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Rhosarian 2019

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The <strong>Rhosarian</strong> 1/19<br />

42<br />

whom they call a pan Africanist, father of the<br />

Zimbabwean nation and a hero turned villain. I<br />

personally do not suffer from this conflict.<br />

Liberation hero?<br />

Credited by some for his gallant role in leading<br />

Zanu in the last very short leg of the liberation<br />

struggle from 1975 to 1979 – only four years – he<br />

gets far more credit than he deserves.<br />

The gallantry and heroism, according to his<br />

closest comrades, is manufactured.<br />

His recruiter into the liberation struggle and<br />

companion on the surreptitious journey to<br />

Mozambique, Edgar Tekere former secretary<br />

general of Zanu PF, spoke in his book, of a<br />

reluctant, scared and unwilling participant of the<br />

struggle into which he was foisted because, with<br />

his multiple academic degrees, he spoke and<br />

wrote well compared to the other guerillas.<br />

Much like his cousin and nationalist James<br />

Chikerema who spoke of the narcissistic and selfabsorbed<br />

young bookish boy who threw tantrums<br />

and abandoned other boys when they herded<br />

cattle. Revelations that would help illuminate the<br />

man’s behaviour in later years.<br />

Brutal approach<br />

He wanted everything done his way.<br />

He never tolerated dissent during the liberation<br />

struggle and after. He stoked controversy on his<br />

role in the death of Josiah Tongogara, the Zanla<br />

commander in 1979 in order to ostensibly<br />

consolidate his control over Zanu PF. Tongogara<br />

preferred a united front under Joshua Nkomo.<br />

After independence, having decided Zimbabwe<br />

would be a one party state, he demanded and<br />

required full compliance and loyalty. When his<br />

comrades questioned it, they were sidelined or<br />

worse.<br />

He brutalized Joshua Nkomo and his party for<br />

resisting the one-party state. He coveted and<br />

desired absolute power. Always wary and spiteful<br />

of contenders to power in Zanu PF.<br />

He jettisoned erstwhile right-hand comrades<br />

like Edgar Tekere, Edison Zvobgo, Dizikamai<br />

Mavhaire, Margaret Dongo, Enos Nkala, Solomon<br />

Mujuru, Moyo Mutswangwa, Didymus Mutasa,<br />

Emmerson Mnangagwa. Then he toyed with<br />

THE FLAG<br />

October <strong>2019</strong><br />

them by bringing some of them back when he felt<br />

they had learnt their lesson.<br />

The lesson that there is only one leader. And<br />

his name is Mugabe. He maintained a divide and<br />

rule system built of fear and suspicion. His<br />

comrades both feared him and mistrusted each<br />

other and could never muster a revolt against him.<br />

Attempts to do so were sure to be fatal with<br />

many dying under suspicious circumstances –<br />

usually car accidents, alleged poisoning or other<br />

undisclosed sudden illness – methods which his<br />

comrades readily used against each other.<br />

To ensure his comrades toed the line, he built<br />

a zero-sum, kill or be killed, do-or-die party system<br />

in which you were either in or out. Once out you<br />

either fled into exile or were stripped of everything<br />

the party had allowed you to accumulate.<br />

Gukurahundi<br />

He was aloof and cold. Vengeful and<br />

unforgiving. In 1980, fearful of Joshua Nkomo,<br />

his party and better trained guerillas, he spent<br />

considerable resources to build his own army<br />

militia answerable to him and ready to do his<br />

political and ethnic bloodletting.<br />

The Gukurahundi or 5th Brigade was a private<br />

army with instructions to kill, rape, torture and<br />

plunder Joshua Nkomo and his supporters into<br />

submission. He did not stop, until 20,000 people<br />

were dead. He would never have stopped had<br />

Nkomo not capitulated and sworn allegiance to his<br />

authority. Only total submission and subjugation<br />

assuaged Mugabe.<br />

There is nothing in his record that shows<br />

benevolence or democratic credentials. He never<br />

sought to build a nation but stoked and amplified<br />

tribal differences advantaging his Zezuru clansmen<br />

and entrenching a sense of exclusion and<br />

marginalisation amongst other clans.<br />

In the 1980s he spoke of destroying opposition<br />

Zapu and he kept his promise through Gukurahundi<br />

killing thousands of its largely Ndebele supporters.<br />

He left a country more ethnically divided than it<br />

was when the liberation struggle began. He<br />

ethnicised politics and politicised ethnicity,<br />

conveniently labeling the multi-ethnic Zapu as a<br />

Ndebele party as a pretext to destroy it.<br />

His demagoguery left Zimbabwe collectively

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