STRUGGLES
Struggles-for-autonomy-in-Kurdistan
Struggles-for-autonomy-in-Kurdistan
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the struggle against daesh<br />
these statements, not least by many ofthe<br />
supporters ofthese two entities. Supporters<br />
ofthe Rojava administration would disagree<br />
that they are a state, and supporters ofthe<br />
Islamic State would disagree that they are<br />
revolutionary. But nevertheless the two<br />
organisations have both captured and<br />
successfully held on to the monopoly of<br />
power within large, 'country-sized'<br />
territories, along with cities, industries and<br />
military installations. And there is no doubt<br />
that society has been transformed within<br />
those boundaries.<br />
The two organisations are almost<br />
diametrically opposed: Rojava, the<br />
democratic, feminist, egalitarian,<br />
ecological experiment in diversity<br />
and localism, versus the Islamic<br />
State, the caliphate ruled directly<br />
by the supposed descendant ofthe<br />
Prophet’s family in strict<br />
accordance with the literal word of<br />
God: it is reactionary, totalitarian,<br />
patriarchal, and intolerant of<br />
others to the point ofjustifying the<br />
genocide and enslavement of<br />
minorities.<br />
But yet, at the same time their origins and<br />
the manner in which they exploded into the<br />
Syrian conflict bear uncanny similarities.<br />
And neither organisation is, strictly<br />
speaking, native to Syria.<br />
Before the organisation branded itselfas<br />
the Islamic State, even before it branched<br />
out from Iraq and called itselfthe Islamic<br />
State ofIraq and Syria, it was known as the<br />
Islamic State ofIraq. Iraq is the birthplace<br />
190<br />
ofthe Islamic State, and Iraq is the Islamic<br />
State’s power base. The Islamic State ofIraq<br />
(and thus ISIS) was the result ofIraq’s many<br />
years ofUS inflicted catastrophe. Prior to<br />
the US-UK invasion and occupation, the<br />
Iraqi Ba’ath Party and the radical Salafi<br />
Islamist movement had been mortal<br />
enemies. But politics make strange<br />
bedfellows, and the necessity ofhaving to<br />
unite to fight the United States and its Shialed<br />
puppet government pushed the two<br />
movements together. At the beginning of<br />
the insurgency the majority ofattacks were<br />
carried out by former Iraqi security<br />
personnel who were still loyal to Saddam<br />
Hussein’s regime, yet the United States<br />
propaganda organs insisted on placing<br />
much ofthe blame on (the at the time<br />
virtually non-existent) Al Qaeda in Iraq. Al<br />
Qaeda’s uncompromising ideology had little<br />
appeal to secular-leaning Iraqis, until it<br />
appeared that Al Qaeda was leading the<br />
resistance. During the long, bloody years of<br />
war and insurgency Iraq became the<br />
crucible in which the remnants ofthe<br />
Ba’athist police-state fused with the<br />
jihadists’ ultra conservative millenarian<br />
ideology to create a movement that was<br />
both ruthless in its pursuit ofpower and<br />
utterly certain in its religious zeal. As a<br />
result ofyears fighting the most powerful<br />
army in the world, this organisation<br />
boasted some ofthe best guerilla fighters<br />
and strategists in the world.<br />
The Islamic State ofIraq was presumed to<br />
have been defeated during the ‘Sunni<br />
Awakening’ of2007-8, when a combination<br />
ofnon-Al Qaeda insurgents and the US<br />
military briefly allied against Al Qaeda in<br />
Iraq, in response to the declaration ofthe<br />
Islamic State ofIraq and the associated<br />
brutality oftheir briefbut bloody reign over