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Plains Cree: A Grammatical Study - Computer Science Club

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34 [TRANS. AMER. PHIL. SOC.<br />

4.12. awina 'who'<br />

awtna 'who' has only animate forms:<br />

3 awmna<br />

3p awiniki<br />

3' awinihi<br />

WOLFART: PLAINS CREE<br />

4.121. awina has two distinct but clearly related<br />

uses. As an interrogative pronoun, awina shows<br />

concord with the other nominal or pronominal expressions<br />

in a sentence. Having animate forms only, it is<br />

complemented in this function by the inanimate<br />

interrogative kikway (4.31).<br />

awmna may occur by itself, e.g. T10p89 eha, awmna?<br />

'Yes, who?'; T10p7 awTn etokwe. "Who, I wonder';<br />

T520p7, 8 awiniki kanihk. 'Who are they, then?'<br />

P72-4 "kitdnisindw eh-witapimdt ndpewa." "awinihi?"<br />

itwew kiseyiniw. ' "Our daughter is sitting by the side<br />

of a man (3')." "Who is he," said the old man.'<br />

It may occur as part of an equational sentence, e.g.,<br />

T27p2, 3 awina naha nete. 'Who is that one yonder?'<br />

awina ana naha kd-pe-sdkewet. 'Who is that, that<br />

one yonder, coming into the open?'<br />

Or it may function predicatively with a conjunct<br />

clause depending on it, e.g., T10pl2 awina ekosi<br />

e-itwet. 'Who says so?' T54p3 awina kd-nakatiht.<br />

'Who was left behind (indf-3)?'<br />

4.122. In combination with a following demonstrative,<br />

awina expresses surprise, e.g., T504p2 awana<br />

ana . . . 'Who (was it but) that one ... .<br />

In this function, awina is not usually inflected (but<br />

see P98-5); thus, we find it with any inflected form,<br />

of either gender, of the demonstratives; e.g., T73p15<br />

awmn es ohi (3') ekota owLkimdkana (3') ki-apiyiwa<br />

(3'), . . . 'What was this (3'), his wife (3') sat (3')<br />

there, . . .'; T103p4 aspin esa awina oma watihk.<br />

'Away (she went), lo and behold, into a hole.'<br />

Where it expresses surprise, awina exactly parallels<br />

the particle pdti, e.g., T46p6 pot dhi (3') esa owikimdkana<br />

(3') . . . 'What was that (3') but her husband<br />

(3') . . '<br />

4.123. The stem awin- also occurs with the suffix<br />

/epan/ 'former, absent' which in this environment is<br />

mutually exclusive with the number-obviation endings;<br />

cf. 3.5, 5.321. Thus, T115p8 awtnipan ocahpihcisa<br />

'gone was his tobacco-pouch (3').'<br />

Much like its counterpart nama klkway (4.323),<br />

awmnipan most typically means 'not here any more';<br />

in this form, too, there is clearly an element of surprise<br />

(cf. 4.122 above). Thus, T18-8 wiyapaniyik e-koskopayit,<br />

awmnipan otema (3'). 'When he got up the<br />

next morning, his horse (3') was gone'; T28p10<br />

e-apasdpit, awlnipan. 'When he looked back:<br />

nobody.'<br />

awinipan may even occur in collocation with an<br />

inanimate noun and, indeed, together with kikway:<br />

T125-6 awmnipan oma mikiwdhpis. 'That wigwam<br />

(0) was gone!' T125-8 .. . -nandtawdpit, awinipan<br />

kikway, awtnipan oma mikiwdhpis. '. . . when he<br />

looked around, nothing, that wigwam (0) was gone!'<br />

4.13. tdni 'which'<br />

tdn- is a delimiting interrogative.<br />

3<br />

3p<br />

3'<br />

0<br />

Op op<br />

tini<br />

tdniki<br />

tdnihi<br />

tdni, tdnima<br />

tanihi<br />

The inanimate singular form is problematic; the<br />

variant one would expect in this paradigm is tdnima.<br />

tdnima is homonymous with a particle meaning 'how<br />

much, where' (which presumably developed from the<br />

pronoun), and this may well be the reason for the<br />

spreading of tdni.<br />

Just like the numerous particles based on the root<br />

tan-, the delimiting interrogative tan- functions<br />

primarily as a conjunction, e.g., T28p3 mdnakisk<br />

tdnihi ekoni e-wiyinoyit e-ati-pimikwepitdt . . .<br />

'Then, which ever ones (3') were fat (3'), of those<br />

(3') he twisted the neck (3-(3')) . . . .' S280-8<br />

tdnimah kostahkih, otah k-esiwepinanaw. 'Whichever<br />

he fears, there we shall throw him.' tdni also occurs<br />

with the pronoun ana as predication: P200-31 tdn ana<br />

mdka eh-okimdwit . 'But which is the one who<br />

is the chief . .'; P280-1 tdn dnim dyi okimdw<br />

wkkih? 'Which is the chief's tent?' tdni is typically<br />

counterbalanced by the delimiting demonstrative<br />

ewako (4.41) or by a particle based on the same root,<br />

e.g., ekota 'there': S103-24 ekwah tdnihi eh-wiyinoyit,<br />

ewakonih tehtapiw awa mistanask. 'Then whichever<br />

one was the fattest on this one Badger sat down';<br />

P222-32 tdn ewakw etoke mdka, ntdtem? 'But which<br />

one is it, Fellow-tribesman?' S129-46 ekwah tdnihi<br />

eh-miywdsiniyikih wiyasah, ekotah pdnahikeyiwah<br />

tawdsima. 'Then by the best stores of meat, there his<br />

children cleared away the snow.'<br />

4.2. PRONOMINAL PARADIGM II<br />

The pronominal paradigm II has the following<br />

basic set of endings.<br />

3<br />

3p<br />

3'<br />

0<br />

Op<br />

-a<br />

-ehkdk<br />

-ehd<br />

-e<br />

The pronouns of this type are not common in texts;<br />

only the tdniwd paradigm is fully exemplified in<br />

recently collected texts.<br />

4.21. tdniwd, ewakwd 'where is he, there he is'<br />

tdniwd 'where is he' and ewakwd 'there he is' are<br />

verb-substitutes which might well be called "ex-<br />

istential" pronouns. They function as predications

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