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Valuing Life_ A Plea for Disaggregation

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2004] VALUING LIFE 427

respect for whatever preferences people happen to have, but also

social conditions that allow preferences to be developed in a way that

does not reflect coercion or injustice. With respect to some risks, the

relevant preferences are nonautonomous; consider the fact that many

women face a risk of male violence under circumstances in which they

believe that little can be done and hence adapt.

In the context of ordinary regulatory policy, however, this

objection has more theoretical than practical interest. Typically

regulation involves the reduction of low-level mortality risks (say,

1/50,000). Much of the time, there is no reason to believe that the use

of informed WTP (say, $100) is a product of adaptive preferences.

When people’s WTP does appear to result from adaptive preferences,

however, the judgment about the easy cases must be revised.

b. Inadequate Information and Bounded Rationality. A closely

related objection would point to an absence of information and to

bounded rationality. As I have stressed throughout, people have

difficulty dealing with low-probability events. 158

If people are not

aware of what they might be gaining by regulation, their WTP can be

too low. Perhaps the availability heuristic will lead people to

underestimate the risk. If people cannot recall a case in which some

activity produced illness or death, they may conclude that the risk is

trivial even if it is not. Or perhaps the same heuristic, and probability

neglect, will lead people to exaggerate risks, producing a WTP that is

wildly inflated in light of reality. And if people are unable to

understand the meaning of ideas like “one in fifty thousand,” or to

respond rationally to such ideas, then there are serious problems with

relying on WTP.

It is also possible that people’s WTP reflects excessive

discounting of future health benefits. If workers are ignoring the

future, or applying an implausibly high discount rate, then there is a

good argument for setting aside their WTP. In the context of global

warming, for example, the temporally distant nature of the harm

might well lead to insufficient concern for a potentially catastrophic

risk. The same is true for less dramatic risks that people face in their

daily lives. Young smokers, for example, probably give too little

attention to the health harms caused by smoking. Those who choose a

158. See, e.g., Jolls et al., supra note 131, at 1519 (“People sometimes . . . underestimate the

likelihood of low-probability or low-salience events because these threats simply do not make it

onto people’s ‘radar screens.’”).

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