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and 1914 [that] made the creation of Israel possible. ”24 He points to David

Ben-Gurion, Yitzhak Ben-Zvi, Levi Eshkol, and Bert Katznalson, all of

whom “were determined revolutionaries who imported ideas about communal

living from nineteenth century Russia, together with a commitment

to the secular asceticism of Russian revolutionaries. ”25 They wanted

an ethnically distinct communism, a Jewish socialism, radical and secular.

With the civil unrest that preceded the Russian Revolution, more Jews

came to Palestine; and this wave, too, was radical, secular, and shaped the

premises of the Israeli state; “[t]hey started building a military force, patiently

and consistently. ”26 Israels first three heads-of-state came to Palestine

before 1914; the fourth, Golda Meir, came in 1921. In Russia, the

czar was deposed, his family murdered; and the red Russians established

the Soviet Union. Nearly three million Jews were facing death from

famine and armed conflict in the new Soviet state; and “ [t]ens of thousands

of Jews were being murdered by marauding bandits. Entire villages

were wiped out in fierce fighting between [the] Soviets and the Poles. ”27

This was the practice, not the theory.

Given czarist support for the pogroms— in fact, making them state policy—Jewish

tears were not shed when the Romanovs met their maker; and

Soviet communism promised Jews inclusion, dignity, and a repudiation of

classic (class-based) anti-Semitism. Lenin’s first cabinet was in fact “dominated

by men of Jewish origins: Trotsky, the leader of the Petrograd coup

and founder of the Red Army; Kamenev, and Zinoviev, Lenin's righthand

man... Sverdlov was now president of the Party’s Central Committee, and

Karl Radek, Maxim Litvinov, A. A. Yoffe, and others all held prominent

positions. With the exception of Litvinov, they all registered their nationalities

as Great Russian, not Jewish. ”28 Marxists of Jewish descent “transposed

their loyalties to the global proletariat. ”29 They wanted to be in the vanguard

and just plain folks, too. They wanted power and equality. They had

a luminous idea that would cannibalize them.

In those early, formative years, it was the unimportant Stalin, later a

mass killer and virulent anti-Semite, who wrote the position paper on

what Soviets called “nationalities, ” which included, but was not limited

to, Jews. Socialism, he said, must resist nationalism; he meant ethnic

bonding, subcultural loyalties; for the Jews the dynamic was clear and

widely welcomed— if Jews were Soviets, there would be no basis for anti-

Semitism. The defining of nationalities was not seen as an ominous contradiction

in the communist idea; nor was anti-Semitism seen as

intractable.

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