the_taliban_shuffle_-_kim_barker
the_taliban_shuffle_-_kim_barker
the_taliban_shuffle_-_kim_barker
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and power brokers likely fueled <strong>the</strong> insurgency, causing some frustrated<br />
and jobless young men from <strong>the</strong> Alikozais, from ano<strong>the</strong>r Zirak tribe<br />
called <strong>the</strong> Achakzais, and from <strong>the</strong> major Panjpai tribe of <strong>the</strong> Noorzais<br />
to sign up with <strong>the</strong> Taliban. Some of <strong>the</strong> Ghilzais, meanwhile, had<br />
turned back to <strong>the</strong> Taliban in Kandahar, but <strong>the</strong> Durranis also now<br />
played a major leadership role in <strong>the</strong> Taliban. (The Taliban seemed to<br />
recognize more than <strong>the</strong> government how important it was to treat all<br />
<strong>the</strong> prickly Pashtun divisions equally, or, more accurately, that it was<br />
important to simply ignore <strong>the</strong>m. It was unclear how long <strong>the</strong> insurgent<br />
rainbow alliance could last—<strong>the</strong> Achakzais hated <strong>the</strong> Noorzais, and vice<br />
versa, even in <strong>the</strong> Taliban—but <strong>the</strong>ir collective hatred of <strong>the</strong> foreign<br />
troops and <strong>the</strong> Afghan government probably overrode <strong>the</strong>ir own<br />
Hatfield-and-McCoy disputes.)<br />
Even <strong>the</strong>n, it was not that simple. Making things more headacheinducing,<br />
about half <strong>the</strong> Popalzais and Barakzais were also supporting<br />
<strong>the</strong> Taliban, Khakrizwal said, part of <strong>the</strong> endless attempts to hedge bets<br />
and exact varieties of payback. (Some of <strong>the</strong> Barakzais were still upset<br />
about <strong>the</strong> removal of a previous governor, a Barakzai. And <strong>the</strong> pro-<br />
Taliban Popalzais? Who knows. Maybe drugs, maybe a bad kebab.)<br />
Being a member of <strong>the</strong> same tribe also didn’t guarantee loyalty. For<br />
instance, <strong>the</strong> Kandahar governor was a Ghilzai—but everyone in<br />
Kandahar saw him as an outsider from Ghazni Province, two provinces<br />
away, practically a foreign country. And <strong>the</strong> tribes could be exible<br />
based on self-interest. Some Noorzais supported Karzai; some were<br />
major drug traffickers allied with <strong>the</strong> Taliban; some were Taliban; some<br />
were everything. (The Taliban had banned poppies while in power, but<br />
had now started charging drug trackers to transport drugs, which<br />
helped fund jihad, sow instability, and win <strong>the</strong> support of Afghans who<br />
depended on <strong>the</strong> drug economy for <strong>the</strong>ir livelihood.)<br />
So how much did all <strong>the</strong> Pashtun tribal alliances and divisions<br />
matter? A lot—unless something else mattered more.<br />
The Taliban didn’t just gain strength because <strong>the</strong>y understood this, or<br />
because <strong>the</strong>y exploited tribal jealousies, disillusionment with <strong>the</strong> local<br />
government, and <strong>the</strong> rising drug trade. Pakistan’s top spy agency, <strong>the</strong><br />
Inter-Services Intelligence Directorate (ISI), had also recruited for <strong>the</strong><br />
Taliban, Khakrizwal insisted, in <strong>the</strong> endless ISI attempt to control<br />
Afghanistan. Ever since ISI leaders joined <strong>the</strong> anti-Soviet jihad in <strong>the</strong>