempt to persuade or bribe the officials to avoid prosecution. 

All the stimuli of the private sector are on the side of 

breaking rules. 6 Public officials are also interested in creating 

and supporting this model of governance, since they obtain 

their considerable rent from law infringement. 

Thus, Ukraine has conserved the regime, under which all 

enterprises and citizens receive such an insignificant part of 

the social product that they have only a narrow interest in supporting 

the society’s productivity. 

Corruption 

and Governance 

n important factor of corruption in Ukraine is the opacity 

of governance that remains almost intact from 

A 

soviet times. This refers not only to the system of making 

socially important decisions, but also to the pettiest 

questions like prices in cafeterias of Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian 

Parliament) or regional administrations that are much lower 

than in nearby cafes. 

This opacity of governance constitutes the system corruption, 

with which Ukrainian authorities are seemingly struggling 

for decades instead of simply making their activity transparent 

as much as possible. This happens also because representative 

democracy in Ukraine has the same vice on all levels – it is 

decorative. Elected parliament members, from parties or majority 

districts, in periods between elections are not accountable 

to voters and cannot be recalled on their initiative. Thus, 

they are not controlled by people. Between elections, citizens 

are actually deprived of real representation. Meanwhile, it is 

known since the 18th century that taxation without representation 

is tyranny. 7 Translating this into contemporary Ukrainian, 

this means that in Ukraine, like in pre-revolutionary America, 

there is an arbitrary rule of bureaucrats in making state decisions 

and spending budgetary funds at their discretion. 

At the same time, when discussing taxation reforms during 

TV and radio shows or at Internet forums, we have never heard 

their participants asking themselves and the government: “Well, 

we have unfair taxes. Then maybe it is time at least to promulgate 

how you [the government!] spend them”. Avoiding this 

question in the discourse of public discussion of national governance 

shows certain infantilism and ignorance of the Ukrainian 

society that has already learnt to earn something independently, 

but still does not understand that it must also control the 

spending made on its behalf by government officers. 

20 



An important problem is also a mess with powers of different 

state institutions and branches inherited from Soviet times. 

Through subordinate normative acts, executive bodies actually 

take over not only the right to control functioning of the society, 

but also the right to limit independent action of citizens. In 

the name of the state, a few bureaucrats, or even a single one, at 

their discretion or in their own interest may block not only civil 

initiatives, but also any private business. This inevitably leads to 

creation of corruption situations and is a hindrance to both social 

and economic development. 

Hence, the Ukrainian society faces an important task of understanding, 

what role the state institutions are actually playing in the 

economic process, since there is a direct interrelation between 

state institutions and economic growth. Besides, it is important to 

realize that the states that create open societies and transparent 

institutions of power prove to be more successful than closed societies 

or so-called societies of limited opportunities. Open societies 

are more viable, placid and thriving. 8 

However, the problem is that even such societies do not really 

have a clear answer as to which institutes of open society are 

the most important for their existence. Nevertheless, most researchers 

agree that of primary importance are democratic institutes, 

feedback and the rule of law. 9 Besides, a strong state, able to 

struggle with corruption, is needed to create efficient institutes 

of open society. Definitely, in the contemporary society the role 

of educational institutions is critical. They must properly conduct 

the process of education – provide knowledge necessary for 

socialization and development to future generations and even 

more importantly – bring up citizens, i.e. conscious members of 

the society, bearers of civil virtues. 

It is necessary to conduct urgent reforms to make Ukrainian 

governance more open and efficient. This will help the country 

become more successful and competitive in the 21st century. 

In the first place, it is vital to increase the morality of governance 

and to make the work of all branches of power transparent 

and public. This will help establishing permanent 

contact with citizens and allow them seeing the results of 

government’s decisions. On the other hand, this will reduce 

the power of bureaucrats controlling the information flows. 

To make the activity of all branches of power transparent, it 

is necessary to concentrate the information about their work in 

open sources, primarily Internet, showing the citizens what is 

happening in the government. It is essential to inform citizens 

directly. Such measures make the work of the government more 

open and thus more efficient. At the same time, like in the USA, 

Canada, Australia and most countries of the EU, it is necessary 

to create separate websites where all taxpayers can see how the 

government spends the money accumulated in the state budget 

– all taxes, duties and credits, which are the collective property 

of all citizens of Ukraine, rather than of its separate bureaucrats. 

Special attention should be paid to the ethics of state governance. 

It is necessary to create Internet resources devoted 

to activities of all political actors and public officers working 

in the country, as well as citizens working in the interests 

of other countries. 10 All the information about meetings and 

consultations taking place at public administration establishments 

should be in free access. This is how the most successful 

countries of the world work today. 

It is also imperative to conduct strict accounting of expenses 

of governmental officials and publish data on lobbying 

(this topic is absent in the Ukrainian public discourse at 

all, although it is substantially present in the Ukrainian politics 

and economics). Besides, it is necessary to register all 

non-citizens of Ukraine who take part in public activity and 

publicize this information on the website of the Ministry of 

Justice. 

In addition, it is crucial to introduce and publicize reporting 

of the Central Election Committee on the financial 

support of electoral campaigns and of candidates on expenses 

and sources of income. Thus, all transactions connected 

with elections must become transparent. Ukrainian 

government should also actively join the US initiative Partnership 

“Open Governance” approved by the UN General 

Assembly.11 This is the initiative directed at supporting and 

protecting the measures of governments aimed at increasing 

transparency of their activity, strengthening citizens’ rights, 

overcoming corruption and utilizing new technologies for 

raising efficiency of governance. 

Whether Ukraine has really taken the path of conducting 

anticorruption, and essentially state-building, institutional 

transformations, will be evident from the dynamics of the 

declared reforms. In the first place, this refers to the reform 

of local self-government and decentralization. It is clear that 

this will be a long and difficult process. The biblical story on 

how Moses wandered with Hebrews in the desert is not simply 

a good fairytale. Without changes in human consciousness, 

changes in the society are impossible. The masses of 

people may turn into conscious citizens only when they 

jointly and consistently surmount all difficulties and obstacles. 

As the experience of Marxist regimes have proved in 

the 20th century, it is impossible to jump over certain stages 

of social development. Incidentally, the contemporary crisis 

in Greece is another watertight confirmation of this. That is 

why the citizens of Ukraine have no other choice than conquering 

their corruptive consciousness by themselves and 

building their state and their nation to produce a safe and 

prosperous home for their children. 


21

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СПОГАДИ 

PERSONA. ПЕРСОНА 

ПРО КАНАДУ 

6 грудня Дмитро Васильович поспілкувався з українською громадою Вінніпегу у 

форматі відео-зустрічі, організованою громадою Собору Св. Покрови. 

Це була щира та цікава зустріч, на якій Павличко згадував своє життя, розповідав 

про тісний зв’язок з Канадою та її українською діаспорою, говорив про сьогодення 

України та відповідав на запитання присутніх. Зараз Дмитру Васильовичу 86 років, 

але він й досі працює, досі творить, досі бореться за світле майбутнє України. 

До Вашої уваги окремі спогади Дмитра Васильовича під час зустрічі. 

Дмитро Павличко - 

идатний поет, 

В 

лiтературознавець, 

лауреат Шевченкiвської 

премiї, перекладач, критик, 

сценарист - найбільш відомий 

широкому загалу як поет та автор 

пісні «Два кольори». Окрім своєї 

літературної діяльності, Дмитро 

Васильович був та залишається 

громадсько-політичним діячем - 

спiвзасновником Народного руху 

України i Демократичної партiї, 

членом Української нацiональної 

партiї, народним депутатом України 

(1990-1999, 2005), співавтором 

тексту Акту Проголошення Незалежності 

України (1991), головою 

Товариства української мови ім. 

Тараса Шевченка (1989-1990), 

головою Української Всесвітньої 

Координаційної Ради (2006-2011), 

Надзвичайним та Повноважним 

послом України в Словацькій Республіці. 

Послом України в Республіці 

Польща та в Канаді, почесним 

професором українських та 

європейських університетів. 

До Канади я вперше приїхав ще за радянських 

часів, у 1963 році. Приїхав 

на запрошення свого друга Аскольда 

Ганьківського, з яким ми разом вчилися 

у Коломийській гімназії. Наступного 

разу мій візит до Канади відбувся уже коли радянська 

імперія почала хитатися, у 1990 році. 

Того разу я мав зустрічі з різними видатними 

людьми, зокрема, з Романом Гнатишиним (генерал-губернатор 

Канади - ВУ). Було якесь гуляння 

у парку, мені його показали, я підійшов, 

схопив його за руку і сказав: «Я з України». Він 

був щасливий. Я сказав йому, що Україна живе, 

Україна встає. Це був час, коли в Україні вже 

існував Народний Рух. Я тоді працював головою 

комісії закордонних справ парламенту 

України - ще радянської, але в моїй душі та 

голові, вже самостійної. Працював над тим, 

аби Україну почали визнавати в світі: разом з 

Леонідом Кравчуком ми поїхали до Угорщини, 

де домовилися про консульські служби між 

нашими державами, потім я поїхав до Польщі, 

але вважав, що 

саме Канада мала 

визнати Україну як 

самостійну державу 

першою. Я був 

знайомим з багатьма 

українцями в 

Канаді, тому думав 

і вірив, що ця країна 

буде головним 

другом незалежної 

України. 

В 1989 році у Києві відбувається відкриття 

Канадського консульства, а от українського 

консульства в Канаді ще не було. 

У серпні 1991 року я приїжджаю до Канади 

і домагаюся візиту до Барбари МакДоугал 

(Barbara McDougall, Secretary of State 

for External Affairs from 1991 to 1993-ВУ) 

з метою провести з нею переговори про 

відкриття консульства України в Канаді, 

що означало би визнання Канадою незалежності 

України. Вона мені так нічого і не 

змогла пообіцяти, але я залишив їй меморандум, 

в якому в кількох пунктах виклав 

те, що ми чекали від зустрічі з Канадою у 

вересні того ж року, коли мав приїхати Леонід 

Кравчук. Я зазначив, що ми хочемо не 

просто святкувати століття переселення 

українців до Канади, я говорив про те, що 

демократичні сили в Україні вже не поступляться, 

ми ніколи не підпишемо союзний 

договір (яким перед нами махав Михайло 

Горбачов) і ніколи вже не будемо в жодному 

союзі з Росією. Меморандум 

зазначав, що ми 

розраховуємо на канадську 

підтримку. 21 серпня 

я повернувся до Києва, а 

вже 24 серпня ми проголосили 

самостійну Україну. 

Канада ж дійсно, разом з 

поляками, першою визнала 

незалежність України і з 

того часу є її вірним другом. 

Я познайомився з великим художником світового рівня, він хоч і народився в Канаді, 

але батьки його з Буковини, тому я його вважаю і нашим художником. Це Василь 

Курелик. До Києва Курелик приїхав разом зі своїми друзями Колядківськими, яких 

я зустрічав. Одразу після прибуття, Курелик попросив мене відвезти його до цвинтаря. 

Ми поїхали у Биківню – гай, де поховано багато замордованих НКВДистами партіотів, 

поряд там знаходиться цвинтар. От він ходив-ходив поміж хрестами, а потім попросив його 

залишити на 3 години самого. Я не знаю, що він там малював. На другий день мене потім викликали 

до ЦК партії і довго пояснювали, чому не треба возити іноземців до Биківні. 


23

Що таке українська громада в Канаді? Вам потрібно було думати як стати 

канадцями, але ви зберегли національну ідентичність тому, що мали 

церковну громаду. Ви завжди були з церквою. Ми зараз в Україні маємо 

проблеми – ми розділені духовно. Ми мусимо це подолати, Україна мусить 

мати єдину християнську помісну церкву і мені здається, що саме з Канади 

та Америки мусить йти та наука, як об’єднатися навколо церкви. Я мрію дожити 

до того часу, коли наші православні та греко-католицькі ієрархії зійдуться 

і скажуть: «У нас має бути Єдина Помісна Українська Християнська Церква». 

19 грудня у газеті «Слово 

Просвіти» буде надрукований 

мій новий 

цикл поезії «Вірші з 

Чорногорії». Також я працюю 

над другим томом своїх спогадів, 

де буде згадана і Канада. 

Я думаю, що пам’ятник Катерини 

Другої в Одесі буде колись перекований 

на пам’ятник Мазепі. 

«Два Кольори» почали 

співати у Києві у далекому 

1964 році, але я, 

ще будучи учнем Коломийської 

гімназії, співав «прапор 

червоно-чорний – то наше 

все добро: червоне – то кохання, а чорне – пекла дно». Це була пісня УПА і 

прапор УПА. А за свої вірші я не сів тільки тому, бо сказав КГБістам, які допитували 

мене, що писав про прапор Паризької Комуни – першої комуністичної 

держави. У них теж був червоно-чорний прапор. Викручувався як міг. 

Мене виховало Різдво. В моїй хаті свята 

вечеря та Різдво було найвищим 

святом. До нас приходили сусіди, ми 

вечеряли разом, а між ними був скрипаль 

– сліпий чоловік, але та скрипка і наші голоси, 

і наша коляда назавжди залишились зі мною. 

Ще маленьким хлопчиком я почав колядувати, 

був і ангелом, і чортом. Пам’ятаю, я ходив по 

своєму селу і збирав по п’ять ґрошей, які зазвичай 

давали колядникам, збирав собі на лижі. А в 

кожній хаті були люди, яких я бачив через вікно. 

Про це наступний вірш: 

«Вікно — як око, над загатою, 

Хатина в шапці сніговій. 

А я співав під тою хатою, 

Колядував, як соловій. 

Сніжинки на шибках топилися, 

Вдивлявся я в нутро житла; 

Там діти-янголи молилися, 

Господь сидів коло стола. 

То був господар хати вбогої, 

Дідусь — на бровах сивина. 

Про Вифлеєм співав я Богові, 

При явному на склі вікна. 

І досі я живий ще згадкою, 

Як тішився при тому склі, 

Коли, піднесений колядкою, 

Я бачив Бога на землі.» 

Це не може бути, аби ми з вами не побачились, тому я збираюся приїхати до Вінніпеґу. Я всіх памятаю, 

всіх люблю і закінчую цю зустріч так, як закінчується сьогодні все в Україні: «Слава Україні!». 

Сподіваємося на зустріч і ми, бо такі зустічі надихають на патріотизм, любов, нові звершення у житті! 

24 


OPINION. ДУМКА 

When should you be celebrating new years 

and what year is it? 

Jaroslaw Zurowsky 

A 

ccording to the Julian/Gregorian calendar currently 

in vogue, the new 2016 year should be celebrated 

on January 1. 

However, this has not always been the case. Originally, the 

year’s end took place at the end of February. This can be seen 

through the names of the months being used. October comes 

from the number 8, December from 10, with January, being 

the eleventh month while February is the twelfth. The extra 

leap day was added to end of the year being at the end of February 

and the date of the year was changed on March 1. 

Thus, the new year for Roman religious purposes was celebrated 

on March 1 and this March 1 day was important for the 

early Roman Catholic Church as it was not part of the state. 

The Roman civil new year, when government employees 

began their term in office, began on January 1, which was important 

as it emphasized the separation of church and state. 

But gradually as the Roman Catholic Church, began to flex 

its imperial muscles, especially after the introduction of the 

Gregorian calendar, the separation between church and state 

vanished, and January 1 became the start of the new year. 

A more difficult task is determining what year it really is. 

The present Julian/ Gregorian dating system came into being 

in what we now know as the 6th century CE, as the group 

which turned into the Roman Catholic Church was rewriting 

and embellishing their history. A monk, Dionysius Exiguus, 

reworked the old Roman calendar amended by Julius Caesar, 

hence the name Julian, so that the 

birth of Isus Khristos, would be on 

The first truly Christian 

Calendar is the Ethiopian 

one which should 

not be a surprise as 

they are among the 

oldest Christian groups, 

much older than the 

Roman one. 

year 1 of the new Julian Calendar. 

According the old Roman calendar, 

this birth should have occurred in 

754. This 754 date came about, as a 

result of counting the years from 

the founding of Rome. As Dionysius 

Exiguus did not have accurate 

historical materials, his re-dating 

is imperfect, least of which that 

1BCE and 1CE are the same year. 

But what has been forgotten is that this is not the first Christian 

calendar. The first truly Christian Calendar is the Ethiopian 

one which should not be a surprise as they are among the 

oldest Christian groups, much older than the Roman one. The 

Ethiopian Coptic church has had their own calendar with the 

very first Christian enclaves. According to the Ethiopian Calendar, 

the upcoming year will be 7509. 

This is important for two reasons. The first is that the earliest 

Christians did not believe the world began in 4000 BCE but 

was much older than that. The second is that this calendar dating 

coincides very closely to the Slavic year of 7524. 

What this suggests is that the early Christian influence on 

the ancient Slavs comes from the very early years of Christianity 

as a movement. Whether it be from a Coptic source or 

a Nestorian one, is a secondary, though an important issue. It 

gives credibility to the tale that the apostle, Andrew visited 

Kyiv, following the trade route going north from Antioch, and 

from there taking the trade route west to Mainz, Germany 

where the Celts were settled before they bagpiped their way 

to Scotland. 

Looking at Ethiopian writing, the connection is visible to Armenian 

script, another early Christian nation. The Armenians 

had trade and other cultural connections with the Slavic world. 

Examining the Ethiopian script, there is a strong resemblance 

to the Glagolitic script supposedly invented by Cyril and Methodius. 

It is very doubtful that they did create Glagolitic. As 

well, it is accepted that there was an Armenian influence in 

the spreading of Christianity into Georgia, thus Armenians influencing 

the Slavic world is very credible. 

Cyrillic script used in Eastern Europe has a geometric form, 

which is different from the circular forms of Greek. The Greek 

brothers would not have invented this script. 

Added to the debate is the part of the Cyril and Methodius 

tale conveniently omitted by many who persist on denigrating 

the Slavic world. The tale states that the brothers met a black 

robed monk who showed them Christian materials translated 

into Old Slavonic, the local language. Translation of materials 

into local languages was a practise of the Eastern Christian 

Church, unlike the Roman Catholic Church which insisted that 

materials be hidden from the common masses and maintained 

only in Latin. Thus it all provides credence that the Eastern 

Christian message was present many years before Cyril and 

Methodius visited the Slavic lands. 

Cyril and Methodius may have been holy men, but they did 

not bring Christianity to the Slavs, nor did they bring them 

writing and literacy. 

However, when should the new year be celebrated, January 

1 or March 1, all depends if you are celebrating the pre- 

Christian Roman civil new year or the Roman religious one. As 

for the year itself, it is very arbitrary. For some it may be 2016. 

Slavs should be celebrating 7524. 


25

RECIPES. РЕЦЕПТИ 

Різдвяна кутя 

Різдво Христове настає 6 січня, 

тому готувати кутю необхідно напередодні 

цього дня. Традиційно на 

Різдво готують 12 страв, бо у християнській 

традиції це символізує 12 

апостолів. Зазвичай це кутя, голубці, 

узвар, борщ, вареники, вінегрет, 

страви з грибів, квашена чи тушкована 

капуста, pиба смажена, cалат з 

буряка та оселедця, пшоняна каша 

з грибною приправою на олії, горохова 

каша. 

Кутя - головна звичаєво-обрядова 

страва, яку асоціюють з язичницьким 

богом багатства Велесом. 

Кутя готується за Різдвяні свята тричі: 

Перша кутя - “Багата кутя”, вона 

готується в переддень Різдва ( 6 січня). 

Друга кутя - “Щедра кутя”, готується 

на Василя (Старий Новий рік 14-го 

січня). 

Третя кутя -“Голодна кутя”, готується в 

переддень Водохреща (18 січня). 

Традиційна кутя готується з пшениці. 

Відварюється пшениця, таким 

чином, щоб вона була м’якою, але 

водночас і нерозвареною. Мнеться 

мак (раніше це робили у ступі) таким 

чином, щоб “пішло молочко”. 

Подрібнюються грецькі горіхи. Розпарюються 

родзинки (заливаємо гарячею 

кип’яченою водою). Береться 

пару ложок меду. Усе це перемішується 

з невеличкою кількістю теплої 

кип’яченої води (інколи готують на 

узварі). Якщо врахувати, що є різні 

види куті, то можна зварити її з 

рису або перловки. В якості заправки 

розглядається мед, але можна використовувати 

і солодку воду (узвар), 

молоко. У куті кожна складова має 

своє значення: мак - це зорі на небі, 

молодість; пшениця - це життя; мед 

- здоров’я; горіхи - багатство; ізюм - 

життя та любов, Боже провидіння. 

Кутя з перловки 

1 склянка перлової крупи, 1 неповна склянка маку, півсклянки 

почищених волоських горіхів, півсклянки ізюму, мед і цукор за смаком. 

Перлову крупу промийте, залийте водою у співвідношенні: 

1 частина крупи на 3 частини води, додайте трошки 

солі. Варіть на повільному вогні до готовності. Щоб 

не підгоріло, помішуйте, якщо треба, доливайте трохи 

води. Відкиньте на сито і охолодіть. Мак заваріть крутим 

окропом і поставте на слабкий вогонь і варіть доти, 

аж поки зернятка не будуть легко розтиратися між 

пальцями. Потім мак відкиньте на сито, добре відцідіть 

і перекрутіть через м’ясорубку чи в блендері . Можна навпаки 

– спочатку змолоти мак у кавомолці, а потім зварити. 

Мак перемішайте з готовою перловкою, додайте посічені ножем 

горіхи, промитий ізюм, мед і цукор за смаком. Перемішайте. Присмачіть 

мигдальним молочком, або просто трохи розбавте кип’яченою водою чи 

узваром. А вже на Pіздво можна подавати з вершками чи молоком. 

Кутя з ячменю та заморожених ягід 

Півсклянки ячменю, 1 неповна склянка маку, 6-7 склянок води, 

3-4 столові ложки цукру або меду, 250-300 г заморожених ягід (малина, 

суниці, полуниці), півсклянки жовтих та чорних родзинок, 1 склянка 

вишень без кісточок або інших ягід з улюбленого варення. 

У великій мисці замочіть зерна ячменю у холодній воді на 

цілу ніч. Потім воду не зливати. Варіть ячмінь у цій же 

воді на слабкому вогні не менше години. Додайте цукор 

або мед, заморожені ягоди, родзинки, мак і варіть на 

слабкому вогні ще півгодини. Додайте відціджені вишні 

і варіть ще 10 хвилин, поки не вийде досить густа каша. 

Подавайте охолоджену. 

Кутя з рису та варення 

1 склянка рису, цукор за смаком, трошки солі, 1 неповна склянка 

маку, 1 склянка проціджених ягід або шматочків фруктів з червоного 

або жовтого варення (вишні, абрикоси, сливи, яблука, полуниці). 

Рис переберіть, промийте, залийте водою, доведіть до кипіння. 

Відкиньте на сито, промийте під проточною холодною водою, знову 

покладіть у каструлю і варіть до готовності у великій кількості 

води. Знову відкиньте на сито й охолодіть. Високоякісні, 

дорожчі сорти довгого чи круглого розсипчастого рису 

промивати не треба. З улюбленого варення виберіть і 

відкиньте на сито склянку ягід чи фруктів і обережно 

змішайте з рисом. Підлийте трохи сиропу, що залишився, 

або солодкої кип’яченої води, або мигдального молока. 

26 


Кутя «Українська» 

Традиційний рецепт. На 2 склянки пшениці: 3 літри води, 

1 склянка маку, півсклянки посічених ножем волоських горіхів, 1 

яблуко, 1/3 склянки меду, 1 неповна склянка цукру-піску. 

Підсушіть зерна пшениці в духовці при максимальній температурі 

(200-250 градусів) 1 годину. Час від часу помішуйте, щоб 

зерна не підгоріли. Потім промийте і замочіть в холодній воді на 

цілу ніч. Розведіть мед у 3/4 склянки гарячої води. Тим часом доведіть 

зерна у 3 літрах води до кипіння, варіть на слабкому вогні 

не менше 3-4 годин, поки зерна не розваряться. Мак готуємо як в 

попередніх рецептах. Коли все охолоне, змішайте зерна, мак, мед, 

цукор у мисці і додайте порізані дрібними кубиками яблука. Поставте 

кутю на холод. Можна на свій смак додати узвар і сухофрукти з узвару. 

Кутя «Панська» 

500 г пшениці , 150 г жовтих родзинок і 50 г кураги, 200 г 

волоських горіхів, 100 г мигдалю, 200 г маку. 

Добре промийте пшеницю і накрийте полотниною, відкладіть 

на 12-16 годин, поки добре не набрякнуть паростки. Родзинки, порізані 

на шматочки, курагу та горіхи замочіть на 5-10 хвилин у 

невеликій кількості не дуже гарячої води (можна окремо, а потім 

відцідити і змішати). Після цього додайте «пророщену» пшеницю 

у суміш волоських горіхів, мигдалю, родзинок і кураги. Мак готуємо 

як в попередніх рецептах. Змішайте все з маком. Залийте теплою 

чистою водою. Додайте трохи меду або цукру, але небaгaто. 

Кутя з рису з мигдалем 

та жовтими родзинками 

250 г рису, 1 неповна склянка маку, 100 г мигдалю, 100 г 

родзинок, цукор і цукрова пудра за смаком. 

Рис приготуйте, як за попередніми рецептами. Ошпарений 

крутим окропом мигдаль витримайте у воді півгодини, затим 

розітріть, додайте цукор за смаком, розведіть невеликою кількістю 

води і перемішайте з готовим охолодженим рисом, потім 

покладіть промиті й ошпарені жовті родзинки, мак та знову 

перемішайте. 

RECIPES. РЕЦЕПТИ 

З куті починають Різдвяну трапезу 

у Святвечір і закінчують ложкою цієї 

страви, обмінюючись побажаннями і 

згадуючи померлих предків. 

Кутя вважалася основною обрядовою 

їжею, а тому з нею пов’язано чимало 

обрядодій. Після її приготування, 

вийнявши горщик, дивилися: якщо 

зерна піднялися через вінчик — на добробут, 

а запали — на лихе передвістя. 

До звареного збіжжя додавали меду, 

але пам’ятали відоме прислів’я: «Не 

передай куті меду». 

І коли настає час накривати на стіл: 

скатертина повинна бути лише білою. 

Наші предки вірили, що якщо покласти 

під скатертину трохи соломи, це обіцяє 

благополуччя та достаток, а дівчата 

можуть поворожити, витягуючи соломинки 

(довгі й зелені обіцяють швидке 

весілля). Під стіл бажано покласти 

який-небудь залізний предмет, щоб 

кожен міг хвилинку потримати на ньому 

ноги, тоді вони будуть здоровими й 

сильними. Кутю на стіл несе саме господиня, 

виставляє ще 11 пісних страв і 

починається святкування Святвечора. 

Насолоджуйтеся! Смачних та веселих 

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27

УКРАЇНСЬКА 

ЄВАНГЕЛЬСЬКА ЦЕРКВА 

Пастор: Анатолій Шевчук 

тел. (204) 805 2295 

Богослужіння відбуваються: 

· Неділя 11:00 

· П'ятниця 19:00 

730 McPhillips St. Winnipeg 

www.ukrevangelchurch.ca 

ukrevangelchurchofwinnipeg 

ukrevangelchurch@gmail.com 


local artists. місцеві митці 

HIGH 

Profile Band 

Джон Рекару – скрипка 

Марвін Пейтш – гітарист/бек-вокал/фронт-вокал 

Скот Янг – ударні 

Стів Кіз – акордеон, клавіші 

Деррен Ґаґалюк – бас, фронт-вокал/бек-вокал 

Так чи інакше всі учасники 

мають відношення до України: 

хтось є напів-українцем, 

у когось дружина українка, 

хтось народився на кордоні з 

Україною. 

ідер групи Деррен Ґаґалюк 

виріс у Вінніпезі, хоча його 

Л мати жила біля Дафіну і Деррен 

часто бував на українських 

весіллях в сільській місцевості. 

Напевне, на цих заходах і зародилася 

його мрія про сцену. Маленький Деррен 

слухав манітобські «Polka Kings», 

«D-Drifters», а також східні україно-канадські 

гурти «Буря», «Дунай», «Чарка» 

та інші. У 9 років Деррен почав займатися 

грою на піаніно, у 12 - на барабанах, 

паралельно займаючись вокалом. Саме 

на барабанах Деррен грав 17 років. Після 

закінчення університету Манітоби, 

лідер High Profile співав з іншими колективами, 

але його українське коріння 

все ж не давало спокою і він вирішив 

створити свій гурт, який грав би українську 

музику. 

«High Profile - це продовження моєї 

української ідентичності». 

За майже 20 років існування колективу 

до традиційних українських 

вальсів та польки додалися кельтська 

музика, рок та кантрі-рок, поп музика. 

На весіллях же High Profile можуть зіграти 

все, що забажають молоді. «Навіть 

Океан Ельзи?», - запитали ми. «Навіть 

Океан Ельзи, якщо нас попередять заздалегідь», 

- підтвердив Деррен. 

За час існування гурт записав 3 диски: 

«Traditionally Yours» (1999) - тут 

змішалися мотиви західно- та східноканадських 

українських гуртів. У 2003 

з’явилася «And Zabava goes on» - напевне, 

найпопулярніший альбом гурту. Тут 

можна почути декілька традиційних 

українських пісень, перероблених в іншому 

стилі. Так, «Червона Рута» звучить 

у поп стилі, а «Ой та й Дунай, Дунай, Дунай» 

перетворилася з польки на самбу. 

Наразі, останній альбом High Profile називається 

“Tribute to Ukrainian Heritage”. 

З’явився диск у 2011 році, а на його обкладинці 

зображена ферма діда Деррена 

поблизу Дафіна. Фото зроблене у 1967 

році. У цьому альбомі також можна почути 

музичні експерименти з традиційними 

українськими піснями: «Із сиром 

пироги» з польки перетворилася на самбу, 

а «Гуцулка Ксенія» була записана у 

стилі поп. 

Деррен вважає, що попит на українські 

гурти у Вінніпезі все ще існує. 

Фестивалі продовжують збирати тисячі 

людей, українська культура завжди 

представлена на багатьох мультикультурних 

заходах, на весіллях українці все 

ще хочуть чути свою музику. І хоча зараз 

багато вінніпежців одружуються поза 

межами міста, чи навіть країни, Деррен 

вважає, що ніщо не може зрівнятися з 

живим виступом, а справжнє українське 

весілля просто мусить мати танцювальні 

сети, після яких гості не відчувають своїх 

ніг. 

Окрім незчисленних весіль та корпоративів, 

High Profile виступав на головній 

сцені фестивалю у Дафіні у 2007 

та 2011 роках, а також на фестивалі «Весна» 

у Саскатуні. З 2001 року Деррен з 

командою кожного року виступають на 

відомому літньому концерті на Коридон 

авеню. Також вже 10 років Маланка у 

Holly Trinity Church не відбувається без 

High Profile. 30 січня хлопці гратимуть 

на святкуванні 45-річчя танцювального 

колективу «Сопілка», яке відбудеться в 

Парафіяльному Центрі Пресвятої Євхаристії 

на 460 Munroe Avenue. 

High Profile вітає всіх з різдвяними 

святами та бажає здоров’я, 

достатку та наснаги. 


29

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31

Merry Christmas! 

З Pіздвом Христовим 

Greg 

Selinger 

MLA for St. Boniface 

Premier of Manitoba 

204-237-9247 

GregSelinger.ca 

Dave 

Chomiak 

MLA for Kildonan 

204-334-5060 

DaveChomiak.ca 

Erna 

Braun 

MLA for Rossmere 

204-667-7244 

ErnaBraun.ca 

Melanie 

Wight 

MLA for Burrows 

204-421-9414 

MelanieWight.ca 

Gord 

Mackintosh 

MLA for St. Johns 

204-582-1550 

GordMackintosh.ca 

Mohinder 

Saran 

MLA for The Maples 

204-632-7933 

MohinderSaran.ca

Вінніпеґ Український № 11 (January 2016)

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