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Civic Activism as a Novel Component of Armenian Civil Society

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explore the overall political culture in which new civic initiatives have to operate and to<br />

juxtapose typical characteristics <strong>of</strong> a social media user and a potential activist to determine the<br />

extent to which these two groups overlap.<br />

4.1. Descriptive Analysis <strong>of</strong> the Survey Data<br />

The first part <strong>of</strong> the analysis presents descriptive data on civic and political activism in Armenia,<br />

noting changes over time whenever possible. The purpose is to clarify the overall environment in<br />

which civic activism takes place. We <strong>as</strong>sess the overall culture <strong>of</strong> civic participation by<br />

investigating general public perceptions <strong>of</strong> social movements, membership in various formal and<br />

informal groups and organisations, and volunteering. We then discuss political participation<br />

because civic activism is very <strong>of</strong>ten not the end goal but a tool for bringing change, which is<br />

ultimately a political process, <strong>of</strong>ten aided by political activism. We examine overall interest in<br />

politics and conventional and non-conventional forms <strong>of</strong> political participation, the latter being<br />

the most important since they are <strong>of</strong>ten utilised by civic activists. The third part <strong>of</strong> the descriptive<br />

analysis considers the media landscape and particularly the use <strong>of</strong> social media <strong>as</strong> a source <strong>of</strong><br />

information. The purpose is to <strong>as</strong>sess the potential for outreach using social media, which is<br />

heavily used by <strong>Armenian</strong> civic initiatives to mobilise support and inform the public.<br />

4.1.1. <strong>Civic</strong> Participation and <strong>Civic</strong> <strong>Activism</strong><br />

First, let us consider the overall public attitude towards civic activism. The WVS survey h<strong>as</strong> data<br />

on levels <strong>of</strong> confidence in two types <strong>of</strong> social movements: the environmental movement and the<br />

women’s movement. For both <strong>of</strong> those movements, there are more negative than positive<br />

opinions: in 2011, 31% say they have either a ‘great deal’ or ‘quite a lot’ <strong>of</strong> confidence in<br />

women’s movements, compared with 41% saying either ‘not very much’ or ‘not at all.’ For the<br />

environmental movement, the percentages <strong>of</strong> positive vs. negative responses were 36% and 42%,<br />

respectively. The good news, however, is that WVS data show a clear incre<strong>as</strong>e in confidence in<br />

the women’s movement: the mean, me<strong>as</strong>ured on a scale from 1 (“a great deal”) to 4 (“none at<br />

all”) changed from 3.05 in 1997 to 2.74 in 2011 (note that higher numbers indicate less<br />

confidence, due to the way the responses are coded). Judged by the simple me<strong>as</strong>ure <strong>of</strong> the mean<br />

level <strong>of</strong> confidence, the general public’s perception <strong>of</strong> the environmental movement h<strong>as</strong> not<br />

improved. Nonetheless, when examining the response categories in greater detail, a slight shift in<br />

attitudes is noticeable: fewer people hold strong opinions (either positive or negative), while the<br />

percentage <strong>of</strong> those undecided h<strong>as</strong> incre<strong>as</strong>ed, <strong>as</strong> depicted in Figure 1.<br />

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