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9_Law and State_Volume 17

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60<br />

Johann Hellwege<br />

aware of the problems of industrialization in Latin America. This is the<br />

great service of the dependencia school. Its frequently one-sided emphasis<br />

upon external impediments to development has created an awarenessof<br />

the problems of unequal, unjust relationships with foreign busmess. The<br />

definition of the developmental process as modernization after the western<br />

model has been righdy called into question. However, the tendency<br />

to attempt to explain all faulty developments by “dependencia has<br />

promoted an uncritical method of analysis. The explanatory schemata, in<br />

the majority of individual cases, have not been adequate. Here, we certainly<br />

do not wish to suggest that direct foreign investments in Latin<br />

America are always <strong>and</strong> inevitably useful. It is an extremely difficult tas<br />

to determine the effect of foreign investments, <strong>and</strong> one can hardly do it<br />

justice using an undifferentiated approach. Here the dependencia school<br />

is challenged to re-examine its theories against empirical detailed studies<br />

<strong>and</strong>, where necessary, to modify them.<br />

In this context, let us specifically point out the work by Kaufmann,<br />

Chernotsky <strong>and</strong> Geller28. For the first time, seventeen Latin American<br />

countries are compared, on the basis of known statistical materials, according<br />

to hypotheses deduced from dependencia theories. Though here<br />

we cannot discuss the rightness or wrongness of the statistical materials<br />

or of individual hypotheses, let us point out that this “provisional test”<br />

now transfers the burden of proving their hypotheses to the dependencistas<br />

themselves. Precisely in the economic sphere, which is central to the<br />

dependencia theories, the correlations are least convincing in this first<br />

larger attempt at an empirical-statistical study.<br />

In order to conclude the dependencia complex, we shall examine the<br />

problem of alternatives, of alternative development policy strategies, in<br />

so far as they are ascertainable in the various camps of the dependencia<br />

school.<br />

Where dependencia theories conceptualize dependencia - non-dependencia<br />

as dichotomous variables, rather than as a continuum, they imply<br />

that “non-dependencia” is potentially attainable. It is noteworthy, however,<br />

that all variations of this theory avoid, with what amounts to trepidation,<br />

providing a definition of what “non-dependenda” would be<br />

<strong>and</strong> what a non-dependent economy would look like. To reject dependencia<br />

- non-dependenda as a continuum is at the same time to reject<br />

explicitly, or at least to encumber greatly, alternatives aimed at eliminating<br />

dependencia.<br />

To be sure, some dependencia theorists who espouse Marxism (e. g.,<br />

Dos Santos, Bodenheimer, Cdrdova or Michelena), in accordance with<br />

the logic of the basic dependencia theorem, dem<strong>and</strong> a radical withdrawal

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