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Valuing Life_ A Plea for Disaggregation

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442 DUKE LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 54:385

idea that workers in poor nations should have the “same” protection

as workers in wealthy nations is an error, rooted in a “moral

heuristic” involving the equal worth of all human lives—a heuristic

that sometimes works well but that also misfires. 190 The real question

is the effect of different numbers.

If the Chinese government uses a VSL of $6 million, on the

theory that its citizens should not be valued less than those of wealthy

nations, social harm will almost inevitably result. In the easy cases,

the forced exchanges will be ludicrously harmful to the people whom

they are supposed to help. In the hard cases, in which the

beneficiaries pay only a fraction of the cost (which is mostly borne by

others in the same nation), the nation will be spending far too much

of its money on risk reduction (or more precisely, on reducing the

risks that happen to get onto the regulatory agenda). The inefficiency

of an extremely high VSL will be felt acutely and in many forms,

including decreased employment. But if the costs of risk reduction

will be paid by third parties—for example, wealthy nations—then

people in the poor country will be helped even if risk reduction is

based on an excessive VSL.

Of course the citizens of poor nations would almost certainly be

helped more if they were given cash (supposing that it would not be

squandered) rather than in-kind benefits. But if cash redistribution is

not possible, regulatory benefits, provided for free or for a fraction of

their cost, remain a blessing. If, for example, a global institution uses

a worldwide VSL of $1 million, and if that amount exceeds the

domestic VSL of people in poor nations, it is possible that poor

people will gain a great deal if the resources for risk reduction are

provided by wealthy nations. In the harder cases, the simple point is

that many of the intended beneficiaries of regulation are in fact net

gainers.

B. Policy and Practice

How, then, should global institutions, such as the

Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, assess the monetary

costs of risks faced by people all over the world? As I have suggested,

the answer turns on the purpose of the assessment—on what issue the

answer is supposed to address. There is no good acontextual way of

190. On moral heuristics, see generally Cass R. Sunstein, Moral Heuristics and Moral

Framing, 88 MINN. L. REV. 1556 (2004).

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