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9_Law and State_Volume 17

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62<br />

Johann Hellwege<br />

foreign trade <strong>and</strong> the possibility of equal economic intercourse with the<br />

industrialized states, then it seems admissible to conclude that die underdeveloped<br />

countries must see the necessity of concentrating their endeavours<br />

in the export sectors in which they can produce most price-efficiently.<br />

Every specialization of the export economies simultaneously takes<br />

account of the needs of other countries, <strong>and</strong> the result is what, e. g., Dos<br />

Santos has described as dependencia. His observation that private <strong>and</strong><br />

national interests must be eliminated so that a world economic integration<br />

without relations of dependency could be possible, amounts to a<br />

proposal to “dissolve” nations’ dependency relations by abolishing the<br />

nations. Quite apart from the utopian character of such a proposal, such<br />

an approach could hardly be made palatable to Latin American governments<br />

<strong>and</strong> Latin Americans, for the strength of nationalism is unabated-9.<br />

The bourgeois-nationalist group within the dependencia school (e. g.,<br />

Cardoso, Sunkel, Jaguaribe) starts from a continuum of dependencianon-dependencia<br />

<strong>and</strong> thus is increasingly able to discuss degrees of dependencia<br />

<strong>and</strong> differences in the character of dependencia (e. g., trade dependency,<br />

capital dependency). Its greater relation to reality results from its<br />

rejection of rigorous, schematic mental constructs. One is however struck<br />

by the fact that, as this grouping reflects upon the development of alternative<br />

strategies for the elimination of dependencia, it still resurrects<br />

modernization theorems, albeit in modified form. With its discussion of<br />

the framework for organizational policy <strong>and</strong> its emphasis on the role of<br />

the state’s power, with its reference to sustaining groups of development<br />

policy (say in the form of a “progressive” military), with the broad area<br />

which it accords to Latin American integration policy in the discussion of<br />

alternatives of industrialization, <strong>and</strong> not least of all, with its concession<br />

of participation opportunities to foreign enterprises, the originally radical<br />

verdicts of the dependencia discussion are increasingly falling into the<br />

realm of the forgotten. By contrast, one finds relatively frequent interconnections<br />

with modernization theory as set down, for example, by<br />

Bendix, Gerschenkron or Eisenstadt30.<br />

The dependencia discussion has not provided any economic policy<br />

alternatives to the import of “western” capitalism or “western” industrialization<br />

in those regions where the preconditions for the development<br />

of an autonomous capitalism or autonomous industrialization were not or<br />

are not extant. Perhaps this explains why the dependencia theories enunciated<br />

from a Marxist viewpoint are being attacked with increasing<br />

vehemence. The significance of the dependencia discussion, therefore,<br />

should not be sought primarily in the scientific sphere, but apparently<br />

has more to do with the fact that it enabled an indigenous self-awareness,

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