Rhosarian 2019
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The <strong>Rhosarian</strong> 1/19<br />
42<br />
whom they call a pan Africanist, father of the<br />
Zimbabwean nation and a hero turned villain. I<br />
personally do not suffer from this conflict.<br />
Liberation hero?<br />
Credited by some for his gallant role in leading<br />
Zanu in the last very short leg of the liberation<br />
struggle from 1975 to 1979 – only four years – he<br />
gets far more credit than he deserves.<br />
The gallantry and heroism, according to his<br />
closest comrades, is manufactured.<br />
His recruiter into the liberation struggle and<br />
companion on the surreptitious journey to<br />
Mozambique, Edgar Tekere former secretary<br />
general of Zanu PF, spoke in his book, of a<br />
reluctant, scared and unwilling participant of the<br />
struggle into which he was foisted because, with<br />
his multiple academic degrees, he spoke and<br />
wrote well compared to the other guerillas.<br />
Much like his cousin and nationalist James<br />
Chikerema who spoke of the narcissistic and selfabsorbed<br />
young bookish boy who threw tantrums<br />
and abandoned other boys when they herded<br />
cattle. Revelations that would help illuminate the<br />
man’s behaviour in later years.<br />
Brutal approach<br />
He wanted everything done his way.<br />
He never tolerated dissent during the liberation<br />
struggle and after. He stoked controversy on his<br />
role in the death of Josiah Tongogara, the Zanla<br />
commander in 1979 in order to ostensibly<br />
consolidate his control over Zanu PF. Tongogara<br />
preferred a united front under Joshua Nkomo.<br />
After independence, having decided Zimbabwe<br />
would be a one party state, he demanded and<br />
required full compliance and loyalty. When his<br />
comrades questioned it, they were sidelined or<br />
worse.<br />
He brutalized Joshua Nkomo and his party for<br />
resisting the one-party state. He coveted and<br />
desired absolute power. Always wary and spiteful<br />
of contenders to power in Zanu PF.<br />
He jettisoned erstwhile right-hand comrades<br />
like Edgar Tekere, Edison Zvobgo, Dizikamai<br />
Mavhaire, Margaret Dongo, Enos Nkala, Solomon<br />
Mujuru, Moyo Mutswangwa, Didymus Mutasa,<br />
Emmerson Mnangagwa. Then he toyed with<br />
THE FLAG<br />
October <strong>2019</strong><br />
them by bringing some of them back when he felt<br />
they had learnt their lesson.<br />
The lesson that there is only one leader. And<br />
his name is Mugabe. He maintained a divide and<br />
rule system built of fear and suspicion. His<br />
comrades both feared him and mistrusted each<br />
other and could never muster a revolt against him.<br />
Attempts to do so were sure to be fatal with<br />
many dying under suspicious circumstances –<br />
usually car accidents, alleged poisoning or other<br />
undisclosed sudden illness – methods which his<br />
comrades readily used against each other.<br />
To ensure his comrades toed the line, he built<br />
a zero-sum, kill or be killed, do-or-die party system<br />
in which you were either in or out. Once out you<br />
either fled into exile or were stripped of everything<br />
the party had allowed you to accumulate.<br />
Gukurahundi<br />
He was aloof and cold. Vengeful and<br />
unforgiving. In 1980, fearful of Joshua Nkomo,<br />
his party and better trained guerillas, he spent<br />
considerable resources to build his own army<br />
militia answerable to him and ready to do his<br />
political and ethnic bloodletting.<br />
The Gukurahundi or 5th Brigade was a private<br />
army with instructions to kill, rape, torture and<br />
plunder Joshua Nkomo and his supporters into<br />
submission. He did not stop, until 20,000 people<br />
were dead. He would never have stopped had<br />
Nkomo not capitulated and sworn allegiance to his<br />
authority. Only total submission and subjugation<br />
assuaged Mugabe.<br />
There is nothing in his record that shows<br />
benevolence or democratic credentials. He never<br />
sought to build a nation but stoked and amplified<br />
tribal differences advantaging his Zezuru clansmen<br />
and entrenching a sense of exclusion and<br />
marginalisation amongst other clans.<br />
In the 1980s he spoke of destroying opposition<br />
Zapu and he kept his promise through Gukurahundi<br />
killing thousands of its largely Ndebele supporters.<br />
He left a country more ethnically divided than it<br />
was when the liberation struggle began. He<br />
ethnicised politics and politicised ethnicity,<br />
conveniently labeling the multi-ethnic Zapu as a<br />
Ndebele party as a pretext to destroy it.<br />
His demagoguery left Zimbabwe collectively