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Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

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32 WOLFART: PLAINS CREE<br />

[TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.<br />

contraction cf. appendix A: 4.2). Nouns in /enaw/<br />

are derived from inanimate intransitive (II) verbs in<br />

/ena/, with their most common inflected forms being<br />

homonymous; e.g., ispatinaw II 0 'it is a hill,' or the<br />

noun 'hill.' Since these nouns and verbs typically<br />

denote topographical features, the semantic connection<br />

with the /enahk/ suffix is obvious. However, none<br />

of the nouns which take /enahk/ as a distributive<br />

locative suffix are actually paralleled by a verb in<br />

/ena/ (although a form like mostosondw 'it is buffalo<br />

country' might well be expected). Thus, while the<br />

/enahk/ forms must ultimately be regarded as derived<br />

nouns, for all practical purposes /enahk/ functions<br />

as a somewhat restricted inflectional suffix.<br />

3.7. VOCATIVE<br />

The vocative singular is formed in a variety of<br />

ways while /etik/ is uniformly used for the plural.<br />

3.71. Singular<br />

Normally no special ending is used for the vocative<br />

singular, e.g., T7p5, 20 nitokimam 'oh my king.'<br />

However, most of the kin terms and a few nouns of<br />

intimate possession have vocative forms which are<br />

still largely used; the younger generation uses these<br />

in free variation with the simple proximate singular<br />

form (not the stem; but cf. Lacombe, 1874b: p. 6).<br />

The vocative singular frequently ends in a long<br />

vowel; this fact may well be related to phenomena<br />

of rhetorical distortion. While some kin terms remain<br />

unaffected, others undergo apocope (the loss of final<br />

consonants, vowel-consonant, sequences, or whole<br />

syllables) or add a suffix -e; vowels are often length-<br />

ened or distorted. The following lists are by no<br />

means exhaustive; the glosses are incomplete.<br />

Apocope:<br />

nohtawiy 'my father' nohtd<br />

nikdwiy 'my mother' nekd<br />

nimosom 'my grandfather'<br />

nimoso<br />

nohkom 'my grandmother'<br />

nohko<br />

nitihkwatim 'my cross-nephew,<br />

son-in-law'<br />

nitehkwd<br />

nitawemaw 'my cross-sibling' nitawemd<br />

nitdnis 'my daughter'<br />

nitan<br />

niciwdm 'my male parallel cousin' niciwa<br />

nikwemes 'my namesake, friend'<br />

Suffix -e:<br />

nikweme<br />

nimis 'my elder sister' nimise<br />

nisikos 'my father's sister,<br />

mother-in-law'<br />

nisikose<br />

nisis 'my mother's brother,<br />

nisise<br />

father-in-law'<br />

nisim 'my younger brother' nisime<br />

nistes 'my older brother' nistese<br />

nicdhkos 'my (f) sister-in-law' nicahkose<br />

Apocope and suffix -e:<br />

nikosis 'my son'<br />

nosisim 'my grandchild'<br />

nikose<br />

nosise<br />

Vocative identical to proximate singular:<br />

nipdpa 'my father'<br />

nimamd 'my mother'<br />

niscds 'my male cross-cousin'<br />

nitotem 'my fellow tribesman'<br />

3.72. Plural<br />

The vocative plural is always formed with /etik/:<br />

nisim 'my younger brother'<br />

nitoskinikim 'my young man,<br />

crew member'<br />

dtayohkan 'spirit guardian'<br />

3.8. "QUASI-NOUNS"<br />

nislmitik<br />

nitoskinikimitik<br />

dtayohkanitik<br />

Some otherwise non-paradigmatic forms, i.e.<br />

particles, take the vocative plural (3.72) and simple<br />

locative (3.61) suffixes and, in a few cases, even the<br />

plural marker /k/ (3.31, 5.481). Syntactically, these<br />

are predicative particles but because they make use of<br />

nominal suffixes they are, for the nonce, called<br />

QUASI-NOUNS.<br />

3.81. Locative<br />

The locative suffix /ehk/ occurs freely but not<br />

very frequently, e.g., dstam 'here, come here': dstamihk<br />

'on this side.' The same meaning is usually expressed<br />

by the locative morpheme ita (which also occurs as a<br />

particle by itself), e.g., dstamita 'on this side, closer.'<br />

3.82. Vocative<br />

More typical and more frequent are particles which<br />

take the vocative plural suffix /etik/.<br />

Extremely frequent are dstam 'come here,' awas 'go<br />

away'; when more than one person is addressed, we<br />

find dstamitik, awasitik.<br />

A less common example is the particle mdcikotitdn,<br />

mdcikocicdn 'look, let me show you' whose internal<br />

structure is obscure. Although a "plural" form<br />

mdcikotitak does occur in Bloomfield's texts, mdciko-<br />

titan may be addressed to one or several persons. In<br />

the narrow use, when only one person is addressed,<br />

our texts oppose mdcikocicdn to a "vocative plural"<br />

mdcikocicdnitik.<br />

A more problematic form is ekotik 'let's go'<br />

(T523p86) which seems to be based on the pronominal<br />

stem eyakw--e-kw- (4.41).<br />

3.83. Plural<br />

A few particles have forms with and without final<br />

/k/. Whatever the etymological origin of the /k/,<br />

the forms with /k/ seem to be interpretable as plural:<br />

S326-3 "niya, nisim, sipwehte!" 'Go, little sister,<br />

depart! (AI 2)'. S69-23 "niyak! mdcik!" 'be off,<br />

hunt! (AI 2p).'

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