Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark: The Presence of ... - Spanish

The Colorado Review of Hispanic Studies | Vol. 7, Fall 2009 | pages 169–183
Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark:
The Presence of The Mexican Treasury in the
Work of Ole Worm. An Introduction.
Rafael Chabrán, Whittier College
“ Thus I wrote on plants… Spain cultivates not one of these plants in
her fields, so I was searching for western ones . . . I took into account
the fruits, the leaves, and any of the names of the species as they vary
from region to region, their medicinal powers, the native soil, the
method of cultivation, and their taste . . .”
—Francisco Hernández, “Epistle”
Introduction
When visiting the beautiful Botanical Gardens of Copenhagen (‘Botanisk
Have’) curious tourists and inquisitive visitors will marvel to see plants
from the New World, such as tobacco and chocolate growing in full bloom.
If adventurous enough to wander to the Botanisk Centralbibliotek (The
Central Library of The Botanical Institute), established in 1752, they might
be fortunate enough to see the magnificent Museum Wormianum—written
by the celebrated Danish scholar, Ole Worm—and replete with references
to New World plants. A close reading of this text would reveal the
name of a Spanish physician known for his work on New World botany and
natural history: Francisco Hernández.
Hernández (c. 1517–1587) was arguably one of the most important
European physician-botanists of the sixteenth century. 1 With good reason
it can be stated that the utilitarian, pragmatic and commercial aspects of
Spanish botany, medicine and natural history found their culmination in
the scientific expedition and fieldwork of Hernández undertaken during
the 1570s. Unfortunately, Anglo-American scholarship has not paid sufficient
attention to the development of Renaissance Spanish botany, medicine
and natural history as found in the work of Hernández. Hernández traveled
and worked in Spain and Mexico (New Spain) but never made his way to
Denmark. Despite this, his works were widely known in Northern Europe.
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Hernández identified and described more than three thousand plants
that were not known in Europe. His work included important descriptions
of cacao, chili, corn, tobacco and tomato to name but a few. Due to the influence
of his work, some European botanists, physicians and pharmacists
turned their attention away from Old World medicinal plants toward the
plants of the New World as sources for new materia medica. In addition to
being an active physician with clinical experience and knowledge gained
through experimentation, he was also an active and important botanist.
In 1570 Hernández was on the brink of a brilliant career. Philip II ordered
him to New Spain where he would lead a scientific expedition, one
of the firsts of its kind, to study native flora, especially with respect to medicinal
plants and their uses. Hernández’s “moral and natural history” of
New Spain was more than a work on natural history; he included a series
of ethnographic materials on the Valley of Mexico. The main purpose of
this expedition was to gather information from native medical practitioners
about “herbs, trees, and medicinal plants” with the objective of learning
uses, doses, as well as the conditions for cultivation so that medicinal
plants could be grown in Spain.
In 1577 Hernández returned to Spain, extremely ill but with high hopes
of seeing his work, known as The Natural History of the Plants of New Spain,
published and well received. The manuscript he turned over to Philip II
was massive: it consisted of sixteen folio volumes written in Latin and
contained descriptions and illustrations of plants, animals and minerals
that were used as materia medica in Mexico. The majority of the botanical
information found in Hernández’s work was not known in Europe at
the time. But instead of sending it directly to press, Philip II gave the work
over to Nardo Antonio Recchi, a Neapolitan and court physician; Philip
charged Recchi with paring down Hernández’s work and organizing it so
that the information might be more useful and manageable (López Piñero
and Pardo, Nuevos 59–71; Hernández, De materia medica 58–106).
The unfortunate conclusion to this story, however, was that Hernández’s
monumental work was never published in his lifetime. Still worse, the
manuscript that Philip II had deposited in the library of the Escorial went
up in flames in the terrible fire of 1671.
Dr. Francisco Hernandez and Dr. Ole Worm:
An Introduction
Since about 1992, we have been working on the life and works of the
Spanish physician, Dr. Francisco Hernández. This work has resulted in
several important publications. 2 Our work in the past has concentrated on
Hernández and the introduction of New World plants into the European
pharmacopoeia, as well as the dissemination of his works in Europe. This

Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark 171
research has dealt with the spread of Hernández’s influence in Spain, Italy,
France, England and the Netherlands. Recently, while in Copenhagen, we
concentrated on the presence of Francisco Hernández’s work in Denmark
during the seventeenth century, especially as found in the work of the
Danish physician and scholar Ole Worm. This work was carried out in the
Botanical Library of the Botanical Institute (University of Copenhagen)
and the Royal Library. 3 Our research focused on a close study of Worm’s
most important work Museum Wormianum (1655) and his correspondence,
Epistolae, as well as, the works of his close associates Thomas Bartholin,
Henrik Fuiren and other important Danish botanists of his time. The present
essay is a summary of and introduction to that research. We are not
the first to detect the presence of Hernández in Worm’s work. The Danish
scholars, H. D. Schepelern (Worm, Breve) and Peter Wagner have both observed
the appearance of Hernández in Worm’s writing but they have not
situated it within the studies of the dissemination of the Spaniard’s work in
Northern and Southern Europe. 4
In our primary research we have focused on two major figures of the
Danish scientific world: Ole Worm (1588–1654) and Otto Sperling (1602–
1681). 5 In the present essay we have only focused on the work of Worm.
Ole Worm, also known as Olaus Worm, a true polymath, was a physician,
professor of medicine and Rector of the University of Copenhagen, as well
as the head of Copenhagen’s Hortus Medicus (Medical-Botanical Garden).
As Ejnar Hovesen has written: “Already in his lifetime, Ole Worm (1588–
1654) achieved European acclaim, but later his fame was always connected
with his work on prehistory, as runologist and as an expert on museums”
(Laegen 304). In addition, he also taught Latin, Greek, anatomy and physics
and was, as Hovesen has indicated, well known for his scholarship in the
area of runology. However, he is perhaps best remembered for his wonderful
Museum Wormianum, a magnificent cabinet of curiosities and a catalogue
description of this museum.
While there is some research on Worm’s Museum, historians of science,
especially historians of natural history have not placed enough attention on
the impact of the work of the Spanish physician Dr. Francisco Hernández on
the Dane’s life and the reception of his work and thought in Denmark. While
the present research is in still a preliminary stage, we can state with a great
deal of certainty that Worm was most interested in the work of Hernández.
This can be clearly seen in the text of his works as well as in his correspondence
in which he demonstrates his keen desire to obtain the Accademia de
Lincei’s edition of Hernández which was not published until 1651, shortly
before Worm’s death in 1654. 6 Nonetheless, we have found numerous references
to Hernández’s work in Worm’s writings. Before entering into the
details of Worm’s biography and intellectual formation we would like to cite
two examples, which underscore Ole Worm’s popularity at the beginning

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of the twenty-first century. The first comes from the work of H. P. Lovecraft
(Howard Phillips Lovecraft, 1890–1937) and is found in his short stories belong
to the so-called “grimoire” genre, so popular today. In one of his stories
a 13th century Dominican priest, based on the figure of Worm, translates the
“Necronomicon” from Greek into Latin. The second example, a more recent
one, comes from the work of Rosamond Purcell, a photographer, artist and
writer and her work on the recreation/re-elaboration of Worm’s Museum,
which forms a part of her “Two Rooms” exhibit. Purcell’s work is part of an
exhibition in which the artist “recreates” or “reconstructs”, a grosso modo,
Worm’s cabinet of curiosities. This exhibition has been shown at the Santa
Monica Museum, (San Monica, California), the Museum of Art at Mount
Holyoke College and at the Harvard Science Center.
Worm’s Early Life and Education: The Peripatetic Student
Ole Worm was born in Århus in 1588, one year after Hernández’s death.
He was the son of Wilim Worm, the mayor of the City of Århus, the principal
port of Denmark, situated on the northwest of the Jutland peninsula
(Hovesen, Laegen 305–7). The social and economic situation of Worm’s
family afforded him many possibilities. Throughout his life he was free to
pursue his academic interests without economic worries.
Worm began his early education in Århus where he studied from 1595
until 1601 (Schepelern 370–2). He then set out to study in Germany, first
to the city of Lüneburg, in the region of Lüngberger Heide in the north of
Germany. From there he was sent to Emmerich, where he studied at the
Stifschule for his pre-university preparation.
Worm’s years of university study followed a path of academic wanderings,
which were in many ways a continuation of his early education. As
a matter of fact, Worm lived most of his university career outside of his
native Denmark. He studied in various European countries and dedicated
himself to diverse academic disciplines. Worm began his university studies
at the University of Marburg, founded in 1527 and as such, one of the oldest
Protestant universities of Germany (Schepelern 371). At Marburg, Worm
studied philosophy with the noted philosopher Rudolph Goclerious (1547–
1628). Subsequently, the young Worm set off for Giessen to study theology.
During this time Giessen was an important center of study for Lutheran
theologians. In 1607 we find Worm in Strasburg, where it seems he began to
study medicine, one of his life long pursuits.
From Strasburg he then traveled to Switzerland, to Basel and its famous
university. Here he enrolled in the Faculty of Medicine. Worm’s studies in
Basel were perhaps the most important of his academic career (Schepelern
370). We should recall that Erasmus and Paracelsus were prominent elements
in Basel’s academic history. During his time at the Faculty of

Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark 173
Medicine, Worm was introduced to the study of iatrochemistry and learned
first hand the ideas of Paracelsus. He studied with Professor Jacob Zwinger
(1569–1610) who introduced him into the basic concepts of iatrochemistry
(Schepelern 371; Shackelford, “To Be or Not to Be a Paracelsian” 54–69).
Through Zwinger he was met the Swiss botanist, Caspar Bauhin (1560–
1624), Johannes Faber (1574–1629), a noted member of the Accademia de
Lincei and a scholar of Hernández’s work, as well as Felix Platter (1536–1614),
a Swiss physician and collector whose cabinet of curiosities was well known. 7
But Worm’s university studies did not end in Basel. In the fall of 1608
we find him in Padua with its noted Faculty of Medicine and famous
Botanical Garden. 8 In Padua he met Caspar Bartholin (1585–1629), an important
Danish scientist and theologian, whose family was to be of great
importance in Worm’s later life and subsequent intellectual development.
He was the father of Thomas and Rasmus (Erasmus) Bartholin, near family
and colleagues of Ole Worm. During his stay in Italy, Worm had the
opportunity to travel to Naples where he met the famous natural historian
and collector Ferrante Imperato (1550–1615). 9 In 1609 he also traveled to
Bologna where he visited Aldrovandi’s well-known collection.
In 1610 Worm began his travels back to his homeland. Upon leaving
Italy he traveled through France and the Low Countries. He stopped in
Enkhuizen in Northern Holland where he visited the noted Dutch scholar
and collector Bernhard Paludanus (1550–1633). Paludanus is remembered
as a famous world traveler and a collector of objects from Asia and the
Americas. 10 However, Worm could restrain neither his desire for travel nor
his academic curiosity. In 1611, we find him traveling in the north of Europe.
First we find him in Marburg and then in Kessel where he presented himself
to the Court of Mortiz, Landgraf von Hesse (1592–1627) and also took
the opportunity to visit the magnificent Kuntskammer (Schepelern 371). In
December of 1611, Worm returned to Basel to receive his doctorate of medicine.
Subsequently, he journeyed to Holland, Strasburg, and Heidelberg,
eventually heading toward Amsterdam. From Amsterdam he traveled to
London where he lived and worked for a short while.
After more than a decade of travel and study, Worm finally returned to
his native Denmark in 1613 where he was named professor of Latin. From
1613 until the time of his death in 1654, Worm was to remain in Copenhagen
and settle into an academic life and Denmark’s historic university. In 1615
Worm married Dorothea Finke, the daughter of Thomas Finke (1516–1656),
a professor of medicine at the university (Hovesen, Laegen 309). Through
this marriage, Worm became the brother-in-law of his old friend Caspar
Bartholin. Worm had a long and distinguished career at the University of
Copenhagen. He was professor of Greek and Physics and in 1624 became
professor of medicine. He was named Rector of the university twice in his
life, first in 1627 and then again in 1654, shortly before his death.

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Worm and His Museum
Rafael Chabrán
As we know the history of natural history is tied to the history of museums
and collections of curiosities. As Paula Findlen has pointed out these
museums were called studios, theaters, galleries, archives, treasures, pandechions,
kunstkammern or wunderkammern (Possessing 48). Worm’s museum
was one of these collections, as were those of Imperato, Aldrovandi,
Della Porta, Calzolari and Kircher, although Worm’s was the first museum
in Denmark and one of the first of its kind anywhere. 11 Oftentimes these
collections were highly organized and catalogued, as with Worm’s.
In spite of all his academic endeavors, Ole Worm is best known for his
famous museum and its published catalogue, Museum Wormianum (1655).
The Museum is a wonderful description of his famous cabinet of curiosities
and provides good examples of his vast knowledge of natural history of
both the Old and the New Worlds. It contains an exuberant juxtaposition
of animal, vegetable, mineral and man-made objects.
The Museum Wormianum was published in The Netherlands, both in
Amsterdam and Leiden, perhaps because of the author’s close association
with Jan de Laet and due to the fact that Worm’s son, Willum Worm
was residing there. In fact, Willum was put in charge of the edition, while
Jan de Laet was the actual editor. The bulk of the text was based on Ole
Worm’s academic lectures, which date from 1646, with some additions
from just before 1655. It is believed that this work was published in the Low
Countries because the editor Jan de Laet had made and had in his possession
many of the engravings previously for the works of Willem Pies or
Piso (c. 1611–1678)—a Dutch physician of the Dutch settlement in Brazil
(1636–1644)—and the German cartographer, astronomer and naturalist
Georg Margrave, or Marcgraf (1610–c. 1644); the works of both authors are
important sources for the dissemination of Hernandez work. As we will
see, the work of Piso and Margrave was published in Leiden by Hacke and
in Amsterdam by Elzever.
It is important to note that Worm’s Museum is important and unique.
It is similar to others such as those of Ferrante Imperato and Francesco
Calzolari, from which Worm incorporated information. Worm also cited
the work of other collectors such as Gesner and Aldrovandi. In addition, he
expressed admiration for the works of Clusius, Scaliger and Juan Eusebio
Nieremberg, another important Hernández scholar.
The Contents, Organization and History
of Worm’s Museum
As one might imagine, the contents of the Museum were extremely diverse.
It contained all kinds of curiosities, ethnographic rarities, alongside collected
specimens of natural history, antiquarian and historical objects, and

Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark 175
artworks (Schepelern 376–80). In its cases, drawers, walls and roof we find
weapons, religious objects, as well as scientific instruments and various
specimens of taxidermy.
The text of Worm’s Museum is divided into four books. The first deals
with fossils, soils, rocks and metals. The second book covers plants and
other botanical specimens. The third deals with animals and is filled with
citations from Aristotle, Pliny, Gesner and Aldrovandi. The fourth book
describes artificial and man-made objects. Worm organized the first three
books of his work around the major category of “Naturalia,” principally natural
history. The fourth book deals with “Artificiosa,” those objects made of
metal, plant materials (such as wood), and animal parts (horns or bones).
Upon his death, Worm’s museum was bought by King Frederick III
(1609–1670) who used it as the foundation for his Royal Kunstkammer.
Unfortunately, today Worm’s museum no longer exists as it did during
his day. During his lifetime it was located on the street known as
Skiderstrade, today Kystalgade, where today we find the Central Public
Library of the City of Copenhagen (Hovedbibliotek), a few blocks from the
famous Round Tower in Copenhagen’s so-called Latin Quarter. The little
that remains of Worm’s collection today is to be found in Copenhagen’s
Zoological Museum and in the Museum of Natural History.
Worm’s Museum and its Sources
Serious scholar that he was, Ole Worm left us a treasure trove of references
for the research contained in his Museum. 12 A partial list of authorities
contains the names of: Amatus Lusitanus, Athanasius Kircher,
Bernardus Paludanus, Ferrandus Imperatus, Caspar Bauhinus, Franciscus
Hernandus, Franciscus Stellatus Lynaeus, Garcias ab Horto, Gulhelmus
Piso, Margravius, Mathiolus, Nardus Antonio Rechus, Nicolaus Monardes,
Petrus Martyr, Scaliger, Thomas Bartholinus, Tycho Brahe and Zacutus
Lusitanus—a virtual who’s who of Renaissance science and natural history.
13 Before entering into Worm’s correspondence, we wish to recall what
Brian W. Ogilvie (2006) has written about the importance that correspondence
had for Renaissance naturalists. In his discussion of “The Imagined
Community” and the network of scholars—the Republic of Letters— and
their research, he writes: “But each link in this network, each letter exchanged
between two naturalists, referred implicitly or explicitly to other
links” (Ogilvie 82). A close look of Worm’s correspondence will give us a
more complete picture of Worm’s interest in Hernández. 14 Concentrating
on a selected list of these letters, we offer the following chronology, where we
find specific references to Hernández and his works. In October of 1627, we
find one of the first references of the Accademia dei Lincei in Worm’s correspondence
in a letter from Johannes Andreas/Hans Andersen to Worm

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from Padua. 15 In this letter (October 12, 1627) he writes to Worm and mentions
important members of the Lincei: J. Faber, F. Colonna and J. Terentius.
He refers to Faber’s work on Mexican Animals and Terentius’s work on
Mexican plants. Ten years later (April 1, 1637), Worm wrote to friend Henrik
Fuiren (1614–1659), and mentions the plant Coya Metl and Nieremberg’s
Historia natura (1635). 16 That same year we have a letter to Johan Rhode,
which again mentions the Lincei’s edition of Hernández. 17 Two years later,
on June 28, 1639, in a letter to Thomas Bartholin, he mentions the works of
Clusius and de Laet and mentions the Cassia plant. 18 There are several other
letters from 1646 to 1653 from Vito Beringio, de Laet, Petrus Scavenius,
Wilhemus Langius and Erasmus/Rasmus Bartholin, which also mention
the work of the Lincei.
Ole Worm, the Work of Dr. Francisco Hernández
and The Rome Edition
For almost fifty years (1603–1651), the Accademia dei Lincei was involved
in the publication of Francisco Hernandez’s Mexican Treasury. This work
often referred to, as “The Rome Edition” is one of the most important, if
not the most important, editions of Hernandez’s work. It is most certainly
the most important in terms of the dissemination of Hernandez’s writings.
In 1603, Federico Cesi (1585–1630) founded the Accademia dei Lincei,
which was one of the first scientific societies of the modern period. The
Accademia dei Lincei was at the same time a scientific society, a scientific
brotherhood and a philosophical militia. The purpose of this society was
to engage in free inquiry into the natural sciences. It sought to investigate
and study the many mysteries of nature and to reorganize knowledge and
produce a visual theatre of nature. In the words of its founder, the principle
objective of this young men’s intellectual club was to, “read the great and
true and universal book of the world.” This scientific society was a secular
counterpart to religious institutions like the Jesuits who also had a firm
commitment to scientific investigation. As with the Jesuits, the Accademia
dei Lincei was a scientific fraternity, which stressed the acquisition and
mutual exchange of knowledge. They also formed an international scientific
network for the transmission and reception of knowledge.
The two principal flagship projects of the Academia dei Lincei were
the publication of the works of Galileo and Francisco Hernández. Galileo
became a member of the Accademia dei Lincei in 1611 and from that date
the Accademia fostered the publication of his works. Francesco Stelutti
was especially influential in publishing and collaborating with Galileo.
Galileo, who in turn, was aware of the work of Francisco Hernández and
the Lincei’s publishing of the Mexican Treasury.

Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark 177
Members of the Accademia dei Lincei came into contact with the work
of Francisco Hernández via two paths: 1) in the context of Federico Cesi’s
visit to Naples in 1603, his contact with the noted Neapolitan scholar
Giambattista Della Porta (1538–1615) and his attempts to acquire Recchi’s
Hernández manuscript (Hernández, De materia medica I: 58–70); 2)
within the context of members of the Accademia dei Lincei’s study of the
Hernández manuscripts at the Escorial (López Piñero and Pardo, Nuevos
133–43). At least three of the Lincei visited or attempted to visit the Escorial
Library in order to see and study Hernández’s texts. These include the visits
of Johannes Schreck (c. 1577–1653), also known as “Terrentius,” Eck (Heck
or Herkius), and Cassiano dal Pozzo. Cassiano dal Pozzo (1588–1657) was a
seventeenth century patron of the arts and sciences and famous antiquarian.
In 1622 he became a member of the Accademia dei Lincei. While in Rome
he came into the service of Cardinal Francesco Barberini (1597–1679) and
nephew to Pope Urban VIII (1623–1646). Cassiano was also instrumental
in commissioning the copy of the Codex Cruz Badiano, known today as the
“Erbario Messicano” and housed in the Royal Collection in Windsor Castle
(Freedberg 15–38). Cassiano dal Pozzo also visited the Escorial Library,
where he came into contact with the librarian Andrés de los Reyes, the principle
archivist and librarian at the Escorial from 1622 to 1638. Cassiano asked
the librarian to copy several important Hernández works. Among them,
Hernández’s treatise on animals and minerals, later published by J. Faber
and the most important Index Alphabeticus Plantarum Novae Hispaniae,
which was used for the Rome Edition and is of great importance in reconstructing
the works of Hernández burned in the fire of 1671.
While Worm was never able to see the Accademia dei Lincei’s edition
of Hernández’s work, which was published shortly before his death, he
was well aware of its existence as can be seen through a close study of his
correspondence. In addition, he was in close contact with members of the
Accademia dei Lincei, who knew his work, as well as that of the Spanish
physician. Worm also knew Hernández’s work from other sources, which
he cited in his works and correspondence. Here we are referring to the
writings of Juan Eusebio Nieremberg, Francisco Ximénez and Jan de Laet.
De Laet was perhaps one of his most important sources for information
concerning the work of Hernández. Worm maintained important contacts
and correspondence with de Laet, who sent him various specimens
of plants, which were of interest to the Dane. De Laet, as we will see, was
also very familiar with dried plant specimens from Margrave’s herbarium,
another important source of Hernández’s work.

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Ole Worm and Jan de Laet
Rafael Chabrán
Even the quickest review of Jan de Laet’s life and work will help us better
understand the importance that Hernandez had for Worm’s work. While
de Laet was born in Antwerp, early on he settled in Leiden to study in the
city’s noted university. We must not forget Leiden’s close ties to the life
and works of the well-known botanist, Clusius, another scholar of plants
and materia medica from the New World (Cook 117–20). In addition to his
studies in Leiden, it also seems that de Laet also studied in London between
1603 and 1607, but we do not have much information on this period of his
life. De Laet is often remembered for his geographical work, especially for
his studies of France, Spain, Belgium, Turkey, and Portugal. However, he
is most well known for the work he accomplished as the Director of the
Dutch West Indies Company and the geographic, ethnographical and botanical
research which de published in conjunction with that position.
In 1625, the de Laet (1582–1691 became interested in Hernández. His
work Nieuwe Wereldt ofte Beschrigvingh van West-Indien (Leiden 1625) and
Novus Orbis descriptionii Indiae occidentalis (1633) incorporated a great
deal of material based on Hernández’s writings (López Piñero and Pardo,
La influencia 193–195). De Laet’s books described the plants, geography, climate
and customs of the Caribbean and Central and South America. The
primary purpose of these works was to serve as a guide for the employees
of the Dutch West India Company. As we will see, other men from the Low
Countries who were important for the spread of Hernández’s work include
Pies and Margrave. This work is found in their Historiae rerum naturalium
Brasiliae libri octo, which is part of Historiae Naturalis Brasiliae (1648) and
includes Pies’s De Medicinia Brasilensi libri quattuor. Worm was very interested
and well aware of all this research as his work and correspondence
demonstrates.
Worm and Francisco Ximénez
Worm’s correspondence with de Laet also introduced him to the aspects
of Hernández’s writings that came to light thanks to Francisco Ximénez.
A significant amount of Hernández’s work appeared in Ximénez’s Quatro
Libros de la naturaleza y virtudes de las plantas y animals que estan recevidos
en el uso de la Medicina en la Nueva España, published in 1615 (López Piñero
and Pardo, La influencia 119–27). Ximénez was a lay hospital brother who
worked with Bernardino Álvarez, a key figure in the history of Mexican
hospitals. Ximénez worked at the Hospital of the Holy Cross in what is
now the state of Morelos where he came into contact with Hernández.
Ximénez’s work deals with the Four Books of Nature and the virtues of
plants and animals that were used as medicines in New Spain and the manner
in which they should be prepared and administered. María de Espinosa

Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark 179
López Dávalos, widow of Diego López Dávalos, printed Ximenez’s work in
Mexico City. The primary object of Ximenez’s work was to provide practical
medical information, especially the use of medicinal plants for people
living in places with no access to physicians or medicines.
Worm, Niermberg and Hernández
As we know, Hernández’s work unfortunately remained unpublished in his
native Spain during the seventeenth century, even when it was known in
Mexico, Italy, the Netherlands, Britain and France. However, portions of
Hernández’s writings first appeared in Juan Barrios’ Verdadera medicina
cirugía astrología (Mexico 1607), and in the writings of the seventeenth
century Jesuit theologian and professor of natural history Juan Eusebeo
Nieremberg (c. 1595–1658) Historia naturae, maxime peregrinae (1635).
Nieremberg was another important source for Worm’s knowledge of
Hernández (López Piñero and Pardo, Nuevos 129–32).
Worm and G. Margrave
As we have seen, the presence of New World plants in Worm’s research, especially
through the work of Francisco Hernández is closely tied to the writings
de Laet, Margrave, and Pies. 19 The connection between Hernández and The
Netherlands and Denmark also originated with the Botanical Garden of the
University of Leiden (Chabrán and Varey, “Hernández in the Netherlands
and England” 138–150). The work of Margrave and Pies was based on their
research carried out for the Dutch West Indies Company’s colony in Brazil.
The primary purpose of this enterprise was to contain the political and
economic dominance of Spain and Portugal in the New World. 20 Here we
should recall that the Dutch had begun to revolt against the Spanish in 1568.
Subsequently, the directors of the Dutch Indies Company appointed Count
Johan Maurits of Nassau-Siegen (1604–1678) not only to set up a colony
in Brazil, but also to sponsor some of the first European scientific studies
of Brazil. 21 Dutch artists and scientists such as Albert Eckhout (c. 1607– c.
1644), Franz Post (1612–1680), Margrave and Piso created some of the first
European descriptions of Brazil’s flora and fauna. 22 Count Johan Maurits
of Nassau-Siegen’s sponsorship of Margrave and Piso’s research in Brazil
would result in the publication of Historia naturalis Brasiliae (1648), the first
important natural history of Brazil. 23 Margrave’s work on Brazilian natural
history was posthumously decoded and edited by Jan de Laet in 1648. 24
Margrave had studied, described, drawn and dried many native plants from
Brazil. The descriptions and their illustrations, as well as a great herbarium
were brought back from Brazil by Johan Maurits, who in turn entrusted
these items to be organized and edited by de Laet for publication. This made

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much sense since de Laet and Margrave had corresponded a great deal as
well having shared information on New World plants and animals.
The work of Margrave soon came to the attention of Ole Worm though
the hands of de Laet. De Laet not only corresponded with Worm but also
sent him specimens of minerals, woods and fruits. On April 21, 1648, Worm
received a copy of Pies and Margrave’s Historia naturalis Brasiliae. 25 Shortly
before his death in 1649, de Laet wrote to Cassiano dal Pozzo asking him
about the publication of the Lincei’s edition of Hernández’s work. 26 As we
know, it was not published until 1651. In 1649, Worm also received notice of
de Laet’s death from Rasmus Bartholin (1625–1698), a Danish scientist and
physician and young brother of Thomas Bartholin, who at the time was
living in Leiden. 27
In 1653, Worm’s son, Willum Worm (1633–1704) was studying in Leiden
and working on the publication of his father’s Museum Wormianum when
he acquired Margrave’s herbarium (Schepelern 376–7). Subsequently this
herbarium was sent to the elder Worm who studied and worked with it until
his death in August 1654. As Peter Wagner has pointed out, Margrave’s
work, at this point was well known to Worm. 28 We should recall the
Margrave’s work was full of references to Hernández. Again we will remember
that in the last years of his life Worm complained to his friends and
correspondents that while he knew of the Accademia dei Lincei’s edition of
Hernandez’s work, he had not seen it.
Conclusion
While there is clearly much more work to be done with respect to the presence
of the work and thought of Francisco Hernández in Denmark, a close
study of his Museum and correspondence reveals that the Dane was most
interested in New World botany and natural history, especially as found
in the works of Hernández. It is also clear that much of what Worm knew
about Hernández came from his Dutch friend and colleague, Jan de Laet.
As can be seen from a careful study of Worm’s correspondence, Worm
learned a great deal about Hernandez from his correspondence with de
Laet. In these letters we find many references to the works of Francisco
Ximénez, as well as to the writings of the Jesuit Juan Eusebio Nieremberg,
both of whom were important sources for the study of Hernández. In addition,
again through his contacts with de Laet, Worm was able to find
important references to Hernandez in the works of Margrave and Pies.
Perhaps most useful was his access to Margrave’s herbarium.
As we have indicated, much more research needs to be undertaken on
the interesting connections between scholars who devoted their lives to
the study of New World plants in Denmark. Along these lines, future research
into the work of the Danish scientist and physician, Otto Sperling

Dr. Francisco Hernández and Denmark 181
will help complete our knowledge of Hernández’s presence in Denmark.
Furthermore, the New World plants found in Worm’s work need to be
studied and compared with those found in Hernández’s work and other
works which contain botanical information from Hernández. In the end,
we will have a more complete picture of the dissemination of Hernández’s
work both in northern and southern Europe.
Endnotes
1 For a brief introduction to the life and works of Dr. Francisco Hernández, see Chabrán,
“Francisco Hernández.”
2 See Chabrán and Varey, “Mexican Medicine Comes to England,” Varey and Chabrán, “Medical
Natural History in the Renaissance” Varey, Chabrán, and Weiner, Searching for the Secrets of
Nature; and Hernández, The Mexican Treasury.
3 While working at the Botanical Library of the Botanical Institute (University of Copenhagen), I
collaborated and received a great deal of help and attention from two Danish scientists Dr. Hans
Tybjerg and Dr. Peter Wagner. Both of these scholars provided me with much bio-bibliographical
help, as well as a better understanding of the history of Danish botany during the time of Ole
Worm.
4 We are deeply indebted Schepelern’s work, both his study of Worm’s life and work (Museum
Wormianium), as well as his edition of Worm’s correspondence. Our research would have been
impossible without these works.
5 On Sperling see Gigas.
6 We discuss the Accademia de Lincei below.
7 Platter was also a follower of the Swiss naturalist Conrad Gesner (1516–1565). On Bauhin and
Platter, see Ogilve.
8 On the importance of The Botanical Garden of Padua, see Minelli.
9 Schepelern (1971): p. 371.
10 On Paludanus and his collection, see B. Ogilvie (2008): pp. 40-41.
11 This type of museum also existed in Spain, as evidenced by Vincencio Juan de Lastanosa’s cabinet
of curiosities. On Lastanosa see Rey Bueno and López Pérez.
12 See the section “Authores Museum Wormianum seu Historis Rariornum” of Worm’s work.
13 In keeping with Worm’s text, we have cited the Latinized versions of all names.
14 In our study of Worm’s correspondence we have used and studied both the published Latin version,
the Epistolae, as well as Schepelern’s edition: Breve fra og til Ole Worm, which is an annotated
Danish translation of the Worm letters. The original copies of Worm’s correspondence are
housed at Copenhagen’s Royal Library.
15 Johannes Andreas (Hans Andersen) to Worm dated Oct 12, 1627 (Epistolae 146, p. 125; Breve,
Nº 233, I:134–138).
16 Worm’s letter to Henrik Fuiren (Epistolae I, 188; Breve Nº 633, 4-5). The Danish naturalist and
physician H. Fuiren (1614–1659) was Worm’s nephew and student. Like many Danes he studied
at several European universities such as Leiden, Paris, Pisa and Padua. Like Worm he took his
medical degree at the University of Basel. Schepelern has pointed out Furien’s knowledge of
Nieremberg: “Blandt samtidige Forskere citers 12 Gange Jesuiten Johann Eugenius Nierenberg
(1590–1658), født i Madrid af tyske Foraeldre. Hans Historia naturae maxime peregrina. Antwerpen
1635, Fol., der ver illustreret med Traesnit, som angives at vaere lidet vaedifulde, erhvervede
Worm aabenbart kort efter dets Udgivelse, idet han hensviser til det allerede i et Brev fra 1637 til
Henrik Fuiren i Leyden og flere Gange senere” (Museum 225).
17 1637 letter from Worm to Johan Rhode (Epistolae 79 [2./10.3. 1637]; Breve II: 3–4). The Danish
physician Johannes or Johan Rhode (1587–1659) close friend of Caspar Bartholin settled in Padua
and practiced medicine and botany there.

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18 Worm to Thomas Bartholin (Epistolae 653; Breve Nº793 II:135–137). The Danish physician and
anatomist Thomas Bartholin or Bartholinus (1616–1680) was an extremely important figure in
Danish science and medicine. He was the son of Worm’s brother in law Caspar Bartholin. Upon
the death of the latter, he was adopted by Worm. On Thomas Bartholin, see Skavlen.
19 See the important research on Margrave’ herbarium in Andrade-Lima, and Wagner (“Das
Markgraf Herbarium”).
20 On the Dutch in Brazil, see Ferrão and Montero Soares, and Boxer.
21 See Whitehead and Boesman, and van den Boogaart.
22 R. P. Brienen. Visions of Savage Paradise. Albert Eckhout, Court Painter in Colonial Brazil. Amsterdam:
Amsterdam University Press, 2006: p. 12–13. See also her valuable article, R. P. Brienen. “Georg
Marcgraf (1610–c. 1644). A German Cartographer. Astronomer, and Naturalist-Illustrator in
Colonial Dutch Brazil.” Itinerario XXXV (2000/1): pp. 85–112. Eckhout’s paintings can still be seen
today in Copenhagen’s Nationalmuseet.
23 R. P. Brienen (2006): p. 16.
24 Chabrán and Varey (2000): p. 139. See also the important work of J. M. López Piñero and J. Pardo,
“Georg Marggraf, Jan de Laet y la Compañia holandesa de las Indias Occidentales” in J. M. López
Piñero and José Pardo Tomás. La influencia de Francisco Hernández (1515–1587) en la constitución de
la botánica y la materia médica modernas. Valencia: University of Valencia, 1996: pp. 190–195.
25 Letter from Ole Worm to J. de Laet (April 21, 1648). See, Breve Fra og Til O. Worm. Schepelern.
Vol. 3: pp. 312-313.
26 See J. M. López Piñero and J. Pardo (1996): p. 193.
27 Letter from R. Bartholin to Ole Worm (December 27, 1649). See, Breve Fra og Til O. Worm.
Schepelern. Vol. 3: pp. 413–415.
28 Peter Wagner. “Das Markgraf Herbarium” in Sein Feld war die Welt:Johann Moritz von Nassau-Siegen
(1604–1679) edited by Gerhard Brunn and Cornelius Neutsch. Waxmann/J. Mortiz, 2008: pp.
233–245; P. Wagner. “The Markgraf Herbarium.” Unpublished typed manuscript.
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