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Civic Activism as a Novel Component of Armenian Civil Society

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previous days. The protesters deemed these punishments insufficient and called for stricter<br />

me<strong>as</strong>ures against the police <strong>of</strong>ficers who had used violence in previous incidents. After sitting in<br />

the street for approximately 20 minutes, the protesters resumed their march towards the <strong>of</strong>fice <strong>of</strong><br />

the Prosecutor General and submitted a petition. This action had almost no resonance among the<br />

public. On 28 July yet another attempt at organising a sit-in on Republic Square failed. Two<br />

more attempts at rallying people were made in September. Those attracted approximately one<br />

hundred people and failed to create a l<strong>as</strong>ting impact. The protests subsided.<br />

The government ordered an audit by an international company, Deloitte & Touche, in<br />

mid-August 2015. The audit report revealed mismanagement but also justified the price hike: the<br />

company w<strong>as</strong> bordering on bankruptcy. In an interesting development, days after the publication<br />

<strong>of</strong> the audit report, an <strong>Armenian</strong>-born Russian businessman announced that he would be<br />

purch<strong>as</strong>ing ENA. The new owner pledged to continue subsidizing electricity prices for another<br />

year and to implement an “anti-crisis programme” and a modernisation <strong>of</strong> the company<br />

(Danielyan and Gabrielian 2015).<br />

• Current status <strong>of</strong> the initiative<br />

The latest post on the “No to Plunder” website is from December 2015. The activities on the<br />

corresponding Facebook page also stopped at around that time, except for one page that is<br />

actively posting political news and sharing opinions. A news search reveals no new articles. One<br />

<strong>of</strong> the original leaders <strong>of</strong>ficially quit in August 2015 (Azatutyun October 10, 2015).<br />

• Leaders<br />

There w<strong>as</strong> leadership ‘drift’ from the original group to a more radical group that took over when<br />

the original leaders were prepared to weaken the pressure on the government, after the President<br />

made some concessions. The original leadership group consisted <strong>of</strong> approximately 10-13 people<br />

(A. Hakobyan 2016).<br />

• Gender Dimension<br />

The initiative had no explicit gender dimension. All visible leaders were males. Females were<br />

present in the demonstrations in equal proportion to males. However, the initiative touched upon<br />

the gender issue in an unexpected way. Some <strong>of</strong> the rhetoric and symbols used on posters were<br />

considered distinctly m<strong>as</strong>culine and inappropriate for public display, particularly in the presence<br />

<strong>of</strong> children and women. The amount <strong>of</strong> public exposure made some feel uncomfortable, while<br />

others welcomed the new level <strong>of</strong> openness and breaking stereotypes in political humour and the<br />

use <strong>of</strong> visuals during protests. Some female activists complained that their male counterparts<br />

were too protective: <strong>as</strong>king them not to be on the front lines or to stay overnight for the sake <strong>of</strong><br />

their own safety. Thus, implicitly, the gender narrative is part <strong>of</strong> this campaign.<br />

• Internet and Social Media<br />

The initiative had a website, No to Plunder http://vochtalanin.am/, which is no longer available.<br />

While the website w<strong>as</strong> active, we examined its content. It w<strong>as</strong> l<strong>as</strong>t updated in December 2015. A<br />

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