8919: The Old Cannot Kill the Young Forever

Those with the vantage of liberty

maintain the duty to back those who

have had such rights wrongfully refused.

那些拥有自由的人仍然有义务支

持那些被错误拒绝的人。

If you are viewing this information from a perspective antithetical to

mainland China, please understand the reality of the politically disarmed

and voiceless society depicted in these pages. Residents of the People’s

Republic are incapable of expressing discontent against transgressions

committed against them, prevented so by a government that supposedly

protects their interests. As a result, the truths encountered within

these pages have been denied for decades to those who are affected

most by them.

The foundational rights of free speech and suffrage can often be taken

for granted, but their absence acquiesced the enclosed atrocities to

occur, events that are alien to the standards of progress expected of

modern civilization.

如果您从与中国大陆相反的角度查看此信息 , 请了解这些页面中描绘的

政治上没有武装和无声的社会的现实。中华人民共和国的居民无权对针

对他们的违法行为表示不满 , 这是由一个据称保护自己利益的政府阻止

的。结果 , 这些网页中遇到的真相几十年来一直被那些受其影响最大的

人否认。

言论自由和选举权的基本权利通常可以被认为是理所当然的 , 但是由于

缺乏言论和选举权 , 他们默认了封闭的暴行 , 这些暴行与现代文明所期望

的进步标准不符。

JUNE 4 TH 2019

THE OLD CANNOT KILL THE YOUNG FOREVER / 过时的政府不能永远抹杀心社会

180,000 attendees from all walks of life converged in Hong Kong’s

Victoria Park to memorialize a horrific event in the past and condemn

a potential recurrence in the present. This assembly would be one of

many against the larger backdrop of city-wide protests beginning in

the summer of 2019. As these demonstrations descended into volatile

confrontations involving tear gas and rubber bullets, scenes of protestors

clashing with law enforcement uncomfortably reflect an even more

cataclysmic incident in the nation’s memory.

2019 年 6 月 4 日 , 来自世界各地的 18 万名与会者聚集在香港的维多利亚公

园 , 以纪念过去的恐怖事件并谴责现在可能再次发生。在 2019 年夏季开始

的全市抗议活动的大背景下 , 这次集会将是众多集会之一。随着这些游行

示威演变成涉及催泪瓦斯和橡皮子弹的动荡对抗 , 示威者与执法机构发

生冲突的场面令人不安地反映出更大的灾难性这件事在国家的记忆中。

9

For thirty years upon this date, tireless efforts have been made to rise

above the autocratic censure and memorialize the unspeakable incident

in question, a moment of unconscionable brutality in Chinese history

that resulted in an unknowable death toll of unarmed civilians. Today, the

crisis is remembered as 6/4: the Tiananmen Square massacre of 1989.

When seen side by side, the similarity of both events starkly showcase

the harrowing lack of change in the oppressive policies that intertwine

China’s national fabric. Differences gleaned from both both sides can be

solely attributed to the gallant efforts of those who still believe in change.

The fearless men and women of Beijing and Hong Kong across these

three decades have preserved the divine right of protest so that the

prospect of a future China free of fear and autocracy can remain.

自这一日期以来的三十年中 , 人们为做出不屈不挠的独裁谴责并纪念这

起难以形容的事件作出了不懈的努力 , 这一时刻在中国历史上是不合理

的残暴 , 造成了无法得知的无武装平民的死亡人数。今天 , 这场危机被铭

记为 6/4:1989 年的天安门大屠杀。

当并排观察时 , 这两个事件的相似性鲜明地显示出缠绕中国国情的压迫

性政策缺乏令人震惊的变化。在这两个事件中收集到的差异完全可以归

因于那些仍然相信变革的人们的巨大努力。在过去的三十年中 , 北京和香

港无所畏惧的男人和女人都保留了神圣的抗议权 , 因此未来的中国有望

摆脱恐惧和独裁统治。


“What is amazing to me is that the protest in 1989 brought out the

best of human spirit among Chinese. The totalitarian regime corrupts

people’s minds, morals and distracts mutual trust. But Tiananmen,

during that period, it was so peaceful.

令我惊讶的是 ,1989 年的抗议活动发掘了中国人最好的人文精神。极

权政权破坏了人们的思想 , 道德并分散了相互信任。但是在那个时期 ,

天安门太和平了

—Zhou Fengsuo 周锋锁

Student Leader 学生负责人

#5 On Most Wanted List 在最想要的清单上

11

TIANANMEN SQUARE PROTESTS

天安门广场抗议

1989

Beijing

April–June

北京

四月 – 六月

× Paramount Leader Deng XiaoPing (left) and Premier Zhao Ziyang

最高领导人邓小平 ( 左 ) 和赵紫阳总理


Following Mao’s death

at the conclusion of

the Cultural Revolution,

reformist Deng Xiaoping ousted incumbent successor Hua Guofeng in

1981 and emerged as the nation’s de facto leader. Along with thenpremier

Zhao Ziyang and General Secretary Hu Yaobang, the new

administration introduced overhauling policies that de-collectivized

many aspects of the nation’s production, promoted intellectual pursuits,

and granted relaxed access to Western media, ushering in a new market

economy that began to remedy the mire and poverty that had been so

widespread in the previous decades.

毛泽东在 “ 文化大革命 ” 结束时去世后 , 改良主义者邓小平于 1981 年罢免

了现任的继任者华国锋 , 成为国家事实上的领导人。新政府与时任总理

赵紫阳和总书记胡耀邦一起 , 推出了改革政策 , 取消了该国生产的许多方

面的集体化 , 促进了知识分子的追求 , 并放宽了接触西方媒体的机会 , 从

而迎来了新的市场经济补救过去几十年来如此普遍的泥潭和贫困。

’89: THE TIANANMEN SQUARE PROTESTS / 天安门广场抗议

17

Despite the immediate benefits to industrial and agricultural production

yielded by this newfound economic freedom, the nascency of the

unregulated system paved the way for a myriad of new problems.

The adoption of capitalistic practices destabilized the security of many

existing occupations while at the same time rewarding a minority

of profiteers that succeeded in exploiting the potential of private

enterprise, creating an unprecedented wealth inequality that spurned

public discontent.

尽管这种新发现的经济自由给工农业生产带来了直接的好处 , 但不受管

制的制度的无知为许多新问题铺平了道路。采取资本主义做法破坏了许

多现有职业的安全 , 同时奖励了少数成功利用私营企业潜力的奸商 , 造成

了前所未有的财富不均 , 从而激起了公众的不满。


Greater access to higher education through reopened university

enrollment also produced a strong base for political disillusionment.

Social studies majors in the late 1980s seeking to participate directly

in government reform were now turned away from state-managed

job assignments due to the oversaturation of their field in the last

decade, despite being assured the value of their skills in the aftermath

of the Cultural Revolution’s condemnation of intellectualism. This

was made worse by the introduction of a new “two-way selection

system” in 1988 that promised to give such students greater access to

career opportunities; in effect however, the system created a situation

where only graduates with powerful familial connections could

achieve employment.

通过重新开放大学入学机会获得更多的高等教育机会 , 也为政治幻灭奠

定了坚实的基础。1980 年代末期寻求直接参与政府改革的社会研究专业

学生 , 由于他们在过去十年中的职业领域过饱和 , 尽管已经确定了他们的

技能在文化领域的价值 , 但由于其领域的过饱和 , 现在已从国家管理的

工作分配中转身。革命对知识主义的谴责。1988 年引入了一种新的 “ 双向

选择系统 ”, 使这种学生有更多的获得职业机会的机会 , 这使情况变得更

糟。但实际上 , 该制度创造了一种情况 , 只有具有强大家庭联系的毕业生

才能就业。

尽管拥有获得更多经济和教育资产的机会 , 但这些工具无法有效地促进

政治变革 , 却使普通公民的命运完全落在未当选官员的手中。


19

× Students read under the lights of Tiananmen Square in Beijing

学生们在北京天安门广场的灯光下读书


Though blessed with access to greater economic and educational

assets, the ineffectiveness of these tools to promote political change

nonetheless relegated the fate of the average citizen entirely in the

hands of unelected officials.

尽管拥有获得更多经济和教育资产的机会 , 但这些工具无法有效地促进

政治变革 , 却使普通公民的命运完全落在未当选官员的手中。


21

Hu Yaobang

胡耀邦


× Citizens read big character

posters from the “Democracy

Wall” situated on Chang’an

Avenue in Beijing

市民從位於北京長安街的

“ 民主牆 ” 上閱讀大人物海報

Within the government itself however, General Secretary Hu Yaobang

remained an ally sympathetic to the people’s struggle. A longtime

member of the CCP even before the founding of the nation, he became

a major proponent of liberalizing policies that would pragmatize

communist ideology, creating a more representative legislature that

embraced Western influence and openly denounced the faults of

Maoism. This out of line thinking alienated Hu from other figureheads

throughout the regime’s history, leading to two separate purges from the

party before 1980.

After returning to power following Deng Xiaoping’s ascension to

paramount leader, he promoted public causes for democracy, human

rights, and governmental checks and balances against internal

corruption. This drew the ire of older, more conservative members of

the party line, who saw his outspoken critique on the government as an

antagonistic threat counteracting decades of strict party discipline.

然而 , 在政府内部 , 胡耀邦总书记仍然同情人民的斗争。他甚至在建国之

前就一直是中共的长期成员 , 他成为开放政策的主要支持者 , 这些政策将

实用化共产主义意识形态 , 从而建立了一个更具代表性的立法机构 , 该立

法机构接受了西方的影响 , 并公开谴责了毛主义的缺点。这种脱节的思

想使胡锦涛失去了该政权历史上的其他领袖人物 , 导致在 1980 年之前从

党内两次清洗。

× Ma Desheng, a Chinese artist, speaks about freedom of expression at a rally in Beijing

艺术家马德升在北京一次集会上谈到言论自由

在邓小平晋升为最高领导人之后重新掌权后 , 他推动了公共事业的发展 ,

以实现民主 , 人权和政府制衡 , 以制止内部腐败。这引起了党内较老 , 更

保守的成员的愤怒 , 他们认为他对政府的直言不讳的批评是对立的威胁 ,

抵消了几十年来严格的党纪。


23

By 1986, the brewing conflict between Hu and the CCP came to a

head. With economic disparity worsening, a large-scale student protest

movement sprang up in urban centers around China. As General

Secretary, Hu was ordered to quell the demonstrations through means

of force and dismissal of the movement’s leaders from the party. Upon

refusing to fulfill either demand, party elders condemned his inability

to impose control over the protests and forced him to unceremoniously

resign from the position of General Secretary at the beginning of 1987.

With the targeted leaders dismissed from the CCP regardless, the

movement for political change was finally crushed when the state-run

People’s Daily newspaper published an article accusing the students of

proliferating “bourgeois liberalist ideas”. Though he retained a seat in the

party itself, Hu’s mark as scapegoat for the protests left him with little

effective power in government.

到 1986 年 , 胡锦涛与中共之间的酝酿冲突达到了顶点。随着经济差距的

加剧 , 在中国各地的城市中心爆发了大规模的学生抗议运动。作为总书

记 , 胡被勒令以武力镇压游行示威 , 并解散了该运动的领导人。在拒绝满

足这两个要求时 , 党的长老们谴责他无法控制抗议活动 , 并迫使他在 1987

年初毫不客气地辞去了秘书长的职务。

由于目标领导人无论如何都被中共解雇 , 当国营的《人民日报》刊登一篇

文章指责学生激增 “ 资产阶级自由主义思想 ” 时 , 政治变革运动终于被压

垮了。尽管胡锦涛保留了自己在党内的一席之地 , 但作为抗议活动的替

罪羊 , 他在政府中几乎没有有效的权力。



25

1986/04/15

04/15

The Protests

Begin

抗议开始

In the spring of 1989, Hu Yaobang suddenly passed away of a heart

attack. With the memory of his forced resignation still clear in the

people’s consciousness, Hu’s death triggered a sudden emergence of

demonstrations at the heart of Beijing in Tiananmen Square, itself a site

for numerous landmark gatherings throughout Chinese history.

1989 年春 , 胡耀邦突然因心脏病去世。胡锦涛的去世使人们对他被迫辞

职的记忆仍然清晰 , 人们在北京的中心天安门广场突然出现了示威游行。

天安门广场本身就是中国历史上众多地标性聚会的地点。


Charged with a renewed hope for reform, intellectuals identified 1989

as an indicator of success for those seeking liberty, noting the year as

the 200th anniversary of the French revolution, the 70th anniversary

of the May 4th 1919 movement, and the 40th anniversary of the PRC’s

founding in 1949.

充满新的改革希望的是 , 知识分子将 1989 年视为寻求自由者成功的标志 ,

指出这一年是法国大革命 200 周年 ,1919 年 5 月 4 日运动 70 周年和中华人

民共和国成立 40 周年。成立于 1949 年。


27

1986/04/17

× Students assemble at Zhongnanhai

示威者位於中南海外

× Protestors carry caricatures of Premier Li Peng

抗議者攜帶李鵬總理的漫畫

At this time, students from nearby universities began stimulating

outspoken criticism of senior government leadership, specifically

targeting Deng Xiaoping’s responsibility for Hu’s ousting. On April 17th,

four students arrive at the Zhongnanhai CCP Headquarters seeking a

meeting with Premier Li Peng, himself an exemplification of nepotistic

government corruption as the adopted son of the original premier

Zhou Enlai. Their requests denied, they present seven demands at

the entrance:

这时 , 附近大学的学生开始激起对政府高级领导的直言不讳的批评 , 特

别是针对邓小平对胡锦涛罢免的责任。4 月 17 日 , 四名学生到达中南海中

共总部 , 寻求与李鹏总理的会晤。李鹏总理本人是原总理周恩来的养子 ,

是裙带关系政府腐败的典范。他们的要求被拒绝 , 他们在入口处提出了

七个要求 :


1. Freedom of the press

出版自由

2. The re-evaluation of the student

demonstrations of 1986

对 1986 年学生示威

活动的重新评估

3. The rehabilitation of Hu Yaobang and other

victims of the “anti bourgeois liberalization”

campaign of 1987

胡耀邦和 1987 年 “ 反资产阶级自由化 ” 运

动的其他受害者的康复

4. Permission to demonstrate

演示权限

5. An increase in education budgets

教育预算增加

6. Crackdown on official corruption

打击官方腐败

7. Disclosure of assets owned by high officials

披露高级官员所拥有的资产


29

1986/04/19

40,000 students gather at Tiananmen square

40,000 名学生聚集在天安门广场

1986/04/24

Beijing University students boycott classes

北大学生抵制班

1986/04/25

Deng Xiaoping announces the danger posed by the students to internal party members

邓小平发表内部讲话 , 谴责学生带来的危险

1986/04/21

By the time of Hu’s funeral, protesters at Tiananmen had grown to

100,000 strong, leading to similar demonstrations in multiple cities

far from Beijing. Authorities soon took notice of the demonstrations’

growing influence and quickly arranged emergency meetings with

Deng Xiaoping.

胡锦涛举行葬礼时 , 天安门的抗议者已成长至 10 万人 , 并在远离北京的多

个城市引发了类似的游行示威。当局很快注意到了示威活动的影响力 ,

并迅速安排了与邓小平的紧急会议。

“This is no ordinary student movement. We must

explain to the whole Party and nation that we are

facing a most serious political struggle. We’ve got

to be explicit and clear in opposing this turmoil

这不是普通的学生运动。我们必须向全党和整个

国家解释我们正在面临最严重的政治斗争。我们

必须明确明确地反对这场动荡

— 邓小平 Deng Xiaoping


1986/04/26

An editorial published by The People’s Daily

serves as the official government statement on the

situation: it condemns the student-led movement

as counterrevolutionary riots conspiring to threaten

national security. Despite operating on the precedent

set by the same approach to the 1986 protests,

the editorial only served to galvanize the student

movement more, inciting furious demands for its

retraction as authorities fail to clear them from

the square.

《人民日报》发表的社论是政府对这种情况的官方声

明 : 它谴责以学生为主导的运动是反革命暴动 , 密谋

威胁国家安全。尽管按照 1986 年抗议活动的相同方法

开创了先例 , 但社论仅起到了更多地激发学生运动的

作用 , 因为当局未能将其撤出广场 , 激起了对其撤退

的强烈要求。


31

1986/05/04

Citizens march toward Tiananmen Square to commemorate the 4th May movement 70 years ago

市民向天安门广场进军 , 以纪念 70 年前的 5 月 4 日运动

1986/05/13

By mid-May, 3,000 students begin a massive hunger strike in response

to the lack of dialog about their demands. During this period, 50,000

provincial students entered the capital from all over the country,

representing at least 319 different schools. Five days later, the cause had

accrued 1.5 million participants and had spread to twenty other major

Chinese cities.

到 5 月中旬 , 由于缺乏关于他们的要求的对话 ,3,000 名学生开始大规模绝

食。在此期间 , 来自全国各地的 50,000 名省级学生进入了首都 , 代表了至

少 319 所学校。五天后 , 这项事业已经吸引了 150 万名参与者 , 并传播到了

另外 20 个中国主要城市。


1986/05/06

The government receives a petition from 24 Beijing universities reiterating some of the seven demands

政府收到北京 24 所大學的請願書 , 重申了七項要求中的一部分

× Protestors clash with police in Chengdu, Sichuan province

抗議者在四川成都與警察發生衝突


33

1986/05/15

Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev arrives in Beijing for a historical summit, authorities remain unable to clear the square.

苏联领导人戈尔巴乔夫 (Mikhail Gorbachev) 抵达北京举行历史性首脑会议 , 但当局仍无法清理广场。

1986/05/17

“Martial law could give us total control of the situation, yes; but think of

the terror it will strike in the minds of Beijing’s citizens and students.

Where will that lead?

戒严可以使我们完全控制局势。但请考虑一下恐怖 , 它将席卷北京的

公民和学生。那将导致什么 ?

—Zhao Ziyang 赵紫阳

General Secretary 总书记


1986/05/16

10,000 reporters and editors join the cause, growing the total number of protestors to 250,000

10,000 名记者和编辑加入其中 , 抗议者总数达到 25 万

On May 17th, The five-member Politburo Standing Committee

voted to declare martial law in Beijing, with only General

Secretary replacement Zhao Ziyang and Secretariat member

Hu Qili opting against the decision. Like Hu Yaobang, Zhao had

been a persistent ally to the demonstrator’s cause, expressing

sympathy for their suffering and recognizing his peers’ failing

to serve the public. As this support for the demonstrators was

antithetical to the party line, he would be purged from office a

month after the crackdown.

月 17 日 , 由五人组成的政治局常务委员会投票决定在北京宣布

戒严 , 只有总书记更换赵紫阳和秘书处成员胡启立反对该决定。

像胡耀邦一样 , 赵在示威者的事业上是一个坚定的盟友 , 对他们

的苦难表示同情 , 并认识到他的同龄人没有为公众服务。由于

对示威者的这种支持与党的路线背道而驰 , 因此镇压后一个月 ,

他将被免职。


37

1986/05/17

The fifth day of the hunger strike. A thousand starving students are hospitalized

绝食的第五天。千名挨饿的学生住院

1986/04/19

In his last public appearance on the morning of May

19th, Zhao visited the students in the square and

made an impassioned plea for a peaceful evacuation.

在 5 月 19 日上午的最后一次公开露面时 , 赵光耀在广

场上拜访了学生 , 并慷慨激昂昂地露出和平撤离。

“ Students, we came too late. We are sorry.

学生们 , 我们来不及了。对不起。


1986/05/18

Premier Li Peng meets with student representatives but refuses to meet their demands. Mikhail Gorbachev leaves Beijing.

李鹏总理会见学生代表 , 但拒绝满足他们的要求。米哈伊尔 · 戈尔巴乔夫 (Mikhail Gorbachev) 离开北京。

You talk about us, criticize us, it is all necessary. The reason that I came

here is not to ask for your forgiveness… You are still young, we are old,

you must live healthy, and see the day when China accomplishes the

Four Modernizations. You are not like us.

We are already old, we do not matter anymore…

I have only one wish. If you stop this hunger strike, the government

won't close the door for dialogue, never! The questions that you have

raised, we can continue to discuss. Although it is a little slow, but we are

reaching some agreement on some problems. Today I just want to see

the students, and express our feelings. I hope students could think about

this issues calmly. This thing can not be sorted out clearly under illogical

situations. You all have that strength, you are young after all.

We were also young before, we protested, laid our bodies on the rail

tracks, we never thought about what will happen in the future at that

time. Finally, I beg the students once again, think about the future calmly.

There are many things that can be solved. I hope that you will all end the

hunger strike soon,

谈论我们 , 批评我们 , 这都是必要的。我来这里的原因不是要您的原谅 …

您还年轻 , 我们老了 , 您必须健康生活 , 看看中国完成 “ 四个现代化 ” 的那

一天。你不像我们。

我们已经老了 , 我们没关系了 …

我只有一个愿望。如果您停止绝食 , 政府将永远不会关闭对话的大门 ! 您

提出的问题 , 我们可以继续讨论。虽然有点慢 , 但是我们在一些问题上达

成了一些共识。今天我只想见见学生 , 表达我们的感受。希望学生们能冷

静思考这个问题。在不合逻辑的情况下 , 这件事无法清楚地解决。你们都

有力量 , 毕竟您还年轻。

在抗议之前 , 我们还很年轻 , 将自己的身体放在铁轨上 , 我们从没想过那

时会发生什么。最后 , 我再次恳求学生们 , 冷静地思考未来。有很多事情

可以解决。希望大家早日结束绝食 , 谢谢

thank you all 谢谢大家

’89: THE TIANANMEN SQUARE PROTESTS / 天安门广场抗议 39

1986/05/21

The students end the hunger strike in favor of a sit-in demonstration

学生们结束绝食抗议 , 参加静坐示威游行

1986/05/22

Warning leaflets are dropped into the square by helicopter warning students to leave

直升机警告学生们离开时 , 警告传单掉落在广场上

1986/04/20

M

artial

law became effective

at 10AM on May 20th

as all forms of transportation in and out of the city were suspended while

armed troops deployed into the city. President Yang Shangkun makes

it clear that the soldiers “never turn their weapons on innocent civilians,

even if provoked”. Over the next two weeks, tensions continually escalate

between armed forces and civilians. Impromptu roadblocks are set up by

Beijing residents to prevent entry into Tiananmen while demonstrators

make desperate appeals to the soldiers’ sense of morality.

军事法规于 5 月 20 日上午 10 点生效 , 因为进出城市的所有形式的运输都

被暂停 , 而武装部队则被部署到城市。杨尚昆总统明确表示 , 士兵 “ 即使挑

衅 , 也不会对无辜平民使用武器 ”。在接下来的两个星期中 , 武装部队和平

民之间的紧张局势不断升级。北京居民设置了即兴的路障 , 以防止进入

天安门 , 而示威者迫切要求士兵们的道德感。



41

1986/05/26

Documents condemning Zhao Ziyang are distributed throughout the party as the Politburo standing committee commune to discuss the uprisings

作为政治局常务委员会讨论起义的文件 , 谴责赵紫阳的文件在全党分发。

1986/04/29

On the 29th, students in the square erect the Goddess of Democracy,

a 33-foot Statue of Liberty-esque construction of plaster and

papier-mache hastily built to stand solemnly in front of Tiananmen

itself, exemplifying the movement’s stalwart bastion against the

impending crackdown.

29 日 , 广场上的学生们架起了民主女神雕像 , 这是一尊 33 英尺的自由女神

像石膏和纸浆状的建筑 , 仓促地耸立在天安门本身的前面 , 体现了该运动

坚决反对即将进行的镇压的堡垒。



43

1986/06/01

Crackdown 镇压

年

JUNE

六月

On the first day of June, the government placed restrictions on foreign

press covering the continuing protests and military presence in Beijing.

Military forces are moved into buildings surrounding Tiananmen as

members of the Party Central Office Secretariat stand firm on their

decision to clear the square as soon as possible.

6 月 1 日 , 政府对外国媒体施加了限制 , 包括持续的抗议活动和在北京的军

事存在。随着党中央办公室秘书处坚定地决定尽快撤离该广场 , 军队被

转移到天安门周围的建筑物中。

THURSDAY

星期四


1986/06/02

Tensions rise between demonstrators, police and soldiers seeking to enter the square. Confrontations begin to erupt in violence

示威者 , 警察和试图进入广场的士兵之间的紧张局势加剧。对抗开始爆发暴力

“Tiananmen Square is now that root of our turmoil-disease. Just look

at that thing-like neither human nor demon-that they've erected

there in our beautiful Square! Are the people going to accept that?

Absolutely not! We’re never going to get a voluntary withdrawal from

the Square. Tianmen has been polluted for more than a month now,

ravaged into a shadow of itself! We can’t breathe free until the Square

is returned to the hands of the people. We have to pull up the root of

the disease immediately.

I say we start TONIGHT

天安门广场现在是我们动荡疾病的根源。只需看看它们已经在我们美

丽的广场上竖立的东西 - 既不是人类也不是妖怪 ! 人们会接受吗 ? 绝

对不 ! 我们永远不会自愿从广场撤离。现在 , 天门市已被污染了一个

多月 , 简直成了阴影 ! 在广场回到人民手中之前 , 我们无法呼吸。我们

必须立即根除疾病的根源。

我说我们今晚开始

—Li Xiannian 李先念

Chairman of the National Committee 全国委员会主席


45

1986/06/03

In the late afternoon of Saturday, June 3rd, a final announcement is made

by radio and television to the thousands of occupants in the square:

cooperate with the People’s Liberation Army or personal safety cannot

be guaranteed. Having delivered their ultimatum, troops begin advancing

through civilian roadblocks to clear Tiananmen using live ammunition.

在 6 月 3 日 ( 星期六 ) 下午 , 广播和电视向广场上成千上万的居民发布了最

后宣布 : 与人民解放军合作或无法保证人身安全。发出最后通 , 后 , 部队

开始使用民用弹药穿越民用路障 , 清除天安门。该事件的第一批平民伤

亡记录在晚上 10 点。抢救伤员的数百名学生 , 工人 , 新闻工作者和医务人

员被任意杀害。


The first civilian casualties of the event are

noted at 10pm. Hundreds of students, workers,

journalists, and medical staff rescuing the

wounded are killed indiscriminately.

该事件的第一批平民伤亡记录在晚上 10

点。抢救伤员的数百名学生 , 工人 , 新闻

工作者和医务人员被任意杀害。

’89: THE TIANANMEN SQUARE PROTESTS / 天安门广场抗议 47

12:10AM

1:30AM

2:00AM

3:00AM

Military forces start arriving

around the square, completing

a blockade of the perimeter

within the hour and trapping

the remaining occupants.

军队开始到达广场周围 , 在一小

时内完成对周边地区的封锁 , 并

将其余人员隔离。

PLA forces complete

blockading Tiananmen,

isolating thousands of students.

Occupants of the square are

told to leave immediately, with

those disobeying “not able to

guarantee their safety”.

解放军强迫封锁天安门广场 , 隔

离数千名学生。广场上的居民

被告知立即离开 , 那些违背 “ 不

能保证他们安全的人 ”。

Troops enter the square.

Armored vehicles raze

countless tent shelters. At

some point the Goddess

of Democracy is toppled

and destroyed.

部队进入广场。装甲车摧毁了

无数的帐篷掩体。在某个时候 ,

民主女神被推翻和摧毁。

3,000 remaining students gather around the

monument to the people’s heroes.

剩下的 3,000 名学生聚集在人

民英雄纪念碑附近。


4:00AM

The lights in the square are suddenly extinguished. The students

recite L’Internationale in a final stand. A clearance notice from the

Martial Law Command is issued to begin clearing the remaining

protesters. They broadcast four demands:

广场上的灯突然熄灭。学生们在最后一站中背诵 L’Internationale。戒

严司发出了通关通知 , 开始清理其余的示威者。他们广播了四个要求 :

4:30AM

Lights in the square relight. Tens of thousands of soldiers engage the monument from all

directions and overpower the student leadership and any holdout activists.

方形照明灯亮。成千上万的士兵从四面八方进入纪念碑 , 并压倒了学生领袖和任何坚持

派活动家。

1. Anyone on the square who hears this

announcement must leave immediately.

听到此通知的广场上的任何人

都必须立即离开。

2. Martial law troops will use any means necessary to deal

with those who resist this order or disobey by remaining

on the square.

戒严部队将采取一切必要手段 , 对付那些仍在

广场上而抵制这一命令或不服从命令的人。

3. The square will be under the strict control of martial law

troops after it is cleared.

清除后 , 该广场将受到戒严部队的严格控制。

4. All patriotic citizens and students who do not want to see

turmoil in the country should cooperate with the martial

law troops to clear the square.

所有不希望在该国发生骚动的爱国公民和学

生都应与戒严部队合作 , 清理广场。

5:30AM

Students are forced into a

departing procession and begin

leaving the square, concluding

the military operation

学生被迫离开队伍 , 开始离开广

场 , 结束军事行动


49

1989/06/04


The dawn of June 4th rose on a changed nation

where a new blanket of fear permeated daily life, the embodiment of a

persisting campaign aimed at crushing any lingering dissent. Tiananmen

square remained under military lockdown for the rest of the week as the

government gradually resumed regular operations and public access

to transportation. By June 10th, 468 “counterrevolutionary rioters” and

“turmoil elements” had been arrested; by the end of the month the

number had risen to 1,103. Several student leaders instrumental to

the protests’ foundation escaped through Hong Kong days after the

crackdown via Operation Yellowbird, a clandestine network of the city’s

most powerful business people and organized criminals united in the

effort to smuggle the most wanted dissidents overseas.

在新的恐懼籠罩著日常生活的地方 , 堅持不懈的運動旨在壓制任何揮之

不去的異議。隨著政府逐漸恢復正常運營和公共交通 , 天安門廣場在本

週剩餘時間內一直處於軍事封鎖狀態。到 6 月 10 日 , 共逮捕了 468 名 “ 反革

命暴亂者 ” 和 “ 動亂分子 ”。到月底 , 這個數字已經上升到 1,103。鎮壓抗議

活動的數天后 , 數名學生領袖通過黃鳥行動 (Operation Yellowbird) 逃離

了香港。黃鳥行動是該市最有權勢的商人和有組織犯罪分子的秘密網絡 ,

團結起來 , 努力走私海外最想要的持不同政見者。


55

Censorship of the event’s memory began almost

immediately. During a news broadcast on the

government-controlled CCTV network the night

after the massacre, widely respected anchors

Du Xian and Xue Fei dressed in black clothing

and called for a “remembrance of this black

day”. The broadcast was abruptly cut short while

both were forced to resign and barred from

public appearances.

事件记忆的审查工作几乎立即开始。在大屠杀发生

后的第二天晚上 , 在政府控制的央视网络上播出的新

闻中 , 广受尊敬的主播杜宪和薛飞身着黑色服装 , 呼

吁 “ 纪念这一黑日 ”。广播突然中断了 , 而两人都被迫

辞职并禁止其公开露面。

Despite the government’s efforts to prevent media exposure of the

event to international audiences, coverage of June 4th smuggled out of

China by Western news agencies were able to preserve the legacy of

the protesters and confirm the atrocities committed that night. These

images would inform an outpouring of grief and anger in the aftermath,

as citizens publicly denounced the government’s actions in major urban

centers across the country and at Chinese consulates abroad.

尽管政府为防止媒体向国际观众曝光该事件做出了努力 , 但西方新闻机

构从中国走私 6 月 4 日的报道仍能保留抗议者的遗产并证实当晚发生的暴

行。这些图像可能会给人们带来悲痛和愤怒的后果 , 因为公民公开谴责

政府在全国主要城市中心和中国驻海外领事馆采取的行动。


Discussion of Hu Yaobang’s legacy was also targeted by censors in the

decades after 1989, with his name and role in history blacklisted from

public view. These restrictions were eventually relaxed beginning in

the mid-2000s, though available information severely downplays his

dissident actions.

在 1989 年后的几十年中 , 审查员还针对胡耀邦的遗产进行了讨论 , 他的名

字和在历史上的角色从公众视野中被黑名单删除。这些限制最终从 2000

年代中期开始放宽 , 尽管可用信息严重低估了他的异议行动。


59

“If there had been a civil war-of course our side

would have won, but just think of all the deaths

如果发生内战 , 那我们当然会赢了 , 但是

想想所有的死亡

— 邓小平 Deng Xiaoping

Decades later, there remains no accurate count of the amount of

casualties suffered by the protesters in Beijing, though estimates range

upwards of 2,000-3,000. The government itself maintains that no killings

occurred within the square itself, and that substantial losses were

accrued by police and military forces as well.

数十年后 , 北京示威者遭受的伤亡人数仍无法准确计算 , 尽管估计范围高

达 2,000 至 3,000。政府本身坚持认为广场内没有杀人事件 , 警察和军事部

队也蒙受了巨大损失。


Today,

younger members of China’s population born after 1989 have little

awareness of the massacre at all. Mention of June 4th in any way is

considered socially taboo and potentially dangerous to one’s personal

safety if recognized by authorities. Strict censorship policies imposed by

propaganda agencies have since wiped out public records of the event,

maintaining an unwavering control over the accessibility of such content

within the nation’s borders. Consequently, seeking this information on

Chinese internet yields nonexistent results while any attempts to publish

details publicly are met with swift punishment.

如今 ,1989 年以后出生的中国年轻人口对屠杀几乎一无所知。无论如何 ,

提及 6 月 4 日被视为社交禁忌 , 如果得到当局的认可 , 则可能对人身安全构

成威胁。此后 , 宣传机构实施了严格的审查政策 , 抹去了该活动的公开记

录 , 对在美国境内此类内容的可访问性保持了坚定的控制。因此 , 在中国

互联网上搜索此信息不会产生结果 , 而任何公开发布详细信息的尝试都

会受到迅速惩罚。


61

“The true heroes of the whole 1989 democracy

movement are those ordinary people. The whole

international community paid attention to us, but

those people, they sacrificed their lives. Nobody

even knows their names

整個 1989 年民主運動的真正英雄是那

些普通百姓。整個國際社會都在關注我

們 , 但這些人卻犧牲了生命。沒人知道

他們的名字

— 王丹 Wang Dan

Student Leader 学生负责人

#1 on most wanted list 在最想要的清单上

30 years on,

the 1989 Tiananmen protests are remembered as one of the most brutal

stains on the authoritarian government’s bloody legacy. Having covered

up the pointless deaths of countless unknown citizens for the crime of

demanding political freedom, the massacre exemplifies the CCP’s lasting

ability to control and intimidate its population’s drive for change through

the devastating use of amoral force.

30 年過去了 , 人們記得 1989 年的天安門事件是威權政府血腥遺產最殘酷

的污點之一。這場屠殺掩蓋了無數不明公民因索取政治自由罪而毫無意

義地喪生的慘案 , 體現了中共通過毀滅性使用不道德的力量來控制和恐

嚇其人民推動變革的持久能力。

× A statue of Tank Man is opened in Washington D.C.

on the thirtieth anniversary of the massacre

大屠杀三十周年纪念日 ,《坦克人》雕像在华盛顿特区开幕

EXTRADITION BILL PROTESTS

引渡法案抗议

Hong Kong

March–October

香港

三月 – 十月

“Along with the rise of Xi Jinping, and the desire

of Hong Kongers for democracy, the Central

Government has already started bringing

authoritarian governance to Hong Kong

随着习近平的崛起以及香港人对民主的渴望 , 中央

政府已经开始将独裁统治引入香港

—A Standing Committee Member of Demosistō

常任理事长


W

ith

the impending merger with China

imminent in the next few decades,

many Hong Kong citizens have become increasingly concerned that

their way of life and cultural identity is under threat by the looming

superpower that touches their northern border. In the summer of 2019,

residents of this special administrative region took to the streets to voice

their concern against a newly proposed law that confirmed their fears

about the mainland’s encroachment into their way of life.

许多香港市民越来越担心 , 他们的生活方式和文化特征正受到迫在眉睫

的北部大国的威胁。在 2019 年夏季 , 这个特别行政区的居民走上街头 ,

对新提出的法律表示担忧 , 该法律证实了他们对大陆侵犯其生活方

式的担忧。

’19: THE HONG KONG EXTRADITION BILL PROTESTS / 香港引渡法案抗议

71


Over twenty years have passed since

Hong Kong became a part of China—

an event celebrated by the territory for its two-decade anniversary in

2017. Hong Kong since then has spent years constructing its identity in a

post-colonial era. In under 30 years, Hong Kong will go through another

identity crisis as it enters a second dramatic cultural shift.

香港成为中国的一部分已经过去了 20 多年了。香港在 2017 年庆祝成立 20

周年纪念活动。从那时起 , 香港已经花费了数年的时间在后殖民时代树立

自己的身份。在不到 30 年的时间里 , 随着香港进入第二次重大的文化转

变 , 香港将再度遭受身份危机。


73

On December 19, 1984, in the Great Hall of the People located in

Beijing, Margaret Thatcher and Zhao Ziyang signed the Sino-British

Joint Declaration to peacefully hand over the territory of Hong Kong to

China. The territory had been under British control since 1842 after the

Qing government ceded it following the opium war, an imperialist fueled

conflict between England and China. Because a different government

gave Hong Kong to Britain, the original agreement was feared to be void

and needed to be re-established by the People’s Republic of China.

1984 年 12 月 19 日 , 撒切尔夫人和赵紫阳在北京人民大会堂签署了《中英

联合声明》, 将香港领土和平移交给中国。自 1842 年清政府在鸦片战争后

割让该领土以来 , 该领土一直由英国控制。鸦片战争是英中帝国主义加剧

的冲突。由于另一个政府将香港交给了英国 , 因此最初的协议被认为是

1984

无效的 , 因此需要由中华民国重新建立。


During the negotiations with Deng Xiaoping in Beijing, Margaret

Thatcher made the decision to talk about China’s national sovereignty,

insisting that it fulfills the agreements between nations. China had

previously leased the New Territories, a plot of land far larger than Hong

Kong Island to Britain for 99 years, ending in 1997, and thus had the

upper hand. Talks for renewal would thus no longer be considerable,

forcing a handover at the time the lease ended.

在与邓小平在北京的谈判中 , 撒切尔夫人决定谈论中国的国家主权 , 坚持

要履行国家之间的协议。中国此前曾租用新界 , 这是一块距离香港岛远

大于英国的土地 , 长达 99 年之久 , 直到 1997 年才结束 , 因此占了上风。因

此 , 续约的讨论不再那么重要 , 在租约期满时迫使移交。


75

Right before midnight on June 30, 1997, to the tune of God Save The

Queen, the British flag slowly descended. March of the Volunteers, the

PRC’s national anthem played while the British flag was folded up and

the Chinese flag was raised. The clock struck 12, officially ending British

authority over Hong Kong. To protect the democracy that was set up

under British rule, under the new declaration, China cannot implement

its socialist system in Hong Kong for 50 years, and Hong Kong’s

“previous capitalist system and life-style shall remain unchanged.” Before

the handover, the appointed Governor of Hong Kong pushed for further

democratization of the territory with the intention to make it difficult for

China to modify unless it was aggressively uprooted.

1997 年 6 月 30 日午夜之前 , 英国国旗缓缓下降 , 这是上帝保佑女王的调

子。志愿者游行进行期间 , 中华人民共和国的国歌奏响了 , 英国国旗被折

叠起来 , 中国国旗被升起了。时钟敲响了 12 点 , 正式结束了英国对香港的

统治。为了保护在英国统治下建立的民主 , 根据新宣言 , 中国不能在香港

实行其社会主义制度 50 年 , 而香港的 “ 以前的资本主义制度和生活方式将

保持不变。” 在移交之前 , 任命的香港总督推动香港进一步民主化 , 以使中

国很难修改 , 除非中国被迫连根拔起。


1997

The “one country, two systems” policy has been in place since then.

Whether the PRC has respected the policy has remained questionable

since then. In 2014, Demosistō activists spearheaded the Umbrella

Revolution, causing disruptions across the city in protest of China

swaying Hong Kong’s political system, which they believed went against

the Sino-British Declaration. In November 2016, China exercised its

authority to ban advocates for Hong Kong’s independence from serving

in the local legislature. During the 2018 legislative election, the pro-

Beijing camp took 2 of the 4 seats, making the merger between China

and Hong Kong more evident as 2047 comes closer.

从那时起 , 实行了 “ 一国两制 ” 政策。自那以来 , 中国是否尊重该政策一直

存在疑问。2014 年 , 德摩斯主义者 (Demosistō) 激进分子率先发起了 “ 雨

伞革命 ”, 在整个城市造成破坏 , 以抗议中国摇摆香港的政治制度 , 他们认

为这违反了《中英宣言》。2016 年 11 月 , 中国行使权力禁止香港独立派拥

护者在当地立法机关任职。在 2018 年的立法选举中 , 亲北京的阵营占据

了 4 个席位中的 2 个席位 , 随着 2047 年的临近 , 中港两地的合并更加明显。


77

In a 2018 report on the city, the UK expressed growing concern about

the “extent of freedom of speech in Hong Kong, particularly in the

context of the discussion of independence.” Proponents of democracy

in Hong Kong worry that pitching the city against China will have

detrimental effects over the autonomy promised through the Joint

Declaration. Looking at the pro-democracy movements in Hong Kong

since the Umbrella Movement has proven a lot of the some of the

reservations over the handover. Today, there is little security that China

will ever fully uphold the agreement to abstain from Hong Kong politics.

在一份关于城市的 2018 年报告中 , 英国对 “ 香港的言论自由程度 , 特别是

在讨论独立性的背景下 ” 表达了越来越多的关注。香港的民主人士担心 ,

将城市与中国对立会否对《联合声明》所承诺的自治产生不利影响。回顾

伞运动以来的香港民主运动 , 已经证明了移交方面的许多保留。如今 , 几

乎没有什么安全理由可以保证中国会完全遵守放弃香港政治的协议。


× Workers take down a protest sign, December 2014

工人撤下抗議標語 ,2014 年 12 月


79

2019/02/12

In February 2019, the Hong Kong government proposed the

香港政府于 2019 年 2 月提议

2019

Fugitive Offenders and Mutual

Legal Assistance in Criminal

Matters Legislation Amendment

逃犯及刑事司法相互

法律协助法例条例草案


in response to a murder committed in Taiwan involving two of the city’s

residents. As Taiwan’s disputed sovereignty prevented extradition of

the indicted, the new bill sought to establish formalized procedures for

transferring fugitives between regions outside of Hong Kong, including

the special administrative region of Macau and mainland China itself.

However, pro-democracy residents of the city identified the proposition

as a potential erosion of the “one country, two systems” principle as it

could be exploited by the CCP for the capture of political dissidents.

为回应在台湾发生的涉及该市两名居民的谋杀案。由于台湾主权争议导

致无法引渡被告 , 因此新法案寻求建立正式程序 , 以在香港以外的地区 (

包括澳门特别行政区和中国大陆本身 ) 之间转移逃犯。但是 , 该市的民运

人士认为 , 这一主张是 “ 一国两制 ” 原则的潜在侵蚀 , 因为中共可以利用它

来俘获政治异议人士。


81

“We don’t want Hong Kong

to become a Chinese city

我们不希望香港

成为中国城市

“If this bill is not completely scrapped,

“Even though it is understood that

Hong Kong has returned to China

after 1997, still, our government is

not working for the people

尽管据了解 , 香港在 1997 年

后已返回中国 , 但我们的政

府仍未为人民服务

I will have no choice but to leave my home

如果这项法案没有被完全废除 , 我别无选择 , 只能离开家

“It will remove the firewall of Hong Kong’s judicial

independence. We need to safeguard Hong Kong

when our core values are being challenged

它将消除香港司法独立的防火墙。当我们的核心

价值观受到挑战时 , 我们需要捍卫香港

“The extradition bill will directly threaten the

core values of Hong Kong and rule of law

引渡法案将直接威胁香港的核心价值和法治

“This is the end of Hong Kong. If Carrie Lam continues to be

our chief executive, we only see real darkness ahead

这就是香港的尽头。如果林郑月娥继续担任我们的

首席执行官 , 我们只会看到真正的黑暗

“I have friends... They don’t want their children to grow up in a just

another Chinese city with no future for the next generation

我有朋友 … 他们不希望自己的孩子在另一个中国城市长大 ,

没有下一代的未来

“Today, Hongkongers have stood up, not just

to the Hong Kong government, not just to

Beijing, but also to the world, to history

今天 , 香港人不仅为香港政府 , 为北

京 , 而且为世界 , 为历史站起来

“The biggest worry is how Hong Kong is losing its independence bit

by bit and is getting dangerously close to a country that doesn’t value

human rights and that doesn’t have an independent judicial system

最大的担忧是 , 香港将如何逐渐失去独立性 , 如何危险地接近一个不

重视人权 , 没有独立司法制度的国家

“I am really worried about selfdetermination

and freedom of

expression in Hong Kong, which I

have called my home all these years

我真的很担心香港的自决和

言论自由 , 这些年来我一直

把我称为家

“It may be useless, no matter how many

people are here. We have not enough power

to resist as Hong Kong government is

supported by the mainland

不管这里有多少人 , 这可能都没有用。由于

香港政府受到内地的支持 , 我们没有足够的

力量抗拒

“We used to think that police are protecting

the citizens. But people are protesting

peacefully. Citizens are scared

我们曾经以为警察在保护公民。但是人们在

和平抗议。市民很害怕

“This the end game for

Hong Kong, it is a matter

of life or death

对于香港来说这是

最后的游戏 , 这是生

死攸关的问题

“I would

rather

be ashes

than dust

我宁愿灰

归于尘

2019/03/31

With mounting

public discontent,

the proposed bill was revised to only affect the most serious crimes. This

effort proved futile as thousands of protesters took to the streets two

days after its official publishing. The number of demonstrators quickly

reached the highest they have been since the 2014 Occupy movement.

Despite such outspoken disapproval, the government proceeded with

the intent of passing it by the end of July.

随着公众的不满情绪加剧 , 提议的法案进行了

修订 , 以仅影响最严重的罪行。官方发布两天

后 , 数千名抗议者走上街头 , 这一努力被证明

是徒劳的。示威者的数量迅速达到 2014 年

占领运动以来的最高水平。尽管遭到直言不

讳的反对 , 但政府还是打算在 7 月底前通过

该提案。


2019/04/28

A second march organized by the Civil Human Rights Front (CHRF)

accrued up to 130,000 participants at the city assembly building of the

legislative council, though law enforcement authorities downplayed

such numbers. Within the council itself, some representatives began a

filibuster campaign against the bill, drawing more attention to the issue.

At the same time, protesters started calling for the resignation of Carrie

Lam, Hong Kong’s Beijing-appointed chief executive.

公民人权阵线组织的第二次游行在立法委员会的市议会大楼

内吸引了多达 130,000 名参与者 , 尽管执法部门对此数字轻描淡

写。在理事会内部 , 一些代表发起了反对该法案的反对派运动 , 引

起了对该问题的更多关注。与此同时 , 抗议者开始呼吁香港任命

北京的首席执行官林嘉玲辞职。


85

2019/05/11


By mid-May, debate over the bill by pro-democracy and

pro-Beijing legislators had boiled over, resulting in a physical

brawl that left several injured. Lawmakers once again sought

amelioration with the brewing conflict by introducing further

amendments that target more severe crimes. Critics insisted

that this course of action remained insufficient, especially

considering the rising use of force displayed by police. By the

month’s end, Carrie Lam doubled down on her administration’s

determination to see the bill through to completion.

到 5 月中旬 , 支持民主和支持北京的立法者对该法案的辩论已经

结束 , 造成了一场身体上的争吵 , 造成数人受伤。立法者再次提

出针对更严重罪行的修正案 , 以寻求缓解酿造冲突。批评者坚

持认为 , 这种行动方式仍然不够 , 特别是考虑到警察使用武力的

人数不断增加。到月底 , 林郑月娥林鄭月娥加大了对政府的决

心 , 使法案得以完成。

“Don't be a sinner for a thousand

years! Don't sell out Hong Kong!

一千年不要犯罪 !

不要卖光香港 !

—Wu Chiwai 胡志偉

Democratic Party Chairman 民主党主席


87

2019/06/04

Hong Kongers gather in Victoria Park to commemorate the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen Protests

香港人聚集在维多利亚公园 , 以纪念天安门抗议活动三十周年

a million

people


2019/06/09

marched through the streets after the 30th annual Tiananmen vigil,

traveling from Victoria Park to the site of the government headquarters

in Admiralty. A protest of this magnitude had not been seen since the

handover in 1997, and saw demonstrators blocking key roads around

the legislative complex. The immense outcry was quickly met with fierce

police retaliation as countless arrests are made under a hail of tear gas,

rubber bullets, and bean bag rounds.

在第 30 届年度天安门守夜之后 , 超过 50 万人在街道上游行 , 从维多利亚

公园前往金钟政府总部所在地。自 1997 年移交以来 , 从未发生过如此大

规模的抗议活动 , 并且示威者封锁了立法大楼周围的关键道路。由

于在催泪瓦斯 , 橡皮子弹和豆袋弹的冰雹下进行了无数次逮

捕 , 很快就遭到警察的强烈报复。


91

2019/06/11

Lam receives a statement of approval from Beijing and decides to push ahead with the bill, assuring that it contains sufficient human rights protections

林获得北京的批准书 , 并决定推动该法案 , 以确保该法案包含足够的人权保护

2019/06/15

After more than two months of unquellable

demonstrations, Lam announced an

indefinite

suspension of the extradition bill

and apologized for the turmoil it had caused. Though intended to mollify

tensions with the expanding movement, this state of withdrawal still

allowed the bill to be restored within

12 days notice.

经过两个多月的严酷示威 , 林先生宣布无限期暂停引渡法

案 , 并为造成的动乱表示歉意。尽管旨在缓解不断扩大的

局势中的紧张局势 , 但这种撤回状态仍允许在通知后的

12 天之内恢复该法案。


With this in mind, protest numbers reached their peak the day after

the announcement with a turnout of two million, over a quarter of the

population, the largest for any such assembly in Hong Kong history. The

unprecedented breadth of participants quickly proved too great for the

approved route and began spilling out onto neighboring streets.

考虑到这一点 , 抗议人数在宣布后的第二天达到了顶峰 , 参加人数达到了

200 万 , 占人口的四分之一 , 是香港历史上此类集会人数最多的。参与者

数量之多前所未有的广度很快证明对批准的路线而言太大了 , 并开始涌

向邻近的街道。


93

Now that the movement’s efficacy

was partly legitimized by the bill’s

suspension, five demands were

formalized for the path ahead:

现在 , 该法案的中止使该运动

的有效性得到了部分合法

化 , 因此对前进的道路提

出了五个要求 :

1. Complete withdrawal

of the extradition bill from

the legislative process

1.

完全撤消引渡法案

2. Retract “riot” characterizations from previous protests

撤消先前抗议活动中的 “ 骚乱 ” 特征

3. Release and exonerate all arrested protesters

释放并释放所有被捕抗议者

4. Establish an independent commission investigating

police conduct and use of force during the protests

建立一个独立委员会 , 调查抗议活动中

警察的行为和使用武力

5. Resignation of Carrie Lam and the implementation of universal

suffrage for Legislative Council and Chief Executive Positions

林郑月娥辞职及立法会及行政长官职位实行普选

With physical confrontations escalating, the brutal means employed

by Hong Kong’s police were quickly called into action. Despite being

armed with non-lethal equipment, the degree of officer ferocity

remained a clear and present danger. Police encounters within the

city’s dense indoor spaces proved an even greater hazard, as the

use of expired tear gas violated international safety guidelines and

produced a situation that even afflicted pedestrians uninvolved

with the movement.

随着身体对抗的升级 , 香港警方所采取的野蛮手段很快被采取行动。尽

管武装人员配备了非致命性设备 , 但人员的残酷程度仍然是明显的当前

危险。警察在该市密集的室内空间中遇到的危险更大 , 因为使用过期的

催泪瓦斯违反了国际安全准则 , 并造成了使行人不愿参与这项

运动的情况。

2019/07/07

Protesters reach the high-speed railway station in the tourist district Tsim Sha Tsui in an effort to raise awareness of the movement among mainland residents

抗议者到达尖沙咀旅游区的高速火车站 , 以提高对内地居民运动的意识

2019/07/01

On July 1st, the CHRF held their 22nd annual march since the

1997 handover. Though largely peaceful, protesters further

exhibited their determination to affect change by breaking

into the legislative council building itself, bypassing reinforced

security measures and capturing the main legislative chamber.

During the three hour occupation, the space was emblazoned

with movement slogans while the city emblem was defaced.

One of the entrants made a point of unmasking himself to

deter their indictment as rioters.

自 1997 年移交以来 ,CHRF 举行了第 22 届年度游行。尽管在很大

程度上是和平的 , 但示威者通过闯入立法会大楼本身 , 绕过加强

的安全措施并占领了主要立法会议厅 , 进一步表现出了决心影

响变革。在三个小时的占领期间 , 该空间装饰着运动口号 , 而城

市标志则被抹黑。一名参赛者指出要掩饰自己 , 以阻止他们以

暴徒身份提出起诉。


2019/07/14

Riot police clash with protesters in an attempt to disperse a peaceful march in the district of Sha Tin

防暴警察与示威者发生冲突 , 企图驱散沙田地区的和平行军

“If we don’t stay here, we will be painted as rioters

on television tomorrow. Our faces have all been

recorded. If we leave, Hong Kong’s civil society

will go backwards ten years and

we will never be back here

如果我们不留在这里 , 明天我们将被描

绘成暴徒。我们的脸都被记录了。如果

我们离开 , 香港的民间社会将倒退十年 ,

我们将永远不会回到这里

—Brian Leung Kai-Ping

Unmasked Student Protester 揭露學生抗議者

’19: THE HONG KONG EXTRADITION BILL PROTESTS / 香港引渡法案抗议 97

2019/07/21

Though police retaliation served as the primary resistance to the antiextradition

movement, Counter-protester civilians still in support of

government practices proved another significant adversary. Late in the

evening of July 21st, a hundred white-clad men stormed the Yuen Long

MTR metro station situated near the mainland border. Armed with

rudimentary weapons, the mob indiscriminately beat

protesters, pedestrians, and journalists alike.

尽管警察的报复是对反引渡运动的主要抵抗 , 但仍然支持

政府做法的反抗议平民被证明是另一个重要对手。7 月 21 日晚 ,

一百名穿着白衣男子冲进位于大陆边界附近的元朗地铁站。暴徒手持基

本武器 , 无差别地殴打示威者 , 行人和新闻工作者。


45 people had been injured in

the hour the station was occupied.

Police made 0 arrests,

having arrived after the attacker’s departure, despite

the numerous emergency calls that were made to

them. Rumor quickly swirled about police collusion

with the planned assault, as well as a potential link

between the mob and members of organized crime.

Protesters organized a march in Yuen Long a week

after the incident, though it also resulted in violent

confrontations with police.

在车站被占用的那一小时 , 有 45 人受伤。尽管袭

击者接到了许多紧急电话 , 但他们还是在袭击

者离开后赶到的情况下逮捕了 0 名警察。谣

言迅速流传着警方与计划中的勾结勾结 , 以

及暴民和有组织犯罪分子之间的潜在联系。

事发一周后 , 抗议者在元朗组织了一次游

行 , 尽管这也导致了与警察的暴力对抗。

× A 23 year old victim caught in the attack on his way back home from work

一名 23 岁的受害者在下班回家途中遭到袭击


99

2019/08/07

Top mainland officials convene in neighboring Shenzhen, making an official statement that rejects the movement’s independent investigation demand

内地高级官员在邻近的深圳召集会议 , 发表正式声明 , 拒绝该运动的独立调查要求

2019/08/01

Seeing that the outrage displayed no sign of dying down,

the mainland government

went forward with a more

overt show of intimidation.

On the first day of August, the People’s Liberation Army distributed a

promotional video depicting armed military units engaging in antiriot

procedures on an urban backdrop. The sequence made a clear

display of the PLA’s state of the art military hardware, its destructive

firepower, and the disciplined unity of the nation’s troops. Though

the video did not make any explicit statements against the protests, it

concluded with an arrangement of civilians proclaiming their admiration for

the country in Clantonese, the primary language of Hong Kongers.

内地政府看到这场暴行没有消亡的迹象 , 就以更加公开的恐吓手段前进。8

月 1 日 , 中国人民解放军发布了一段宣传视频 , 描绘了武装部队在城市背景下

参与防暴程序。序列清楚地显示了解放军最先进的军事硬件 , 其破坏性的火

力以及该国部队纪律严明的团结。尽管该录像带未对抗议活动做出任何明确

声明 , 但它以平民的安排结束 , 宣布以香港人的主要语言克兰通语赞美该国。


2019/08/23

Thousands of participants form a human chain across the city

成千上万的参与者组成了整个城市的人链

2019/08/25

Police are deployed with live ammunition, a warning shot is fired to disperse an assembly

警察第一次被部署有实弹 , 并开枪警告以驱散集会

With the protests beginning to seriously damage the city’s transport and

commerce, the PLA advanced on the credibility of their threats implied

by the August 1st video. Two weeks after the upload, haunting phonecaptured

footage showed convoys of military APCs assembling in the

neighboring city of Shenzhen. Despite the stark similarities this situation

had images of tanks crushing civilians in Tiananmen, official CCP

sources insisted that the mobilization was part of an annual schedule.

Since the handover, the PLA has maintained between 6000

and 10,000 troops in the Hong Kong Garrison.

Now that troops were set in motion,

the possibility of a relentless and brutal

crackdown once again became a tangible reality.

随着抗议活动开始严重破坏该市的交通和商业 , 解放军

进一步提高了 8 月 1 日录像带所暗示的威胁的可信度。上传后两周 , 令人

难忘的电话画面显示 , 军方 APC 的车队在附近的深圳集结。尽管情况截

然相似 , 但这种情况有在天安门的坦克压伤平民的图像 , 中共官方消息人

士坚持说 , 动员是年度时间表的一部分。自移交以来 , 中国人民解放军

在香港驻军驻扎了 6000 至 10,000 名士兵。现在部队开始行动

了 , 残酷镇压的可能性再次成为有形的现实。

2019/08/13


101

2019/08/27

The 2019 Movement enters its 80th day and surpasses the duration of the 2014 Occupy Movement

成千上万的参与者组成了整个城市的人链

2019/09/04

Day 87

of the unrest. Chief Executive Carrie Lam finally

announces a full withdrawal of the extradition bill

that catalyzed the largest ongoing protest in Hong Kong history,

meeting one of the five core demands made by the movement. The

news of this quickly shot up the city’s stock prices, a sign that perhaps

normalcy could return. Though the move itself could be viewed as

an extended invitation to compromise, prior assertions from city and

mainland authorities outright rejected some of the listed demands,

thus firmly establishing that a swift resolution would not be possible.

In the face of the major blows dealt to Hong Kong’s infrastructure,

tourism, and political approval, the major achievement of the bill’s

withdrawal came too late to be wholly effective.

动乱的第 87 天。行政长官林郑月娥最终宣布全面撤回引渡法案 , 该法案

催生了香港历史上规模最大的抗议活动 , 满足了该运动提出的五个核心

要求之一。有关这一消息的消息迅速抬高了该市的股价 , 这表明也许会

恢复正常。尽管此举本身可以看作是扩大妥协的邀请 , 但城市和大陆当

局先前的主张完全拒绝了其中列出的一些要求 , 从而坚定地证明不可能

迅速解决。面对香港基础设施 , 旅游业和政治批准的重大打击 , 撤回该法

案的主要成就为时已晚 , 无法完全生效。


2019/09/02

News agency Reuters obtains an audio recording of Carrie Lam where she expresses her wish to resign from office if given the option

新闻社路透社获得了林嘉玲的录音 , 她表示如果可以的话 , 希望辞职

’19: THE HONG KONG EXTRADITION BILL PROTESTS / 香港引渡法案抗议 103

From here on the marches and clashes

with law enforcement would only

continue, growing more violent and

destructive with no clear end in sight.

从这里开始 , 与执法部门的冲突

将继续下去 , 变得更加暴力 , 破坏

性更大 , 而且看不到明显的结局。

8919: The Old Cannot Kill the Young Forever

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