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Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

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22 [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.<br />

S 9-6 ostikwan pikoh ka-pikiskwemakahk.<br />

head (O) only speak (AI inan(0))<br />

'It is a head only which talks.'<br />

When an otherwise inanimate noun becomes<br />

temporarily animate, the ambiguity under discussion<br />

may be removed entirely by the presence of modifiers;<br />

consider the demonstrative pronoun awa in<br />

S 54-42 nama ciy awa<br />

not (question) this (3)<br />

kitastotin ewako, "nik-dydwik!"<br />

your headgear(0/3) this (0/3) possess(TA 3-1)<br />

eh- iteyimit<br />

kitastotin ?<br />

think of him(TA 3-1) your headgear(0/3)<br />

'Is not this headgear of yours thinking this of me,<br />

"Let him possess me!" '<br />

The gender transfer discussed so far has a statable<br />

and largely predictable function. Furthermore, it is<br />

a one-way transfer, from inanimate to animate. It<br />

is thus quite distinct from the lack of gender concord<br />

that is occasionally encountered in the texts, e.g.,<br />

T 87-6 e-nitoniket oma sihta<br />

grope(AI 3) this(O) spruce(3)<br />

'he groped for that spruce'<br />

It may be relevant that such discrepancies seem to be<br />

particularly frequent with noun stems showing class-<br />

cleavage, e.g., mistikw- animate 'tree,' inanimate<br />

'stick'; note also the homonymy of 3' and Op discussed<br />

in 2.02.<br />

S 48-10 osdm miywdsin awa<br />

indeed be good(II 0) this(3)<br />

mistik ..<br />

stick (0)<br />

'indeed it is good, this piece of wood'<br />

T 76p7 kd-pasastehahk mistikwa ohi<br />

whip(TI 3) tree(3') this(3'/Op)<br />

'he whipped these trees'<br />

It remains to be seen whether such instances are<br />

really accidental slips of the tongue (or lapses of the<br />

record) or whether they perhaps point to features of<br />

the gender dimension which are not understood.<br />

2.32. Gender Classes of Nouns<br />

Gender is one of the basic criteria for the inflectional<br />

and derivational classification of verbs. Transitive<br />

animate and transitive inanimate stems largely come<br />

in pairs, differing as to the gender of the goal, e.g.,<br />

otinew 'he takes him,' otinam 'he takes it'; animate<br />

intransitive and inanimate intransitive stems similarly<br />

WOLFART: PLAINS CREE<br />

differ by the gender of the actor, e.g. ohpikiw 'he<br />

grows up,' ohpikin 'it grows up'; cf. also 5.1.<br />

In most instances, then, there is a choice, as to<br />

gender, among verb stems. Nouns are sharply<br />

different since most of them belong to only one gender<br />

(but see 2.323 below). Even when they are tempor-<br />

arily animate, showing agreement with animate<br />

verbs, their inflectional endings (as far as they are<br />

unambiguous) remain inanimate.<br />

2.321. Nouns which denote humans, animals,<br />

spirits, or trees are animate. E.g., ayahciyiniw<br />

'enemy, especially Blackfoot,' czpay 'dead person,<br />

corpse,' tahkohci 'On-Top' (personal name; there is<br />

also a particle tahkohci). mistatim 'horse,' mostos<br />

'buffalo.' dtayohkan (a certain kind of spirit),<br />

kise-manitow 'God.' sihta 'spruce,' mdyi-metos 'black<br />

popular,' mistik 'tree.'<br />

Also animate are extensions of these, e.g., ayisi-<br />

yinshkdn 'effigy, doll.'<br />

2.322. Also animate is a variety of objects some of<br />

which constitute relatively well-defined semantic<br />

groupings. By and large, the gender assignment of<br />

nouns in <strong>Cree</strong> seems to correspond fairly closely to<br />

that of MIenomini which Bloomfield has described in<br />

great detail (1962: pp. 28-36).<br />

Some body-parts are animate: nisakitikom 'my<br />

braid,' nitasiskitan 'my calf of leg,' nitihtikos 'my<br />

kidney,' nitlhiy 'my shoulder-blade,' niyihk 'my<br />

gland,' etc.<br />

Animal hides and garments made from them:<br />

waposwaydn 'rabbit skin,' mostoswaydn 'buffalo-robe,'<br />

maskwaydn 'bear skin,' etc.<br />

Certain plants and their products: mahtdmin 'grain<br />

of maize, ear of maize'; pahkwesikan 'bannock,'<br />

pzswehkasikan '(leavened) bread'; pikiw 'gum, rosin';<br />

ayoskan 'raspberry' (but not otehimin 'strawberry'),<br />

pitikomin 'dried prune,' pakdn 'nut'; etc.<br />

Tobacco and other items from its sphere: cistemdw<br />

'tobacco,' ospwdkan 'pipe,' ahpihcis 'tobacco-pouch.'<br />

Some natural objects (perhaps in relation to their<br />

function as atayohkan?; see T104): pisim 'sun, moon,'<br />

pisimohkdn 'clock, watch, "pseudo-sun,"' acdhkos<br />

'star'; asiniy 'rock, stone' (cf. 2.323 below); kona<br />

'snow,' maskwamiy 'ice'; soniydw 'gold, money'; etc.<br />

Some articles of personal or household use: askihk<br />

'kettle,' napwenis 'little frying pan' (loan from French<br />

la poele), kwapahikan 'ladle'; asdm 'snowshoe,'<br />

akwdndn 'shawl,' nitds 'my trousers' (but inanimate<br />

in the meaning 'my gaiter'); akwask 'knob-shaped<br />

arrow head,' pahpahahkwdn 'shield,' etc.<br />

Further and more specific groups may be set up,<br />

but their predictive value is obviously low. The<br />

above examples are given mainly to illustrate the<br />

wide range of animate nouns. In short, only a list<br />

can account for the gender of <strong>Cree</strong> nouns.<br />

2.323. Some noun stems are subject to class-<br />

cleavage, taking both animate and inanimate endings,<br />

e.g., akohp 'blanket,' askipwdw 'wild potato,' etc.<br />

The animate and the inanimate stem often have

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