STRUGGLES

democratic confederalism in kurdistan
A call for critical
solidarity
When we talk about Kurdistan, and
particularly about Rojava, the debate is
often sidelined into whether the revolution
is perfect. We often debate whether society
in Rojava is utopian, even while our own
social movements are far from perfect.
The argument is often polarised into
complete support for all aspects ofthe
movement in Rojava or a position which
says that the imperfections within the
Rojava experiment mean that we should
have nothing to do with it.
We would like to strongly argue for a stance
ofcritical solidarity, to maintain a critical,
undogmatic perspective which sees the
social movements in Bakur and Rojava for
what they are. To criticise the problematic
aspects but also to be in solidarity with the
positive, liberatory movements taking place,
such as the resistance against Daesh, the
struggles for autonomy, the fight against
Turkish state repression, the movements
towards feminism, towards building cooperatives
and toward anti-capitalism.
These movements have the potential to
transform society both in Kurdistan and in
the Middle East.
But there are aspects ofthe situation in
Rojava where we think it is important to
maintain a critical perspective. For example,
at the moment political parties, and their
associated military and security
organisations, hold a lot ofpower in both
Rojava and Bakur. In both Bakur's DTK and
the council system in Rojava, places are
allocated for representatives ofpolitical
parties. This ensures that political parties
always have a voice within the structures of
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democratic confederalism, whether or not
they represent the views ofthe people in the
grassroots assemblies. The most powerful of
these parties is the PYD, which, according
to Shiar Nayo, has acted to suppress
independent activists and those critical of
the party's policies. 12a
Many people within the movement say that
political parties in Rojava are only there
because the movement is in its infancy, and
that in the future there will be no need for
them, but they are obviously one place
where power could consolidate itself.
Kurdish writer Ercan Ayboğa told us that he
is hopeful that power will gravitate towards
the grassroots:
“Political parties are instruments ofpolitical and
ideological approaches which have a certain role.
Their role has become in the last years slowly less
significant in political life. Increasingly the
different self-organised structures, women, youth
and so on, have become more important. It's a
slow process because over the decades Kurdish
people thought only in the category ofpolitical
parties and it takes time to make changes.”
Other bodies worth critically examining are
Rojava's executive and legislative councils.
In the theory ofdemocratic confederalism,
these bodies should only carry out the will of
the council system. But it remains to be
seen whether power will remain with the
grassroots, or gravitate toward the
government level. As Kurdish anarchist
Zaher Baher puts it:
“I got the impression that as long as the power of
the DSA [Democratic Autonomous
Administration] increases, the power ofTEV-
DEM decreases and the opposite could be right
too”. 13