The Vienna Model 2 – Housing for the City of the 21st Century

most of the older developments are too far from the city center
so that there are few opportunities for work and shopping, and
the children have to travel too far to school. Many of these developments
are unoccupied, even years after completion, and
lack adequate infrastructure and water supply. Flooding during
the annual monsoon season often blocks access to the buildings. 12
With the help of a loan-based subsidy program, the government
is working on reconstruction, renovation, and directly
with those seeking housing who have no access to the formal
housing market. 125,000 households are expected to receive
sub sidies; subsidized construction projects must demonstrate
that they meet quality requirements and provide basic infrastructure
measures before the subsidies are paid out.
Singapore
The country of Singapore has a large-scale public housing
construction program based on private ownership for a limited
time (leaseholds). Thanks to the country’s modest size, the success
of powerful state interventions in housing and social policy
can be effectively and simply tested. Because of these special
qualities, the Singapore model can scarcely serve as a guideline
for other countries and cities. Nevertheless, Singapore’s
approach to a solution, which responds positively to its special
situation and the market economy, should be appreciated
and recognized. 13
The overwhelming majority of housing developments in
Singapore are publicly managed and developed. From 1988
to 1990, 87 percent of the population lived in so-called HDB
flats. In 2017, around 82 percent of the population lived in
subsidized housing (HDB Annual Report 2016/2017). 14
Homelessness is virtually unknown in Singapore, and its
housing policy is internationally famous as a successful model.
The Singapore Housing and Development Board (HDB) is one
of the most important economic and sociopolitical foundations
of the country, developed by the ruling People’s Action Party
(PAP) since the country’s independence. Most subsidized housing
units are located in closed satellite cities — so-called New
Towns. As a rule, these large housing developments have excellent
infrastructure, such as nearby schools, supermarkets, shopping
centers, and health, sports, and recreational facilities. One
is struck by the great diversity of types and floor plans, intended
for different housing budgets. Both public and private housing
is only available for lease — this is a result of land policy
and the nature of land ownership specific to Singapore. Leases
are limited to ninety-nine years.
Singapore’s Housing and Development Board was foun ded
in 1960, a year after the country’s independence from the United
Kingdom, and it replaced the urban planning agency Singapore
Improvement Trust (SIT), which had been established by
the British government in 1927. In the thirty-two years of its
existence, the SIT did not manage to build more than 23,000
units and hence was not able to battle effectively the housing
shortage of that time. In the early 1960s, more than a
million people were living in slum-like conditions in and
around Singapore.
The HDB initially intended to concentrate on creating
ren tal units for low-income families, but over the course of time
it also began to build and offer condominiums that were as affordable
as possible. The support of home ownership was intended
to create a sense of shared identity for the population’s
complex mix of Chinese, Indian, and Malay ethnicities. Singapore’s
policy of ethnic integration operates with a quota system.
Every block is sold to a family of ethnic groups that corresponds
to the national average. This also an effort to prevent the formation
of ethnic enclaves. Every public housing block has a common
area intended to encourage social interaction. One concept
typical for Singapore is the so-called void deck, which refers to
a floor with no apartments. As housing density increases, these
void decks are moved from the ground floor to an upper story.
These spaces are open, though protected from sun and rain, and
are used, for example, for holiday celebrations and internal
marketplaces. Both the formation of groups of building blocks
and the configuration of public spaces support the idea of the
collective. Although concepts of densely populated residential
t o wers have sometimes been criticized, the homes are spacious,
clean, and safe. 15
Singapore’s housing construction policy is based on four
pillars: the government’s acquisition of land, settlement and
resettlement, affordable prices, and models for state subsidies
and financing. A series of important legal directives since
1961 have, on the one hand, made it easier for the state to
acquire land and, on the other, curbed land speculation. The
rigorous effort to acquire land subjected to catastrophes —
for example, fires in former slums — and the subsequent
resettlement of the people affected to new, affordable housing
has led to the government owning a significant percentage
of the land.
The state now owns about 90 percent of its territory.
There are around 1,140,000 HDB homes, most located in the
New Towns. The acquisition of land in Singapore is also supported
by a policy of targeted resettlement necessitated by the
need to acquire properties to build housing. In the past, small
farmers, squatters, and residents of dilapidated housing were
often relocated to newly built homes.
The act of resettlement is seen as a project in the spirit of
social justice to offer slum dwellers and the lowest social strata
better living and housing standards. In addition to acquiring
affordable land, the HDB keeps production costs low and passes
the savings on to the residents in the form of low prices. The
size of the projects, the repetition of work, the strict controls,
clear contracts, and immediate payment are important factors
in controlling costs. Large housing projects make it possible to
standardize and reduce construction time. Durability and low
maintenance costs are considered when planning. The Housing
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The Pinnacle@Duxton defines the maximal density in social housing with 50 stories and a GFA of 236,000 m 2 . Developer:
Housing & Development Board; project architects: RSP Architects Planners & Engineers (Pt 32 e) Ltd; designing architect:
Arc Studio Architecture + Urbanism Pte Ltd. Photo: RSP Architects Planners & Engineers >