10.04.2013 Views

Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

SHOW MORE
SHOW LESS

Create successful ePaper yourself

Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.

14 [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.<br />

represented by two dimensions of the diagram.<br />

Figure 2 (which ultimately derives from figure 1) may<br />

be interpreted to reflect the wide and narrow meanings<br />

of the non-obviative category. It purposely excludes<br />

the combinations of the non-third categories and the<br />

direction of action among them.<br />

2.02. Animate Obviative and Inanimate Plural<br />

Throughout the grammar of <strong>Cree</strong>, the inanimate<br />

(proximate) plural category and the animate obviative<br />

category (number-indifferent) show the same forms.<br />

This identity"5 is seen in the inflection of nouns for<br />

number-obviation (3.3) as well as in the independent<br />

forms of the verb where a direct contrast of gender<br />

exists; i.e. in the obviative forms of the transitive<br />

verbs with animate or inanimate goal (TA, TI) and of<br />

the intransitive verbs with animate actor (AI); and<br />

in the plural forms of the intransitive verbs with<br />

inanimate actor (II). In all these paradigms, the<br />

inanimate plural and the animate obviative are both<br />

marked by the ending -(w)a.<br />

Such a similarity may of course be accidental, just<br />

as the number-indifference of the <strong>Cree</strong> (animate)<br />

obviative is due to the merger, in this position in<br />

<strong>Cree</strong>, of Proto Algonquian *h and *1; thus, the <strong>Cree</strong><br />

ending -a (morphophonologically /ah/) corresponds<br />

to the Proto Algonquian (obviative) singular ending<br />

*-ali as well as to the (obviative) plural ending *-ahi.<br />

But if such a development were the cause of the<br />

identity, it would have to antedate Proto Algonquian,<br />

for even there the inanimate (proximate) plural and<br />

the animate obviative singular are marked by the<br />

same ending, *-ali.<br />

That the identity cannot be reduced to historical<br />

accident (at least not of such superficiality) is evident<br />

from the inflectional paradigms of pronouns. In<br />

addition to the standard nominal paradigm (4.3)<br />

there are two exclusively pronominal paradigms both<br />

of which show the same identity in spite of great<br />

differences of phonological shape. One (4.1) uses the<br />

ending -hi for both these categories, another (4.2)<br />

eha.16<br />

If we rule out accident as the cause of the identity<br />

of the animate obviative and the inanimate plural,<br />

we have to look for that semantic feature of <strong>Cree</strong><br />

which these categories have in common.17<br />

16 The usual term for such a phenomenon, syncretism, is avoided<br />

because of its directional implication (of a merger of previously<br />

separate categories).<br />

16 Ojibwa shows the same identity in pronouns which greatly<br />

differ from each other in phonemic shape; see Bloomfield, 1958:<br />

p. 43.<br />

17 The situation is somewhat reminiscent of the Indoeuropean<br />

case where in many languages the same endings occur in feminine<br />

singular and in neuter plural nouns, e.g. Latin via 'street': iuga<br />

'yokes'; Sanskrit send 'army': yugd 'yokes.' In some languages,<br />

moreover, neuter plural nouns take a singular verb form, e.g.<br />

Greek 7rrvra ,be 'all things change.'<br />

This state of affairs is taken as evidence for an earlier category<br />

of individual vs. collective, with the original collective giving rise<br />

WOLFART: PLAINS CREE<br />

This feature is yet to be found; however, there is at<br />

least one set of contexts where a link might con-<br />

ceivably be established.<br />

(a) In a series of coordinate nouns which function<br />

as the joint goal of a transitive verb,'8 animate<br />

obviative and inanimate plural are obviously<br />

indistinguishable:<br />

S 57-17 ... otinam ekwah ospikekanah ekwah<br />

take(TI 3) and rib (Op) and<br />

otihtihkosiwah . . .<br />

kidney (3')<br />

'he took the ribs and the kidneys'<br />

(b) If a noun which is usually inanimate functions<br />

as the goal of a transitive animate verb of speaking,<br />

the noun ending is completely ambiguous:<br />

S 8-43 soskwdc kahkiyaw kakwecimew<br />

right away all ask(TA 3-(3'))<br />

otdpacihcikanah.<br />

utensil (Op)<br />

'Without delay she asked all her utensils.'<br />

otdpacihcikanah is normally inanimate but here stands<br />

in construction with kakwecimew; for more details<br />

see 2.3.<br />

(c) Another aspect of the same phenomenon<br />

involves a set of transitive animate (TA) verb forms<br />

where an animate third person is the goal of an<br />

inanimate actor which is otherwise unspecific (5.83).<br />

Another set (5.61 ff.) also has an animate third person<br />

as goal and, in reference, has an obviative actor; in<br />

meaning and morphology, the actor is not specified.<br />

Thus, unless the situation is clarified by the context, a<br />

form like T60pll e-pZikiskwatikot may be interpreted<br />

as either 'it (0 or Op) speaks to him (3)' or 'he (3')<br />

speaks to him (3),' and this would be one meeting<br />

point of two seemingly disjunct categories.<br />

In fact, the situation just described may give rise<br />

to striking ambiguities. Thus, not only individual<br />

verbal forms or nominal-pronominal phrases but<br />

entire clauses may be truly ambiguous with respect<br />

to the categories under investigation, e.g.,<br />

T103p8. . . nandtohk ohi<br />

various this (0p/3')<br />

kikwasa 5hi e-wiyesimikot.<br />

something (Op/3') trick(TA (Op/3')-3)<br />

'all these various little things used to trick him.'<br />

to both the feminine singular and the neuter plural. Cf. Schmidt,<br />

1889; Meillet, 1937: pp. 291-292; and Lehmann, 1958; on the<br />

semantic aspects of this case see Kurylowicz, 1964, especially pp.<br />

205-206.<br />

The <strong>Cree</strong> data do not suffice to attempt a similar historical<br />

account (in spite of the stimulating suggestions of Warren Cow-<br />

gill and Francis Pardo), and any directional interpretations (split,<br />

merger, category re-alignment) have to be postponed.<br />

18 For the choice of verb type cf. 2.33.

Hooray! Your file is uploaded and ready to be published.

Saved successfully!

Ooh no, something went wrong!