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Valuing Life_ A Plea for Disaggregation

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2004] VALUING LIFE 441

an international agency should devote its resources to the latter

rather than the former. To illustrate this point, imagine choosing

between two programs:

(A) Program A would eliminate (at a stated cost of $500) a

1/10,000 risk faced by fifty poor people in Costa Rica, each

willing to pay $2 to eliminate that risk.

(B) Program B would eliminate (also at a stated cost of $500) a

1/10,000 risk faced by fifty wealthy people in Germany,

each willing to pay $350 to eliminate that same risk.

In principle, there is no reason to think that a donor should

prefer to save the Germans, even though their WTP is far higher than

that of the Costa Ricans. In fact, Program A has much higher priority,

because it would help people who were facing extreme deprivation.

What is true at the individual level is true across nations as well.

But now consider a different issue. The government in a poor

nation is deciding on appropriate policy to reduce workplace risks;

what VSL should it use? At least under the assumptions that I have

given thus far, such a government would do well to begin by using the

admittedly low WTP of its own citizens. If citizens in that nation show

a WTP of $2 to eliminate risks of 1/10,000, then their government

does them no favors by requiring them to pay $50 or $10 for that

protection. This is the sense in which VSL properly varies across

nations, and in which citizens of poor nations have lower VSLs than

citizens of wealthy ones.

The point has strong implications for international labor

standards. It is tempting to suggest that workers in poor countries, for

example China and India, should receive the same protection as those

in the United States; why should a worker in Beijing be subject to

significantly higher death risks than a worker in Los Angeles? So long

as the distribution of global income has the form that it does, a system

that gives Chinese workers the same protection as American workers

is not in the interest of Chinese workers—assuming, as I am, that the

cost of that protection is borne by workers themselves. Requiring

Chinese workers to have the same protection as Americans amounts

to a forced exchange on terms that Chinese workers reject.

In these circumstances it is unsurprising that workers in wealthy

nations, not in poor ones, often clamor the loudest for greater

protection of workers in poor nations; workers in wealthier nations

would be the principal beneficiaries of such regulation, which would

protect them against competition from those in poorer nations. The

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