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Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

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28 [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.<br />

number-obviation paradigm and a few other suffixes<br />

(3.6, 3.7) form an outer layer of affixation.<br />

Nouns are of either gender, animate or inanimate.<br />

Simple noun stems end in a non-syllabic or a cluster<br />

of non-syllabics, e.g. maskisin- 'shoe,' ihkw- 'louse.'<br />

The usual citation form of nouns is not the stem but<br />

the inflected form for proximate singular which is<br />

identical with the stem except where the latter is<br />

monosyllabic; see 3.31.<br />

3.1. AFFIX POSITION CLASSES<br />

The position classes of the nominal affixes corre-<br />

spond closely, as far as applicable, to those of the<br />

verbal affixes; cf. 5.4. The present section may also<br />

serve as an index of morphemes.<br />

The prefixes are described in 2.1; but see also 3.22,<br />

especially for the indefinite possessor prefix mi-.<br />

The suffix position classes and their order are<br />

summarized below. The brief labels used in this<br />

list are intended as approximations only.<br />

1<br />

2<br />

3<br />

4<br />

5<br />

6<br />

possessive theme sign<br />

thematic obviative sign<br />

/epan/ 'former, absent'<br />

possessive person suffixes<br />

third person, locative, and vocative suffixes<br />

plural and obviation (animate) suffixes<br />

Suffix position 1 is occupied by the possessive theme<br />

sign /em/ (3.21).39<br />

The obviative sign of position 2, /eyi/, marks an<br />

obviative possessor (3.22).40<br />

The suffix /epan/ 'former, absent' is tentatively<br />

assigned to suffix position 3; see 3.5.<br />

In suffix position 4 there appear the personal<br />

suffixes of the possessive paradigm (3.22).<br />

In suffix position 5 there appear the third person<br />

suffixes of the number-obviation paradigm; the<br />

animate suffix is /wa/-/a/,<br />

WOLFART: PLAINS CREE<br />

the inanimate suffixes<br />

are /wi/-/i/ and /wah/-/ah/ (3.31).<br />

The locative (3.6) and vocative (3.7) markers are<br />

mutually exclusive with the morphemes of position<br />

5 and 6.<br />

In position 6 there appear the animate plural and<br />

obviative markers of the number-obviation paradigm,<br />

namely /k/ and /h/ (3.31).<br />

39 Note the homonymy of /em/ with the thematic obviative<br />

sign of verbs; cf. 5.41.<br />

40Although in a strict positional analysis positions 2 and 4<br />

might be merged, they are here kept apart for reasons of overall<br />

patterning; cf. 5.4 and 5.43.<br />

In eastern dialects the corresponding suffix marks the obviative<br />

in the number-obviation paradigm of inanimate nouns (see Ellis,<br />

1962: p. 3-20 and especially p. 8-13 for James Bay <strong>Cree</strong>; and also<br />

Rogers, 1960: pp. 110, 112 for the Mistassini dialect of Montagnais-Naskapi);<br />

however, since the data are incomplete and<br />

lack certain crucial examples (e.g., "he saw our canoe(s)" and<br />

"his son saw our canoe(s)") the relevance of this evidence cannot<br />

be assessed and the issue must be left open.<br />

3.2 THE POSSESSIVE PARADIGM<br />

The possessive paradigm provides anaphoric refer-<br />

ence to a person other than that denoted by the noun<br />

itself. Possession in a narrow sense is, of course, only<br />

the primary or focal meaning of this morpheme class<br />

(and the label "possessive" is chosen just because of<br />

its concreteness).4 Besides this narrowly possessive<br />

function, as in nitem 'my horse,' there are other, more<br />

attenuated meanings, as in ninehiyawewin 'my <strong>Cree</strong>-<br />

ness, my speaking <strong>Cree</strong>,' or in otocikaniwdw 'their<br />

doing'; (cf. the use of my in my mother or in my going to<br />

New York tomorrow).<br />

While certain noun stems show a special possessed<br />

theme (see 3.21), the possessive paradigm may occur<br />

with any noun stem. Conversely, however, some<br />

noun stems are obligatorily inflected for possession;<br />

these bound stems are called DEPENDENT noun stems.<br />

Dependent nouns mostly include kin terms, and terms<br />

for body-parts and a few personal possessions.42<br />

In general, the categories of the possessive paradigm<br />

are independent of those of the number-obviation<br />

paradigm. Thus, a stem inflected for a first person<br />

possessor may be either proximate, e.g. nisit 'my foot,'<br />

nisita 'my feet,' or obviative, as nitema in ndpew<br />

wdpamew nitema. 'The man sees my dog.' If the<br />

possessor is a third person, however, the usual rules<br />

of obviation operate. The possessor is always nearer<br />

(more in focus) than who or what is possessed, so that<br />

any third person possessor automatically causes the<br />

noun itself to be obviative.<br />

3.21. Theme Formation<br />

Possessed themes are formed with the theme sign<br />

/em/ which immediately follows the stem. However,<br />

the formation of possessed themes is subject to a<br />

great deal of irregularity which requires further study.<br />

The absence of the special theme sign is typical of<br />

stems ending in n (but is by no means restricted to<br />

these). It is found, for example, with a number of<br />

noun types derived from verbs, such as the abstract<br />

nouns of 6.41; e.g., nipimttisiwin 'my life,' otocikan<br />

'his doing, fault.' Possessive forms without special<br />

theme sign are also common with dependent stems,<br />

e.g., nistes 'my older sibling'; but contrast nisim<br />

'my younger sibling,' nitotem 'my kinsman,' etc.<br />

Other than that, the distribution of /em/ cannot<br />

even tentatively be indicated; the obvious hypothesis<br />

of an alienable: inalienable category has been explored<br />

without success. Examples: sSsip 'duck': nislsipim<br />

'my duck'; iskotew 'fire': nitiskotem 'my fire'; ihkw-<br />

'louse': nitihkom 'my louse'; etc.<br />

As an example of the seemingly erratic distribution<br />

of /em/ consider nitaskiy 'my country,' from askiy,<br />

in contrast to nipimsm 'my lard,' from pimiy.<br />

41 Hockett (e.g., 1966) uses the term "allocation."<br />

42 There is no evidence for an alienable: inalienable dichotomy.

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