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9_Law and State_Volume 17

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5 2 Johann Hellwege<br />

tion, the major point, in the present context, is the similarity of the<br />

phenomena11.<br />

Just as Soviet imperialism cannot be justified by condemning U.S.<br />

imperialism in Latin America, so the reverse is also true: American imperialism<br />

cannot be made to seem a natural event by referring to similar<br />

contemporary phenomena. An incriminating weakness of dependenria<br />

theories is, however, their failure to recognize both versions. In this way<br />

dependencia precipitately becomes a political rallying cry like fascism or<br />

imperialism. Thus dependencia theory, under certain circumstances, can<br />

fulfil a thoroughly significant political function, but as a scientific theory<br />

it loses credibility when it refuses to take cognizance of non-capitalist<br />

dependency. Similarly, Marxist imperialism theory, due to its ideological<br />

predispositions, is reluctant to deal with non-capitalist imperialism. If,<br />

on the other h<strong>and</strong>, one resolves to recognize the existence today of at least<br />

two forms of imperialism, then it follows that the common denominator<br />

of the two kinds of imperialism mentioned here is rather less likely to<br />

be capitalism than presumably an unequal distribution of power. In this<br />

case the question of possible alternatives can no longer be solved simply<br />

by a negation of the world capitalist context; but on the other h<strong>and</strong>, more<br />

realistic alternative strategies become more readily possible, as will be<br />

shown.<br />

Dependencia approaches, as a rule, begin with the assumption that<br />

private foreign investment in every case has an exploitative character <strong>and</strong><br />

is inimical to Latin American development, or at most can facilitate<br />

dependent development” (Cardoso). This all too crude simplification of<br />

an extremely complex situation is in general inadequately <strong>and</strong> misleadingly<br />

grounded. If, by contrast, as in the works of Cardoso <strong>and</strong> others,<br />

the analysis includes carefully differentiated effects of different foreign<br />

investments, the dependencia concept loses its specific declarative value<br />

<strong>and</strong> could be replaced by the everyday notion of dependency.<br />

Valid objections can be raised against the treatment of foreign private<br />

investments as a monolithic phenomenon whose effects are in every case<br />

inimical to economic development. The foreign so-called extraction enterprises<br />

are known to have adaptive effects on national economies. Much<br />

can be said in favour of regarding these more as indigenous investments<br />

of the industrial countries which geographically happen to be located<br />

abroad1-. On the other h<strong>and</strong>, however, it is an entirely open question<br />

whether, e. g., Latin American governments are exonerated from blame<br />

when, despite admittedly limited domestic capital formation <strong>and</strong> the<br />

multiplicator effect of such foreign enterprises, they all too frequently<br />

accept expenditures, tariffs, etc. - which often have been received in

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