STRUGGLES

Also, the existence ofa centralised security
force, Asayîş, which is largely independent
ofthe council system, seems to run counter
to the idea ofpower being with the
grassroots communes. But in the context of
the Syrian civil war and attacks by Daesh,
good security is clearly necessary and we
were happy about the frequent Asayîş
checkpoints, which helped to keep us safe
during our visit in 2015. Many in the
movement, including members ofAsayîş,
maintain that the organisation will dissolve
itselfwhen it is no longer necessary.
Practical steps are being taken toward this
end, with the setting up ofarmed defence
forces by the communes. Bedran Gia Kurd
ofTEV-DEM told us that TEV-DEM was
engaged in providing support and training
to the communes to set up their own
defence forces. Because ofthis process,
Asayîş does not have a monopoly on the use
offorce in Rojava.
Perhaps the most powerful forces in Rojava
are the People's Protection Forces ofthe YPJ
and YPG. These forces have been key to the
survival ofdemocratic confederalism in
Rojava. However, there is evidence that they
have acted oppressively in the past, firing on
demonstrators in Amudê in 2013. 13a Also,
how many people in Rojava actually have a
say about the alliances formed by these
military organisations? One such example is
the changing nature ofthe alliance with the
US, which may be necessary for the success
ofthe fight against Daesh, but which we
would say, has the potential to threaten the
grassroots social revolution in Rojava.
In 2014, when Kobanê was under attack by
Daesh, the US, reluctantly and belatedly,
began bombing in coordination with the
YPG and YPJ. US air support was an
39
important factor in the liberation of
Kobanê. Since then military co-operation
with the US against Daesh has increased.
Many people in Rojava have a critical
perspective on the alliance. When we spoke
to Bedran Gia Kurd ofTEV-DEM, he said:
"There is daily coordination with the US military
as our enemy is the same, but there is no longterm
agreement. There is no guarantee for this
coordination. It is temporary. Maybe in the
future there won't be this coordination.
Coordination in the future will be on the basis of
how to protect our principles. So ifthis
coordination compromises our project, we will not
agree to it."
But, as Zaher Baher points out, Saleh
Muslim, PYD co-chairperson, in an
interview with the Washington Kurdish
Institute, has put forward a different point
ofview: “America is a superpower that fosters
democracy globally, and tries to develop and
disseminate it throughout the world.” 14
Other PYD figures have called for
international business investment in
Rojava, seemingly without recognising that
it would threaten the moves toward an anticapitalist,
cooperative economy in Rojava. 15
Ofcourse, these statements by politicians
may be intended as pragmatic steps toward
gaining international support for their
struggle for autonomy and fight against
Daesh. But, at best, these politicians are
playing an extremely dangerous game. At
worst, they are completely at odds with the
anti-imperialist and anti-capitalist elements
ofthe movement.
democratic confederalism in kurdistan