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A grammar of Yakkha, 2015

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2.3 Genealogical affiliation<br />

The ritual specialists responsible for holding the ancestral rituals are called<br />

Maŋgaŋba in <strong>Yakkha</strong>. They undertake rituals for each household on occasions<br />

like births, marriages and deaths. The task <strong>of</strong> the Maŋgaŋbas is to maintain the<br />

ancestral order and good relations with the spirit world (there are several potentially<br />

dangerous spirits such as soghek - ghosts <strong>of</strong> people who have died an<br />

unnatural death). Other religious practitioners are chamwas, bijuwas (a Rai term),<br />

phedaŋbas (a Limbu term), dhamis (a Nepali term), but I cannot <strong>of</strong>fer a typology<br />

<strong>of</strong> their features and their tasks. Jointly celebrated festivals (above the clan level<br />

or even above the village level) are casowa (Nepali: udhauli) in late autumn and<br />

yuchyaŋ (Nepali ubhauli) in spring (Kongren 2007a: 102). 20 On these occasions<br />

and also on marriages, people gather in a circle and dance a complicated choreography<br />

slowly to the sound <strong>of</strong> huge drums beaten by some men in the circle<br />

(keilakma ‘dancing the drum dance’).<br />

The <strong>Yakkha</strong> society is patrilineal and patrilocal. With regard to marriages, it is<br />

important to note that there are two distinct steps taken to incorporate the bride<br />

into the clan <strong>of</strong> her husband. The actual marriage is only the first step, called<br />

mandata. The second step is called bagdata, and is undertaken years, sometimes<br />

decades, after the marriage. In the bagdata, the husband has to ask his in-laws<br />

for their daughter again, and only after this ritual does she become a member <strong>of</strong><br />

his clan. If the wife dies before the bagdata has been asked for, her natal home<br />

will undertake the death rites for her.<br />

2.3 Genealogical affiliation<br />

<strong>Yakkha</strong> is a Sino-Tibetan language, belonging to the Greater Eastern branch <strong>of</strong><br />

Kiranti, a group <strong>of</strong> Tibeto-Burman languages spoken in Eastern Nepal. 21 Beyond<br />

this basic classification, the question <strong>of</strong> how to group Kiranti languages with<br />

other Sino-Tibetan languages is still a controversial issue, as in general, subgrouping<br />

in the large and incredibly diverse Sino-Tibetan language family has<br />

proven to be rather difficult (see, e.g., Hyslop 2011: Chapter 3 for an overview <strong>of</strong><br />

the different models <strong>of</strong> reconstruction that have been proposed).<br />

Shafer (1974) identified Kiranti (which he called East Himalayish) as a subbranch<br />

<strong>of</strong> Bodic, together with three further branches: Bodish (including Tibetan<br />

20 In his ethnological study, Russell (1992) does not mention these festivals, so their names as<br />

well as celebrating them this way might be a relatively new development.<br />

21 Although not undisputed, it is assumed by many scholars that Sino-Tibetan can be divided into<br />

a Sinitic and a Tibeto-Burman branch, the latter containing at least 300 languages (Bradley<br />

1997; Matis<strong>of</strong>f 2003).<br />

31

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