BALTICA16 - Klaipėdos universitetas

ARCHAEOLOGIA
BALTICA16
settleMents
anD toWns
DeDicateD to the 50th BirthDay
of associate Prof Dr GintaUtas ZaBiela
Klaipėda University Press

leidžiama pagal projektą „Periodinių mokslo leidinių leidyba“,
projekto kodas VP1-3.2-ŠMM-02-V-02-002

KlaiPĖDa UniVersity
settleMents
anD toWns
Dedicated to the 50th Birthday
of associate Prof Dr Gintautas Zabiela
Klaipėda, 2011
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16

UDK 902/904
ar 46
Editorial Board
Editor in Chief
Prof habil. Dr Vladas Žulkus (Klaipėda University, lithuania)
Deputy Editor in Chief
Prof habil. Dr algirdas Girininkas (Klaipėda University, institute of Baltic sea region history and
archaeology, lithuania)
Editor
associate Prof Dr audronė Bliujienė (Klaipėda University, institute of Baltic sea region history and
archaeology, lithuania)
Members
Prof Dr claus von carnap-Bornheim (Zentrum für Baltische und skandinavische archäologie,
archäologisches landesmuseen schloß Gottorf, schleswig, Germany)
Dr rasa Banytė-rowell (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania)
Dr anna Bitner-Wróblewska (state archaeological Museum in Warsaw, Poland)
Dr agnė Čivilytė (lithuanian institute of history, lithuania)
Prof Dr Wladyslaw Duczko (Pułtusk academy of humanities, institute of anthropology and archaeology, Poland)
Prof Dr John hines (cardiff University, United Kingdom)
Prof Dr (hP) rimantas Jankauskas (Vilnius University, lithuania)
Dr romas Jarockis (Klaipėda University, institute of Baltic sea region history and archaeology, lithuania)
Prof Dr andrzej Kola (torun nicolaus copernicus University, Poland)
Prof Dr (hP) albinas Kuncevičius (Vilnius University, lithuania)
Prof Dr Marika Mägi (tallinn University, estonia)
Prof Dr Jörn staecker (eberhard-Karls Universität, institut für Ur- und frühgeschichte
und archäologie des Mittelalter abteilung archäologie des Mittelalters, tübingen, Germany)
Prof habil. Dr andrejs Vasks (University of latvia, riga, latvia)
Honorary Member of the Archaeologia Baltica 16 editorial board
ieva Masiulienė
Archaeologia Baltica has been on eBsco’s current abstracts and tOC Premier Database coverage list since 2007.
articles appearing in this journal are peer-reviewed by either internal or external reviewers.
Archaeologia Baltica volume 16 was prepared by Klaipėda University institute of Baltic sea region history and
archaeology.
Translation into English: Vidmantas Štilius and algirdas Dautaras
English language editor: Joseph everatt
Lithuanian language editor: roma nikžentaitienė
Design: algis Kliševičius
Layout: lolita Zemlienė
cover illustration: a brooch from laiviai (Kretinga district)
© Klaipėda University, 2011
© article authors, 2011
© Klaipėda University Press, 2011
issn 1392-5520

CONTENTS
Preface 7
I. TO GINTAUTAS ZABIELA, A FRIEND AND COLLEAGUE
Albinas Kuncevičius.
An Archaeologist and his Road to Voruta 14
II. ARCHAEOLOGICAL CERAMICS
Gintautas Zabiela.
Archaeological Ceramics in Lithuania: Primary Processing 30
III. FROM ANCIENT SETTLEMENTS AND PIRACY TO TOWNS
Algirdas Girininkas.
New Data on Palanga Stone Age Settlement 48
Vladas Žulkus. Settlements and Piracy on the Eastern Shore
of the Baltic Sea: The Middle Ages to Modern Times 58
Ernestas Vasiliauskas.
The Development of Towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th Century 72
IV. LIFESTYLE IN TOWNS, PALACES AND MONASTERIES
Ieva Rėklaitytė, Eglė Zavedskienė, Bárbara Boloix-Gallardo.
A Bracelet from the Lands of the Golden Horde Found
in the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania 104
Rytis Jonaitis. Orthodox Churches in the Civitas Rutenica Area
of Vilnius: The Question of Location 110
Olga N. Glazunova.
Lithuania’s Roots in the Pottery of the Western Suburbs
of Moscow of the 17th and 18th Centuries 129
Rūdolfs Brūzis. The Luxury Lifestyle in the Nurmuiža Manor 143
V. EVERYDAY LIFE IN KLAIPĖDA
Indrė Šimkutė.
Glass Bottles from the 16th Century to the 19th Century
in the Old Town of Klaipėda:
Data from Archaeological Excavations 152
Giedrė Piličiauskienė, Ieva Masiulienė.
Animal Rearing and Butchering:
A Glimpse from Old Klaipėda 168
Ramunė Bračiulienė. The Footwear of Klaipėda Dwellers
in the 16th and 17th Centuries 186
VI. BOOK REVIEW
Gintautas Zabiela.
Everyday Pottery from Klaipėda Castle and Klaipėda
Old Town from the mid-14th Century to the 19th century 214
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
5

PREFACE
Volume 16 of Archaeologia Baltica is dedicated to the
50th birthday of Associate Professor Dr Gintautas Zabiela.
In the introductory article, Albinas Kuncevičius
describes Dr Zabiela’s work, and his contribution to
research into the Middle Ages in Lithuania, and into
hill-forts in particular.
Colleagues at Klaipėda University and the editorial
board of the journal warmly congratulate Gintautas
Zabiela. The editorial board have also received some
very friendly greetings for Dr Zabiela, one of which
we received together with an article, and believe that
since it expresses itself so sincerely, it should appear
in this volume:
Sveiciens dzimšanas dienā Gintautam Zabielam.
“... Par Latvijas smilgām, Kuras ziemeļu vējā Lietuvu
skar ...”
(Jānis Baltvilks)
Dārgais Gintautas! Sveicu Jūs dzīves 50 gadu
jubilejā! Novēlu Jums saglabāt savu cilvēciski patieso
draudzīgumu un arheologa erudīciju! Lai Jums daudz
jaunu un nozīmīgu atklājumu Lietuvas agro jauno laiku
arheoloģijā! Lai vienmēr Jums apkārt daudz jaunu
un aktīvu studentu!
Birthday greetings to Gintautas Zabiela.
‘ ... Par Latvijas smilgām, Kuras ziemeļu vējā Lietuvu
skar...’
(Jānis Baltvilks)
Dear Gintautas! Congratulations on your fiftieth birthday!
May you keep your true Lithuanian human friendliness
and exclusive archaeologist’s erudition! Have a
lot of new and scientifically important discoveries in
Medieval and post-Medieval archaeology in Lithuania!
Be always surrounded by many young and active
students!
Arheologs, Mag. hist. Rūdolfs Brūzis.
The article by Gintautas Zabiela ‘Archaeological Ceramics
in Lithuania: Primary Processing’ shows that
Lithuanian archaeologists are still employing two
methods in the description of ceramic fragments, text
and tables, of which the latter has a better future. The
article discusses ceramic fragments and their primary
processing at the report level of archaeological investigations.
Their wider use is restricted by an absence
of general standards. Out of at least 36 attributes characterising
ceramic fragments, five major ones can be
distinguished (ceramic group, type of utensil fragment,
diameter, number, weight), and they should be obligatory
in every report on archaeological research.
Volume 16 of Archaeologia Baltica also includes articles
related to materials and issues that were discussed
at the conference ‘Research into Urban Culture in the
Middle Ages and Modern Times (on the Basis of Archaeological
Data)’, held at Klaipėda University on
12 and 13 November 2009. The conference discussed
issues related to urban sites in Lithuania (Klaipėda,
Kaunas, Šiauliai and Vilnius) between the 14th and the
19th centuries, and ceramics, tiles, glass and shoes discovered
in their old towns, manufacturing techniques,
the development of construction techniques, and the
genesis of different Lithuanian towns. However, due to
the passage of time, or rather because the idea for this
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
7

ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS Preface
8
volume has since been developed, articles that were
not presented as papers at the conference are also included
in this issue.
Part one of Volume 16 ‘From Ancient Settlements and
Piracy to Towns’ looks at locating early prehistoric settlements
when exploring and starting to build constructions
in present-day towns and cities.
One example is the reconstruction of the settlement of
Palanga from the Mesolithic-Neolithic periods on the
basis of the cultural landscape. It was discovered in
1958. Algirdas Girininkas, in his article ‘New Data on
Palanga Stone Age Settlement’ points to new data from
geological and radiocarbon research which shows that
a Late Mesolithic settlement existed on the Rąžė rivulet
(now the central part of Palanga) at the edge of a
moraine, which was partly destroyed and washed away
during one of the early transgressions in the Litorina
Sea. In the Late Neolithic and early Bronze Age periods,
this moraine was already covered with sand and
inhabited by people who left traces of their lifestyle.
At that time (the Limnea Regression Period) the area
was turning into turf, so that items of organic origin
survived in the cultural stratum. The author establishes
that the settlement of Palanga belongs to two chronological
periods: Late Mesolithic and Late Neolithic-
Early Bronze. Late Mesolithic articles belonged to
Late Nemunas (Janislawice) culture; whereas the cultural
stratum of the Late Neolithic-Early Bronze Period
belonged to communities of Late Narva culture.
The latest archaeological explorations in coastal areas
of western Lithuania have resulted in the location and
discovery of a large number of Curonian settlements.
One important attribute in the activities and lifestyle of
the Curonians was piracy, the beginning and development
of which are also discussed in the first part of this
issue. Piracy by the Curonians living in coastal areas of
the Baltic Sea from the eighth to the 18th centuries is
analysed by Vladas Žulkus in his article ‘Settlements
and Piracy on the Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea: The
Middle Ages to Modern Times’. The author notes that
the roots of Curonian piracy are a social phenomenon.
Attributes of private property, traditions of social cohesiveness,
appeared in Curonian society in the 11th
century and the first half of the 12th century. This was
followed by the formation of territorial ‘kingdoms’ and
companionships (soldiery), focused on gaining property
by means of violence overland and on the seas.
The article describes in detail specific cases of this piracy,
both in western and eastern parts of the Baltic
Sea, privateering and pirate attacks in the approaches
to Klaipėda in the 14th to the 16th centuries. Žulkus
also describes probable graves of pirates and their victims
in dunes around the Birutė and Naglis hills.
Assumptions for the establishment and growth of proto-towns
in northern Lithuania are analysed in the first
part by Ernestas Vasiliauskas in his article ‘The Development
of Towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate from
the 16th to the 18th Century’. The author notes that
favourable conditions for the establishment of prototowns
in the northern central part of Lithuania and in
a large part of the entire east Baltic region appeared
in the 12th and 13th centuries. Their natural development
was interrupted by the Crusades in the 13th and
14th centuries. Favourable conditions for the growth
of towns in northern Lithuania formed once again only
in the 15th and 16th centuries. The author discusses
the development of Šiauliai, Žagarė and Joniškis, on
the basis of written, archaeological and architectural
research. According to him, the watershed between
the development of urban and rural areas could be
more definitely delineated on the basis of particularities
among archaeological finds. The most relevant
finds are firstly finds related to trading and crafts, as
they distinguish urban areas unambiguously from rural
ones. These are coins and hoards of coins, ceramics
(particularly ‘urban’, imported faience, stone and porcelain),
tiles, specific tools and articles. Some of them
undoubtedly sugest that those urban areas were local
trading and crafts centres, with their trading hinterland
in the neighbouring areas.
Part two of Volume 16 ‘Vilnius: The Palace of the
Grand Dukes of Lithuania and the Civitas Rutenica
Area’ looks at the exploration of the Old Town in Vilnius.
The article by I. Rėklaitytė, E. Zavedskienė and B.
Bóloix-Gallardo ‘A Bracelet from the Lands of the
Golden Horde Found in the Palace of the Grand Dukes
of Lithuania’ discusses a bracelet with an Arabic inscription
manufactured from brass alloy and found in
G cellar of the palace in the Lower Castle in 1993. It
is a fragile ornament, manufactured from a thin sheet
of brass alloy. The terminals are decorated with a
stylised lion’s muzzle and an imprinted decoration (a
‘happiness-knot’) in the very centre of an Arabic inscription.
After a detailed analysis of the bracelet, it
becomes clear that similar ornaments have been found
around the entire territory of the Golden Horde, from
Eastern Europe to Central Asia, and are dated to the
13th to the 15th centuries, which is the entire period
of its existence. Bracelets with inscriptions could be

worn as charms. Well-wishing inscriptions are rather
frequent in the Islamic world in the Middle Ages. On
the basis of analogies and stratigraphy of the cultural
stratum, the authors date the bracelet to the second half
of the 14th century, or the early 15th century. It could
have arrived in the Lower Castle together with a brass
pulas of Khan Djanibekh (1342–1357). However, only
further research will determine whether these finds are
spoils of war or if they arrived by trading routes.
Another article related to the exploration of the Old
Town in Vilnius is that by Rytis Jonaitis, ‘Orthodox
Churches in the Civitas Rutenica Area of Vilnius: The
Question of Location’, analysing the development of
the ‘Russian town’ in Vilnius. According to the author,
the accurate location of Orthodox churches, representing
the extent of Civitas Rutenica, and understanding
the reasons for their construction in one place or another,
enable us to understand better the development
of urbanisation in Vilnius and its trends. On the basis of
new archaeological research, a new approach towards
historical and cartographic data, a primary reconstruction
of the local relief, and modern digital technology,
the author specifies the location of Orthodox churches
in Vilnius.
The article by Olga N. Glazunova ‘Lithuania’s Roots
in the Pottery of the Western Suburbs of Moscow of
the 17th and 18th Centuries is devoted to searching for
the origins of the cultural influence on examples of the
pottery production of the New Jerusalem monastery in
Istra in the 17th and 18th centuries and an attempt is
made to trace marks of the influence of different masters.
In the article, parallels are found between pottery
in Klaipėda and the New Jerusalem monastery; and,
what is more, these parallels are clearly seen the pottery
catalogue Klaipėdos pilies ir senamiesčio buitinė
keramika XIV a. vid. – XIX a. Klaipėda (Daily Pottery
of Klaipėda Castle and the Old Town from the Middle
of 14th Century – 19th Century). A review of this catalogue
by Gintautas Zabiela readers can be found at the
end of this volume of Archaeologia Baltica.
Rūdolfs Brūzis in the article ‘The Luxury Lifestyle
in the Nurmuiža Manor’ briefly presents the history
of Nurmuiža manor (in Lauciene in the Talsi district
in Latvia) and its owners, and the results of the 2008
and 2009 archaeological investigations. Nurmuiža belonged
to one of the most influential families of the
Duchy of Courland and Semigallia, the von Fircks.
The influential positions in Courland family held the
16th century to the 20th century.
Part three of Archaeologia Baltica ‘Everyday Life in
Klaipėda’ presents three interesting articles.
One of them, ‘Glass Bottles from the 16th Century to
the 19th Century in the Old Town of Klaipėda: Data
from Archaeological Excavations’ by Indrė Šimkutė,
analyses material about glass bottles from archaeological
explorations in the Old Town of Klaipėda. She
divides them into four groups: bottles with a globular
body, onion-shaped, cylinder-shaped and quadrilateral.
The article also notes that the pattern of their
development is based on stratigraphic and typological
methods, and reflects general European tendencies in
bottle manufacturing and trading. According to the author,
glass bottles and the continuous increase in their
use was undoubtedly related to technical and cultural
changes in the daily lives of the local people. Beverages
in barrels were previously available to most people,
whereas beverages in glass bottles were undoubtedly
treated as luxury merchandise until the mid-18th century.
An increased demand for glass bottles at the end
of the 19th century resulted in their mass production.
Another article in this part is ‘Animal Rearing and
Butchering: A Glimpse from Old Klaipėda’ by Giedrė
Piličiauskienė and Ieva Masiulienė. They introduce the
results of archaeological excavations and zooarchaeological
material from explorations in 2007 and 2008 in
Kurpių Street (material from the 16th and 17th centuries).
The authors introduce osteological material from
two periods: the late 16th century/early 17th century
to 1678, and the mid-16th century to the late 16th century/early
17th century. This material shows that over
95% of examined bones belonged to domestic animals,
mostly to cattle. The age structure and anatomical distribution
of the bones enable us to maintain that the
animals were bred and butchered locally, and there
was no centralised supply of meat. The large number
of butchered cattle, lambs and goat kids enables us to
maintain that they were bred mainly for milk.
The article by Ramunė Bračiulienė ‘The Footwear of
Klaipėda Dwellers in the 16th and 17th Centuries’ discusses
the remains of different types of shoe found in
different sites in the Old Town. According to the author,
the 16th-century leather sandals and pieces of leather
sandals discovered are primitively ruffled, whereas low
shoes of the same period followed patterns of straightforward
construction and covered the feet to the ankle.
There were no clear differences between male and
female shoes at that time. By the 17th century, locals
already wore shoes of different models: with and without
the lower part of the heel, closed and open-type
shoes, and decorated with various details, such as ribbons,
fibulae and straps. Differences are also noted
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
9

ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS Preface
10
between male and female shoes, in the shape, sole profiling
and size. According to the author, shoes had all
the traditional attributes of dependence on the seasons
(summer-winter), gender (male-female), age (adultjuvenile),
purpose (daily-ornate), open and closed-type
shoes, bootees, and footwear without heels.
Gintautas Zabiela in ‘Everyday pottery from Klaipėda
Castle and Klaipėda Old Town from the mid-14th Century
to the 19th Century’ reviews a new catalogue on
Klaipėda ceramics Klaipėdos pilies ir senamiesčio
buitinė keramika XIV a. vid. – XIX a. Klaipėda (Daily
Pottery of Klaipėda Castle and the Old Town from the
Middle of 14th Century – 19th Century), prepared and
published by the Museum of the History of Lithuania
Minor, 2010.
Algirdas Girininkas

I. TO
GINTAUTAS ZABIELA,
A FRIEND AND
COLLEAGUE
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
13

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
14
AN ARCHAEOLOGIST AND HIS ROAD TO VORUTA
ALBINAS KUNCEVIČIUS
My friend and colleague Gintautas Zabiela is celebrating
his fiftieth birthday. I first learned about this from
my colleagues at Klaipėda University, Vladas Žulkus,
and Audronė Bliujienė, the editor of this publication,
who decided to mark the anniversary by dedicating this
issue of Archaeologia Baltica to him. They asked me
for an assessment of Gintautas Zabiela’s work, and I
agreed with great pleasure. We have known each other
for years. I know his work thoroughly, I consult it regularly,
and quote from it during my lectures and in my
own work. And I suggest that archaeology students do
the same.
Gintautas Zabiela takes aerial photographs of hill-forts
for the Atlas of Lithuanian Hill-Forts; January 2005
(photograph by Z. Baubonis).
I accepted, but it took me a long time to get round to
it. This is an honourable jubilee. Therefore, it would
be unfair to simply enumerate his past work or repeat
exhaustive data about his person and his career, espe-
cially considering his busy schedule and his inquisitive
mind, and his willingness to see and learn anything.
I racked my brains for quite a while, trying to think
how I could tell readers about my friend. I tried one
way, but quickly became bored, as what I had written
seemed more appropriate for a jubilee toast or a formal
report. Then I tried another way, but again something
was wrong. And then I had the idea that the best thing
to do would be to have an informal talk with Gintautas.
An interview might be unusual for a research publication;
but in this case it is the perfect opportunity to
tell readers about his, in my opinion, highly successful
research career as an archaeologist, and to discuss the
situation in archaeology in Lithuania at the end of the
20th and the beginning of the 21st century.
Associate Professor Dr Gintautas Zabiela, I have invited
you for a talk, because my friends and your colleagues
from Klaipėda University have asked me to
write an article on your work and about you to mark
the occasion of your fiftieth birthday. First, I got a
call from Professor Vladas Žulkus, and then from Dr
Audronė Bliujienė, editor of the university’s publication
Archaeologia Baltica. Audronė also asked me,
‘You know, Gintas has a good sense of humour, so maybe
you can try and write something “informal”. I tried,
but the result was not exactly what I’d wanted. I think
I know you quite well: we are nearly the same age,
we both work on the archaeology of historical times;
we meet quite often to discuss issues concerning archaeology
or monument protection; and we’ve had the
chance to spend longer together on several occasions
(such as on that bus trip from Germany, or at Bamberg
University’s conference on Mediaeval archaeology).
But let’s start from the beginning. I know that you were
born on 11 May 1962 in Vaitkuškis, in the Anykščiai
district, but went to Leliūnai secondary school in the
Utena district, and left in 1980 with a gold medal. I’ve
even tried to find Vaitkuškis on Google, but could not;
although, as far as I remember, when we were passing

Leliūnai once, you mentioned that it was the village
where you were born.
That’s right, I went to Leliūnai secondary school. I
was born ten kilometres from Leliūnai, in the village
of Vaitkuškis, which is in the Anykščiai district. There
used to be a single farmstead there in the 19th century,
and then two farmsteads in the first half of the 20th
century. That’s where I was born. There is nothing left
there now. Land reclamation destroyed everything. In
1968, my parents moved to the village of Juškonys,
situated two kilometres away. I went to primary school
in Juškonys, and then, from the fourth grade, I went
to Skiemonys secondary school for four years. At that
time, they started merging the smaller collective farms
into larger ones, so the former Lenin collective farm
was joined to the Anykščių šilelis collective farm, and
in 1975 my parents moved to Leliūnai. Leliūnai was always
a larger centre, and even had a church. Therefore,
from the eighth grade till when I completed school, I
lived in Leliūnai.
I am intrigued by the fact that you left secondary
school with a gold medal, but you nevertheless chose
archaeology. At that time, there was no separate study
of archaeology at the university. Why did you choose
archaeology? When someone finishes school with excellent
results, they can choose from among other more
prestigious professions, both nowadays and then. Why
archaeology? Even now, in my capacity as a lecturer, I
might add that far from every applicant is highly motivated
or well informed about his or her future profession.
With his parents in the village of Vaitkuškis
(in the Anykščiai district) in 1964.
When we moved to Leliūnai in the summer of 1978,
the history teacher Vidmantas Kutka was looking for
people to help in the excavations of Diktarai burial
site. They needed five or six people to work there during
the summer, for five rubles each. This old burial
site was one of the many sites explored by Vytautas
Urbanavičius. Most of the burials there date from
the 16th century. Diktarai is three or four kilometres
from Leliūnai. So we would ride to the excavation site
by bike. That was my first encounter with archaeology.
During the excavations, I worked as an ordinary
worker, a digger, but I enjoyed it. There were excavations,
preparations ... and the number of graves found
there was quite large, maybe a hundred. We excavated
throughout the summer, although, as you know, Vytautas
Urbanavičius would always excavate quite fast. We
would start digging in the morning, after two or three
hours we would have uncovered a grave, and then we
would keep busy till the end of the day with the preparation.
That was the daily routine. But I enjoyed all
those things. I was fascinated by the science and the
profession. I began looking at which educational institutions
I could enter, and it was clear that there was no
choice other than to study history at Vilnius University.
So you mean that you had no other ideas, only archaeology?
Only archaeology. I knew what I wanted to do. Even at
school, when we had to write essays and fill in all kinds
of questionnaires about future professions, my teachers
could not quite grasp what I meant by ‘an archaeologist’.
Of course, they knew what archaeology was, but
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
15

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
16
Beside the Pedersborg hill-fort in Denmark during the conference ‘Castella maris Baltici
5’, September 1999.
it was rather strange that a ninth or tenth-grade schoolboy
was so eager to pursue a career in a profession that
was hardly ever mentioned at school.
Then we can say that to a certain extent it was Vytautas
Urbanavičius who inspired your interest in archaeology
and guided you. Let’s go back to your studies. When
you entered the university to study history, at that time
it was only possible to specialise from the third year.
Did you change your mind during your studies? I remember
from my experience that Pranas Kulikauskas,
the only archaeologist at the university, had nearly
finished working as a lecturer, whereas Aleksiejus
Luchtanas, who had recently completed his studies
and his military service, was only just beginning. If
we compare those times with the present-day state of
studies in archaeology at the universities of Vilnius and
Klaipėda, the situation then was quite different, and
specialised studies, especially the practice, were based
on personal aspirations and ambitions.
As far as my studies were concerned, I tried to go
deeper into archaeological subjects on my own. Although
Pranas Kulikauskas was still lecturing, he was
about to retire. During those two years, Aleksiejus
Luchtanas was doing his military service and did not
lecture. During the first year of our studies, we took
a course entitled ‘Fundamentals of Archaeology’, and
our lecturer was still Associate Professor Pranas Kulikauskas.
From then until my third year, when spe-
cialised studies in archaeology began at the university,
the period was actually an interregnum. It was a time
of generational change. Then Professor Dr Mykolas
Michelbertas came to teach at the university, but he
came slightly later and did not teach me. Now I joke
that I studied archaeology at the university only up to
the birth of Christ, and then nobody lectured on later
times ... the Iron Age, let alone later times ... I was not
taught those subjects at university. On the other hand,
there was Vladas Daugudis’ specialised course, and a
very good course in anthropology by Professor Dr Gintautas
Česnys. Also, Dr Jonas Stankus gave lectures on
metals and the analysis of them, and Mykolas Michelbertas
gave a course in numismatics.
And what about field trips?
After my first year, in the summer of 1981, there were
excavations at Obeliai burial site, headed by Vytautas
Urbanavičius. At that time, they were excavating
the burial site on the lake shore. I spent a month or
so there. As you know, archaeology covers a wide
range of historical periods. However, I was not sure
yet which way to turn. I knew that the Stone Age did
not appeal to me. Furthermore, by that time, I knew
more about research into late-period burial sites and
their materials. However, I was trying to vary the possible
sites for my field trips as much as I could. After
my second year, I joined the Šventoji expedition
headed by Dr Rimutė Rimantienė. Although the site

The 5th International Slavonic Conference in Novgorod, Russia, at the end of September 1996. First row, left to right:
Valdemaras Šimėnas, A. Maesalu. Back row: Aleksiejus Luchtanas, Ala V. Kviatkovskaya, Vladimir I. Kulakov, Daiva
Luchtanienė, Gintautas Zabiela.
dated from the Stone Age, I was curious to see how
they excavated it. In the summer of 1983, I took part in
the excavations at Giedrio Street, around the presentday
Ministry of National Defence, in Vilnius. Those
were large-scale archaeological excavations of Medieval
Vilnius. They were headed by Vytautas Ušinskas,
and there was a large group of archaeologists working
with him: Vygandas Juodagalvis, Kęstutis Katalynas,
and others. Then, in the autumn of the same year, Vytautas
Urbanavičius discovered and began excavating
the burials at Obeliai. That was an absolutely unique
experience ...
Obeliai is both a unique monument and a site of impressive
excavations. By that time I already worked in
the monument protection system, and we went to Obeliai
to have a look at the excavations. That was where
we first met. It is hardly possible to describe the excavation
site to someone who did not see it with his own
eyes. A huge pile of mud and bullrushes dug out of the
lake, an impressive abundance of machinery mobilised
from collective farms, and an unusual washing facility
consisting of those machines; fountains of water and
mud, the screening of the washed-out mud with a metal
detector, which was a rare gadget at that time, and,
of course, an abundance of finds. The process was arranged
in such a way that it looked like a well-organised
conveyor belt, or even a small factory ... A unique
monument, and a unique experience ...
I was entrusted with operating the metal detector. That
was what I did most of the time there. I also drove a
dumper truck, which would spread on the shore the soil
dug out of the lake bottom with an excavator, and then
carry the soil and load it into the washing facility. The
people who washed the soil were Naglis Puteikis and
Rimas Sereičikas. All of this is recorded in Vytautas
Urbanavičius’ documentary on the finds and excavations
at Obeliai. We worked every day, even at weekends,
from morning till night. Vytautas Urbanavičius
made sure that I was allowed to miss all my commitments
at the university, except military training. I
worked like that all through September. And in 1984,
during my final year, from the spring, I got a job with
the Institute for Monument Restoration Design, because
I’d already worked on the excavations at Giedrio
Street. During my work with the group, the first
excavations were carried out at the Arsenal (now the
Museum of Applied Arts), where the archaeologists
Albertas Lisanka and Vladas Daugudis worked. The
summer of 1984 is ‘missing’, because the university’s
Department of Military Training took the students to
its military training camp for a month and a half. I still
managed to go on an archaeological survey expedition
in the autumn of 1984 to Obeliai, together with
Vytautas Urbanavičius, in search of the old settlement.
Late in the autumn of 1984, I think from November,
excavations in Vilnius Cathedral began. Large-scale
excavation work was carried out there because of the
installation of the air-conditioning system. I worked
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
17

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
18
An underwater survey
of pile settlements
in Lake Luokesai
around 2000.
Giedrė Motuzaitė
and Gintautas
Zabiela (right)
(photograph by
A. Girininkas).
From left: Zenonas Baubonis,
Stasys Kasparavičius and
Gintautas Zabiela,
before a flight to take aerial
photographs of Samogitian
hill-forts; May 2006.
During archaeological
excavations of a cemetery
of soldiers in Napoleon’s
Grande Armée in Vilnius
in September 2002.

The discovery of Daubėnai
(in the Kretinga district) ancient
settlement in December 2011
(photograph by V. Vaitkevičius).
A survey in the Kretinga district
in November 2011. Left to right:
Gintautas Zabiela,
and the students Karolina
Gieštautaitė and Vita Bukontaitė
(photograph by V. Vaitkevičius).
Gintautas Zabiela talks with the owner
of an estate in the Kelmė district about
his collection of tractors and other
antiquities; July 2004
(photograph by Z. Baubonis).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
19

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
20
there all through the winter until March. At that time, a
personnel shuffle was going on at the Scientific Methodological
Council for the Protection of the Cultural
Heritage [SMC], a monument protection institution.
Romas Olšauskas resigned as head of the Archaeology
Department and took another job, and his colleague
Bronius Dakanis was appointed as the new head of the
department. So, while I was still a university student,
I went to work at the SMC’s Archaeology Department
as a senior methodologist. The first archaeological expedition
took place while I was still a student, in 1985,
during which staff from the SMC, including both of us,
went to Raginėnai. The expedition lasted quite a long
time, but the excavation work lasted a very short time
... Besides, we didn’t find anything. The main work of
the SMC was to survey archaeological monuments in
provincial districts. For me, the first assignment was
to survey the archaeological monuments of my native
Utena district in 1985. Before a survey like that, we
would make preparations for a long time, collect all the
available material on earlier archaeological surveys,
and archival information on potential monuments; and
then the actual survey works in the district would last
for a couple of months, followed by writing up the report.
It was enough work for the whole of 1985.
If we can go back to your study years ... Although there
was perhaps no clear lecture system, your field trips
and monuments are quite impressive. Obeliai, as we
all now agree, is a unique site. However, Šventoji, Vilnius
Cathedral and the excavations in the Old Town at
Giedrio Street, which rank among the most extensive
excavations so far, or the Arsenal, where a settlement
from the Pre-Christian period and a large number of
wooden remains of historical Vilnius were found, have
all become ‘classics’ of archaeological excavation, and
the importance of the material collected during these
excavations is now regarded as the standard. As far as
I know, you didn’t work long at the SMC, and I assume
that your career as an archaeologist and a researcher
began after that job. I know from my own experience:
the work is interesting, but it is hardly comparable with
purely scientific work.
You may be right. However, I think that at this point I
should explain why I chose that particular subject for
my scientific research. For my university graduation
paper, I selected a subject pertaining to the Iron Age,
non-fortified settlements of the Iron Age.
This is news to me. For some reason, I was sure that
you had always been interested only in hill-forts, and
it never occurred to me that initially your subject was
quite different.
When I came to work for the SMC, it turned out that
Algimantas Merkevičius, who had already worked
there for some time, had chosen the same subject, and
even published an article with the same title. It was
obvious that it was not worth competing in the subject,
where the range of research was quite narrow. As
I was the second, and besides, Algimantas Merkevičius
was slightly older than me, he told me that he wanted
to continue working on the subject, and, naturally, I
stepped aside. I had to choose another subject. At that
time, there were two subjects that had hardly been researched
and that were interesting to me: late-period
hill-forts and manor sites.
Did you think of these subjects yourself, or did someone
give you a suggestion? I can understand the subject
you selected, late-period hill-forts. But this subject
is also quite complicated and very wide. Historical
times, fragmentary research material published here
and there by other archaeologists ... Besides, as far
as I remember, Vladas Daugudis also tried to work on
the subject. Some research into it was done by Regina
Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė and Pranas Kulikauskas. So
we might say it was a bold choice. As for manor sites,
by that time they had hardly been researched by archaeologists,
and they were not actually regarded as
objects of archaeological interest. In fact, archaeological
research on manor sites is still waiting for dissertations.
That might be true, although Vladas Daugudis was
more interested in the wooden structures found in hillforts,
and if we recall his articles, it is obvious that he
was interested in the hill-fort material dating from earlier
times. Actually, I didn’t think that late-period hillforts
were a complicated subject. To me, they looked
full of promise. Hill-forts had been excavated and the
archaeological material that had been found in them
was kept in museums. Meanwhile, manor sites by that
time had not been researched. So the material from
manor sites had to be ‘dug out’ first. Of course, most
of the material for archaeological dissertations is ‘dug
out’. At first, when I had to choose a subject, I had some
doubts. Of senior archaeologists, I only knew Vytautas
Urbanavičius more or less closely. I met him and told
him about my ideas and my reasons. He suggested that
I work on late-period hill-forts.

During excavations of the moat of Kaunas Castle: Algirdas Žalnierius and Gintautas Zabiela (right)
(photograph by V. Vaitkevičius).
A survey of Rėva forest hill-fort (in the Vilnius district) during a frost of minus 20 degrees in January 2010:
Zenonas Baubonis and Gintautas Zabiela (right) (photograph by V. Vaitkevičius).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
21

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
22
During the preparation of the ‘Atlas of Lithuanian Hill-Forts’: Gintautas Zabiela takes a photograph of Berzgainiai hill-fort
in the Ukmergė district in 2004 (photograph by Z. Baubonis).
So this means that in this case, too, Vytautas
Urbanavičius was involved in your archaeological
choice?
In this case, he was ‘involved’ as far as I got him ‘involved’.
In fact, I had no one to give me advice, because
I didn’t know any other very competent archaeologists
so well at that time. So I chose my research subject
around 1986, when I was still working at the SMC.
I began excavating hill-forts on my own shortly after
that. At first they were rather small-scale excavations
of Antalgė hill-fort in the Utena district. The necessity
to investigate Antalgė hill-fort became obvious after a
survey expedition, during which it turned out that the
monument had been so badly damaged by cows, and
was being virtually destroyed, that there was no other
way to preserve it but by excavating. In the autumn of
1986, during the survey expeditions, I discovered the
second hill-fort of Antatilčiai in the Ukmergė district.
I excavated it in 1987, because there, too, there were
archaeological rescue works.
Can you remind me what exactly happened when you
chose the subject for your dissertation? As far as I remember,
the subject had to be approved by the Lithuanian
Institute of History? Is that right?
At first, nobody approved the subject I had chosen. It
was officially approved slightly later, in 1988, when
I went to work at the Institute of History. Then it was
mandatory to have the subject declared and approved.
I went to work at the institute, because, as you remember,
the SMC was only a bureaucratic institution and,
along with survey expeditions and reporting, there
was a lot of bureaucratic work to do. At that time, the
Sąjūdis reform movement appeared in Lithuania, and
the Institute of History began expanding. As far as I
know, you too were one of the first of the wave of new
employees, so to speak.
I was employed by the institute in 1987, when they started
forming a group to research Vilnius’ Lower Castle,
headed by Vytautas Urbanavičius. Adolfas Tautavičius,
the longstanding head of the Archaeology Department,
joined the group too. Vytautas Kazakevičius was appointed
the new head of the department. Actually, it
was a kind of reshuffle, and after a long pause there
arose an opportunity to go and work at the institute
through an informal tender. I say ‘informal’, because
at that time, at least from 1980, when I graduated from
the university, there were no public tenders at all.
You could say that I came to work at the institute with
the ‘second wave’. I believe the institute was allowed
to increase its staff then, because after me, a little later,

The covers of the first volume of the ‘Atlas of Lithuanian
Hill-Forts’, compiled by Zenonas Baubonis and Gintautas
Zabiela in 2005. The complete publication consists of three
volumes, which weigh around 15 kilograms.
Arvydas Asadauskas, Kęstutis Jankauskas, Romas Jarockis
and Giedrius Puodžiūnas came to work there
too. Well, I forgot to mention that I knew Vytautas
Kazakevičius, the head of the department at the time,
from my student field trip, when he was excavating
the Plinkaigalis burial grounds. I took part in that field
trip in 1983. The excavation was interesting, but quite
complicated, because the ground was so hard that we
had to break it with a crowbar. On the other hand, we
had interesting visits to the neighbouring regions and
monuments, and last but not least, there was excellent
fishing. As you know, Vytautas Kazakevičius was a
keen angler.
You worked for quite a long time and in different positions
at the institute.
I began my career at the institute in the autumn of
1988, and I worked there until the very end of 2005.
There’s another fact that I haven’t mentioned: I worked
as a senior archaeology expert for the Inspectorate of
the Cultural Heritage for five months in 1991.
Well, you would occasionally return to heritage protection.
You haven’t moved away from it now, either. When
you came to the institute, you found Vladas Daugudis
there, doing research into hill-forts. The academician
Regina Kulikauskienė was still working there too. Did
you have opportunities to communicate with them?
I had more opportunities to talk to Vladas Daugudis.
He still worked at the institute, and for some time we
even worked in the same room. However, he would
only occasionally come to the office. We would talk for
a while, but he did not excavate hill-forts any more at
that time, and then he retired altogether. He joined the
group doing research into the Vilnius castles, as well
as taking part in the excavations of the Hill of Three
Crosses. Regina Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė would also
occasionally come to the office, and she would not actually
get involved in the department’s work.
So you came to the Institute of History, and researched
late-period hill-forts ...
Yes, I had a scientific subject to work on, and the important
thing is that at that time the institute had the
funds to finance excavations. The choice of the monument
to be excavated in 1989 was more related to
monument protection, because I went to excavate the
decaying hill-fort at Guogai (Piliuona). The excavations
were financed by the institute. From there, I went
to excavate Mažulonys hill-fort. At that time, in the
autumn and winter of 1988, I was sent on an academic
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
23

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
24
Šeimyniškėliai hill-fort (in the Anykščiai district) from the west, a view of the site in November 2004
(photograph by G. Zabiela).
trip to St Petersburg, and I stayed there for more than
a month, until I had collected all the material available
about Mažulonys that I needed for my work. I also
found the only remaining file of Vladimir Kashirsky,
containing his biography and a large number of other
interesting items, which deserve a separate and lengthy
story. The archives there were huge, but not catalogued
at all, and I had to carry out my assignment very quickly.
The staff were very friendly, and when I explained
to them what the situation was and what I needed, they
suggested that I see the director. It turned out that the
director of the archives was the archaeologist Alexander
Mikhailovich Mikhlayev’s wife, and this helped us
to understand each other very well. I was able to access
the archives freely, and use the materials however
I wanted or needed. It was obvious that the main object
I’d chosen for excavations was Mažulonys.
But why Mažulonys?
Earlier excavations, abundant finds, eastern Lithuania.
A hill-fort and a region hardly researched. For
instance, the hill-forts of Samogitia had been excavated
more extensively by that time. Vladas Daugudis
had excavated there. When we made arrangements for
the expedition, a number of problems arose. First of
all, Mažulonys hill-fort was heavily overgrown with
trees. It has only recently been cleared of trees and
bushes. For that reason, excavations were not possible
on the hill. During the first year, we dug a trench
across the settlement at the foot of the hill. We also
discovered another unknown hill-fort next to the first
one. Large-scale works could only begin in 1990. I
don’t think I even had a driving licence at that time.
Anyway, I didn’t have a car of my own, that’s for sure.
All the people involved in the expedition had to get
from Vilnius to Ignalina by train, and then go another
seven or eight kilometres by bus. Despite this, I still
intended to continue the excavations in Mažulonys in
1990. A wagon for accommodation had already been
taken there, but then the economic blockade began. No
local buses were running. There were problems with
transport and food. Mažulonys is a village, and it was
impossible to buy food there. It was at that time that
Anykščiai suggested that I should go on an archaeological
survey expedition there in the spring.
What exactly do you mean by ‘Anykščiai’?
The manager of the local museum was Vytautas
Balčiūnas. There were other enthusiasts and cultural
professionals there too ... They even provided the labour
and found cheap accommodation ...
So we are talking about the excavations of the
Šeimyniškėliai hill-fort?
At first the intention was to investigate Anykščiai, its
area and the prehistoric monuments there, but there was
no talk of Šeimyniškėliai at the time. Initially, it was
not even included in my plans. It was such a famous,
well-known and large hill-fort, that there was no good
reason to excavate it. Besides, the question of funding
was not quite clear. And last but not least, Mažulonys
was already included in the excavation plans. First I
surveyed the district’s monuments. Among the monuments
which we discovered and which had not been
known before was the Anykščiai manor site; it is still
being researched. A new residential neighbourhood
had been designed for that site. As the economic blockade
had not yet ended, we excavated only sites within
walking distance of Anykščiai. Šeimyniškėliai could

also be reached from the town on foot. Voruta was
the legendary hill-fort believed to be the site of Mindaugas’
castle. The people of Anykščiai had already
started putting the hill-fort, which was overgrown with
trees, in order. We dug the first trench, and the very
first finds indicated that it was a very solid late-period
hill-fort. The finds suggested that it was exactly the
site mentioned in the legends. So the excavations were
gradually stepped up.
Nowadays Šeimyniškėliai is not only the site of Voruta,
Mindaugas’ castle, but also the only Lithuanian hillfort
that has been comprehensively and fully excavated.
But let’s talk a little about your dissertation. This
work, which you defended and then published as a
separate book entitled ‘Wooden Castles of Lithuania’,
has become a classic work and, if we are speaking of
late-period hill-forts, an indispensable guide to me and
to others who are interested in the wooden castles of
the Balts.
Maybe I should mention that the writing process of
the dissertation was to some extent influenced by the
changing situation. Until then, in Soviet Lithuania,
the procedure for defending dissertations was slightly
different. Quite often, they were defended in Russian
research institutions, and our colleagues who had defended
their dissertations in earlier times had had no
choice but to write them in Russian. Just like you, I had
to wait a little until the new procedure for defending
dissertations was worked out. So I waited until 1993.
How long did the excavations of Šeimyniškėliai hillfort
last? They were large-scale works, and you excavated
not only the entire site, but also a huge clay
rampart.
They lasted for twenty years. Sometimes for whole
summers, sometimes shorter. It is an area of nearly
three thousand square metres. Besides, before that I
had seen and even taken part in archaeological excavations
in Sweden. I could see how the excavated soil
was screened there. We did the same in Šeimyniškėliai.
It takes a long time to screen soil. By 1989, we were
already allowed to visit West European archaeological
centres. The first person to go on such a visit was
Vytautas Kazakevičius, who was the head of the department,
and then it was my turn. During the visit, it
turned out that the Swedes still kept not only part of the
finds, but also the reports on the Apuolė excavations.
Those were Professor Birger Nerman’s archives. In the
spring of 1989, Swedish archaeologists came to Lithuania,
and one of their intentions was to see Apuolė.
They suggested that Birger Nerman’s archives be pub-
lished. As I was interested in late-period hill-forts, I got
involved in the project, which actually lasted seventy
years, because for various reasons the book about the
prewar excavations of Apuolė and Birger Nerman’s
work was only published in 2010.
And all this time you were working at the Lithuanian
Institute of History ...
For five months in 1991, I worked at the Inspectorate
of the Cultural Heritage. It was when the institution
was just being established. Although the inspectorate
could not be directly involved in archaeological excavations,
we nevertheless managed to hold a staff development
course at Šeimyniškėliai, which was attended
by a number of monument protection personnel, for
whom it was their first excavation experience. It was
much easier to carry out excavations while working at
the Institute of History, because the institute provided
financing. During the excavations, it became obvious
that there was quite a large number of similar late-period
hill-forts, where only small areas had been excavated.
Therefore, we decided to excavate at least half
the site at Šeimyniškėliai first. Then the decision was
taken to excavate the entire hill-fort. From a research
point of view, it is important that what we have is not
a mosaic made up of parts of different hill-forts, but an
image of a single, comprehensively excavated, highly
important and solid hill-fort, and a wooden castle.
At the institute you even worked as deputy manager for
research affairs ...
When I defended my dissertation, I was promoted to the
position of senior researcher. Vytautas Kazakevičius,
who was the head of the department, had mentioned
several times, half-jokingly, that I would be promoted
to head the Archaeology Department as soon as I had
defended my dissertation. As it later turned out, he
wasn’t joking. He didn’t want or like the bureaucratic
work that the head of department had to do. He was an
academic researcher in the true sense of the word. He
enjoyed doing scientific research and excavating substantial
archaeological monuments, but he didn’t like
routine office work. It was he who recommended me
to the management of the institute. When Antanas Tyla
became director of the institute, he offered me the position
of deputy manager. It was not an empty position,
because Arūnas Mickevičius had been in charge of
those matters, and he had done a lot as far as publishing
was concerned. Then I was given the opportunity to go
for a half-year post-doctorate traineeship at Bamberg
University in Germany. It goes without saying that I
had to resign from all my posts at the institute. I handed
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
25

An Archaeologist
and His Road to Voruta
ALBINAS
KUNCEVIČIUS
26
With his wife Aušra, and daughters Migle and Laura, in Vilnius in August 2003.
over my position as department head to Algirdas Girininkas,
who had worked at the institute for a number of
years, but at that time was working at the Institute for
Monument Protection, and was in charge of publishing
the magazine Baltų archeologija (Baltic Archaeology).
He also wanted to go back to academic work.
We often talk about the fact that following the restoration
of the country’s independence, archaeological institutions
were decentralised. The only purely scientific
archaeology institution, not to mention museum and
training centre, was split ...
From today’s perspective, the decentralisation was
beneficial. Obviously, there was no other way out. All
Western countries have several archaeological centres.
In those countries, there is no centralisation as there
was in Lithuania during Soviet times. Furthermore, it
is important that at that time we managed to get rid
of a function that was not exactly the function of the
Lithuanian Institute of History, granting permits for archaeological
excavations. Nowadays, it is the function
of institutions for monument protection. Despite various
discussions, this was done quite smoothly.
And how did you end up at Klaipėda University?
Quite by accident. On the sad day of Vytautas
Kazakevičius’ funeral in Marijampolė, Algirdas Girin-
inkas, who was then the department head, asked me
whether I would be willing to go and work at Klaipėda
University, together with him and most of the department’s
staff. I had no special plans to change my place
of work at that time, although I’d always wanted to
do some lecturing. It is obvious that the reason for
the move was the ever-worsening situation at the Institute
of History. The institute had stopped growing,
both in terms of quantity and quality. Well, if Algirdas
Girininkas and Vladas Žulkus had not invited
me, perhaps I would still be working there. The first
archaeologist to leave the institute for Klaipėda was
Vytautas Kazakevičius. It should be mentioned that the
first members of staff to leave the institute for Klaipėda
were not junior researchers but the older generation,
who had already written their dissertations. Klaipėda
University, especially when Vladas Žulkus became
rector, had immense growth potential.
When you started working at Klaipėda University,
your archaeological research changed a little too. I’ve
noticed that you are more involved in excavations in
the Old Town, and especially on the former castle site
in Klaipėda; although you haven’t given up hill-forts
either.
I have been excavating hill-forts far less in recent years.
Prior to the establishment of Klaipėda University, the
main archaeologists in the city had been Vladas Žulkus

and Jonas Genys. They both took managerial positions.
The excavations of the town were taken over by other
archaeologists. Although I took part in these excavations,
from the point of view of earlier excavations, I
was more interested in the excavations of the former
castle site. As for excavations of hill-forts, the programme
for the restoration of hill-forts that were under
the threat of destruction, financed by the Department
for the Cultural Heritage, was a significant stimulus. I
tried to use the funds for excavating a nearly destroyed
late-period hill-fort. That way, as many as ten hill-forts
were excavated.
I would say that, along with your book about wooden
castles, another very important work of yours is ‘The
Atlas of Lithuanian Hill-Forts’. Probably that was
prompted by your interest in hill-forts too?
Thanks to my interest in hill-forts, I’ve collected a lot
of material. Besides, it was important to know the exact
number of hill-forts in Lithuania. New, previously
unknown hill-forts are discovered almost every year.
The earlier 1975 edition of the atlas of hill-forts was
not exhaustive. The descriptions were very short, the
illustrations were few and of poor quality, and the publication
contained no plans or maps. The publication of
the new atlas of hill-forts was financed by the Ministry
of National Defence. The preparation of the atlas took
two years. Zenonas Baubonis and I had to visit more
than a thousand places. Some of them had to be visited
several times, for the photographs or the plans.
The monograph ‘Wooden Castles of Lithuania’, ‘The
Atlas of Lithuanian Hill-Forts’ ... what other major research
works would you like to mention?
‘A History of Archaeology’. Pranas Kulikauskas was
my lecturer, but we were not on close terms. We had
the opportunity to discuss things in detail when he was
celebrating his jubilee. He had prepared the outlines
of his lectures, but we both agreed that the text of the
future book should be supplemented with archival data
and illustrations.
Our talk ends with Gintautas Zabiela’s story of his
move to Klaipėda University. His colleagues and students
could give a better assessment of his work there.
After our talk, it is clear that it is possible to achieve
a lot in archaeology, research and life if you know
exactly what you want, and try to achieve your goals
through hard work. Gintautas Zabiela’s childhood
dream has come true. Despite the changing circumstances,
which were not always favourable, he has
remained faithful to the targets of his chosen area of research
and his life. He chose a subject and monuments
to research on his own, and then for the first time in
Lithuania, and perhaps in all the Baltic lands, he conducted
comprehensive research into a hill-fort, which
gave him the opportunity to claim and prove that the
site of the legendary castle of Voruta was the hill-fort
of Šeimynėliškiai, not far from his home village.
I would like to congratulate my friend and colleague
on this important anniversary. I would also like to congratulate
him for all his past work, and I’m sure that
there are a lot of publications and finds ahead. Good
luck!
Albinas Kuncevičius
Vilnius University, Faculty of History
Department of Archaeology
Universiteto 7, LT-01513, Vilnius
Lithuania
E-mail: a.kuncevicius@gmail.com
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I
TO
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA,
A FRIEND
AND COLLEAGUE
27

II. ARCHAEOLOGICAL
CERAMICS
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
29

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
30
ARCHAEOLOGICAL CERAMICS IN LITHUANIA:
PRIMARY PROCESSING
GINTAUTAS ZABIELA
Abstract
The article discusses ceramic fragments and their primary processing at the report level of archaeological explorations. Archaeologists
in Lithuania still employ two methods in the description of fragments, text and tables, of which the latter holds
most promise. Their wider employment is restricted by the absence of general standards. Out of at least 36 attributes that characterise
ceramic fragments, five main ones can be distinguished (ceramic group, type of utensil fragment, diameter, number,
weight), and they should be obligatory in every report on archaeological research.
Key words: archaeological ceramics, potsherds, attributes of ceramic fragments, ceramics description tables
Ceramic fragments are the most numerous archaeological
finds from periods that used ceramics. Most finds
from the pre-ceramic period are flint articles. However,
after the arrival of ceramics, they lost their status as
the most common finds. The abundance of ceramics
can be explained by three main causes. Firstly, ceramic
articles are very rarely found intact. By far the largest
part of them consists of fragments, which can later
serve as material for the partial or full reconstruction
of former articles. Secondly, ceramic articles are of
different sizes, and fragments of them can amount to
hundreds (depending on their fragility and the conditions
of their further existence). And thirdly, they can
be scattered around large areas, thus preventing their
combination into a single unity. This results in an artificial
abundance of them, enhanced by two other factors.
Ceramic articles are not reprocessed, although under
specific conditions the clay mass serving as the basis
for a ceramic article (not necessarily a utensil) can
turn back into clay. However, new ceramic articles are
manufactured from new raw material, whereas different
reprocessed old ceramic articles can be employed
only as additives, or even used for totally different purposes.
Ceramics (utensils) are a very important part of
human daily life. At the same time, they are not very
durable, and very often become useless. Thus, ceramics
have become a basic indicator, the main archaeological
object in our understanding of human life in the
past. In this way, the unity of these three factors forms
the most numerous group of archaeological finds in archaeological
material.
This article 1 makes no attempt to offer a profound review
of ceramics-related studies. The materials in this
1 It is based on the report given at the conference ‘Ceramics:
Investigations in Lithuania and Prospects’ on 12-13
November 2009. Klaipėda University, Klaipėda.
sphere of research are so different and so plentiful that
they could serve as a subject for at least one book. Not
being a ceramicist or an expert in old crafts, the author
is not qualified to make a complete analysis of these
spheres, so there will be no attempt to do so in this
article. However, experience gained on field trips and
discovered and inevitably preliminarily processed ceramics
allow for the discussion of this aspect in detail,
the more so because there have been no generalising
studies on the subject until now. All ceramics discovered
during archaeological explorations in Lithuania
are the subject of the research, paying particular attention
to the development of primary processing, distinguishing
essential and secondary aspects, and showing
the contribution of Lithuanian researchers to primary
studies of ceramics. The article restricts itself to Lithuania,
as nowadays almost every country sticks to its
own particularity in archaeological explorations, and
a superficial and selective comparison of the above
contribution would be illustrative at best. Attention in
the article is focused on fragments of ceramic utensils,
avoiding the review of less problematic studies in intact
(from an archaeological point of view) ceramic
utensils. The contribution of European researchers in
this sphere is huge, and a review of the contribution
of national archaeologists alone would be insufficient.
The article also discusses the aspect of primary processing
of fragments for reports.
According to recent data, ceramics appeared in the
area of modern Lithuania around 5500 to 5300 BC (in
the Katra settlement in the Varėna region) (Girininkas
2009, p.127). Since then, up to the 19th century, ceramic
utensils dominated in daily life, and only in the
20th century were they pushed out by articles made of
metal, plastic, glass or other materials. New archaeologically
explored and described ceramics come from

the second half of the 19th century (Klaipėdos 2010,
catalogue No 385). Therefore, ceramic fragments remain
the main find on the sites of 7,000-year-old ancient
settlements. Out of 5,000 explored sites, ceramics
were found in more than 4,000 of them, and the total
number of discovered fragments could hardly be evaluated,
as they make up over a million (Zabiela 2010,
p.27). The numbers of ceramic fragments in various
explored objects are very different. They vary from
one (Renavas) (Valatka 1974, p.14) to 100,000 (Nida)
(Rimantienė 1989, p.87). However, these are extreme
figures. Usually they vary from tens to several thousand
(according to the registers of research reports).
Still, this is a relatively large number of articles, with
proper characterisation, that each archaeologist comes
across. Naturally, the increase in their numbers leads
to an increase in the problem, so a smaller number of
fragments could be better characterised and defined.
The characterisation of discovered ceramics is exceptionally
uneven, which makes further studies of ceramics
problematic. This is the main reason why there are
still so few studies of the most numerous type of archaeological
find. Attempts have been made to write single
articles about ceramics 2 ; however, general studies in
Lithuania are still exceptionally rare. 3 Archaeology has
developed into a specific pattern in the publication of
material and introducing broader generalisations, classifying
them on the basis of local groups and making
no parallels with other similar groups. Consequently,
ceramics remain purely an illustrative annex, pointing
to the fact that authors have not forgotten it, are working
on it, but have nothing to say. The processing of
ceramics from the Birutė Hill hill-fort in Palanga by
Vladas Žulkus is an exception (Žulkus 1997; 2007 4 ).
However, it is also very professionally accomplished
work on the basis of one single object, with 928 fragments
analysed in particular (Žulkus 2007, p.234ff).
Primary unprocessed ceramics, introduced in research
reports, prevent any wider generalisation. Any researcher
can give space and time to the characterisation
of ceramics in a report. However, due to the different
methods of characterisation employed, every new researcher
has to either deal directly in the depositories
of museums, or excavate himself. Is the situation so
desperate? Will new generations of researchers have
to spend time on falsified activities? In order to realise
this and start changing it, it is necessary to review the
2 For this see the appendix-bibliography on Lithuanian archaeological
ceramics (edited by Tautavičius 2000) with
further supplements. Studies in which ceramics are described
(sometimes even very exhaustively) together with
other archaeological material are not included in it.
3 The catalogue only can be indicated: Klaipėdos 2010.
4 The study of 1997, supplemented with an English version.
actual situation in the processing of ceramic fragments,
and to find out how it has come about.
The first Lithuanian researchers did not pay proper
attention to ceramics for a long period of time. For a
long time, most of their attention was focused on the
excavation of burial grounds, and also on settlements
around hill-forts. In the 1840s, Franciszek Wilczyński
mentioned fragments found around Narkūnai hill-fort
(near Utena, in eastern Lithuania) (Wilczyński 1836,
p.559). At the end of the 19th century, as archaeology
was developing, attention to ceramics increased. From
then, more detailed descriptions of ceramic fragments
appeared. Juliusz Döring in 1882 mentions a grey,
slightly encaustic, fragment of a pot, with additives
of powdered granite, discovered in the Ąžuolpamūšė
hill-fort (near Pasvalys, in northern Lithuania) (Döring
1882, p.41). Juozas Žiogas, discussing ceramics found
around Imbarė hill-fort (near Kretinga, western Lithuania),
describes the colour and peculiarities of manufacture,
and tries to attribute fragments to different types
of utensils (Žiogas 1900, p.42). Ludwik Krzywicki intended
to make a special study about ceramics (Krzywicki
1917, p.39); however, he could not. Instructions
from the Vilnius Archaeological Committee, which operated
during the period from 1911 to 1914, also insisted
on paying particular attention to fragments of glass,
clay and porcelain utensils (Kulikauskas, Luchtanas
1980, p.100). However, the reality was different, and
little attention was paid to them (p.107).
Interest in ceramic fragments in the interwar period
was slight. In 1924, Petras Tarasenka acknowledged
that ‘clay utensils, particularly pots, have turned into
fragments, which are valued little by society and even
researchers. Occasionally, several fragments find their
way into museums, but most vanish, even though they
are important to research’ (Tarasenka 1924, p.85).
Almost nothing is available about ceramics in ‘Data
from the Latest Prehistoric Studies’ by Jonas Puzinas,
which is the most important archaeological work from
that period (Puzinas 1938, pp.293, 296). Włodzimierz
Hołubowicz, working in the Vilnius region, paid more
attention to ceramics, as he specialised in the area. 5
The situation with the specification and characterisation
of ceramic fragments in Lithuania started changing
in the 1950s. In the first extensive explorations of
Nemenčinė hill-fort (near Vilnius, in eastern Lithuania)
in 1952, ceramics were already classified in groups,
describing them in the following way: ‘348–376. Fragments
of manually modelled thin-sided or thick-sided
pots, some of them profiled, with sand additive and
with line-surface’ (Kulikauskas, Kulikauskienė 1956,
5 He published a book in the postwar period: Hołubowicz
1950.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
31

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
32
p.6). 6 From then on, ceramics from hill-forts and settlements
were given full descriptions, although in the
exploration of old towns and castles (where ceramics
are abundant) such descriptions were still lacking
for another decade. Even in broad explorations of the
Vilnius castles area from 1955 to 1961, ceramics are
described (in a very general way) only as a group of
finds (Tautavičius 1956, p.52ff). Finds discovered in
1959 around the present-day National Museum of
Lithuania were not collected, and ceramics itself were
characterised in general (Legaitė-Skardžiuvienė 1967,
p.4). All the attention of archaeologists was focused on
layers and structures. In the 1960s, the exploration and
analysis of archaeological material in Kaunas was ‘implemented
in a disorderly way’ (Žalnierius et al. 1984,
p.5). 7
The description of ceramics in Lithuanian archaeological
studies finally established itself in the 1970s. For
example, in 1976, ceramics from K. Giedrio St 8 (now
šv. Ignoto St) in Vilnius were described together with
other finds, specifying their colour, thickness, additives
and glaze (Bešėnienė 1976, pp.56-94). A similar
form of description was employed in Kaunas. In 1975,
ceramics from Rotušės Square were also described, together
with other finds, specifying their colour, size,
thickness, shape and glaze (Žalnierius 1975, p.7ff).
At the beginning of the 1990s, the description of ceramics
by means of tables also began. Signs of this could
be seen in the first half of the 1980s, when descriptions
were already placed in tables, specifying only the elements
of archaeological fixation (Markelevičius 1973,
p.9ff). The first tables come from reports from the
Monument Conservation Institute. This was stimulated
by extensive explorations of the area around K. Giedrio
St 8 in 1983. An area of about 3,000 square metres
was explored (Ušinskas 1984), which resulted in the
discovery of over 13,000 ceramic fragments, and the
necessity to formalise their description. A table with
104 columns for descriptions was developed (Ušinskas
1983) (Fig. 1). It was universal, wide, and included
possibilities for electronic processing (formalised coded
assistance) (Vaitkiavichius et al. 1985). This factor
explains the large number of columns.
At the end of the 1980s, the archaeologist V. Žulkus,
from the Klaipėda branch of the above institute, developed
a local method for the description of archaeological
material, based on formalised shapes of rims and
utensils (Žulkus 1981a; 1981b) (Fig. 2). In this case,
the characterisation of rims (then called brims) is most
significant for us. ‘Shapes of rims are characterised on
6 The list itself appeared later, in 1955–1956.
7 The report itself was completed in 1984.
the basis of a semantic principle: the graphic shape of
the symbol employed corresponds directly to the shape
of the rims. Letters from the Latin alphabet and derivatives
of them are symbols denoting the different types:
e, B, I, D, R, I, r, and so on (this notation for ceramics is
already employed in planning reports on archaeological
exploration)’ (Žulkus 1981b, p.38). This table had
94 columns (Fig. 3).
Recent reports on archaeological exploration employ
both methods of description (text and tables). The
textual (descriptive) characterisation of fragments
is primary, informal and has changed very little with
the passage of time. The material from Narkūnai hillfort,
explored between 1976 and 1978, and containing
thousands of fragments, was described in this way. 8 It
was characterised in the following way: ‘Six fragments
with a brushed surface, one of them belongs to the base
of a pot. Two other fragments come from its rims. One
of the rims is decorated with dimples, a rim of another
fragment is decorated with a pinched-impressed pattern,
external and internal parts of the fragment are
pinched-impressed horizontally’ (Kulikauskienė 1977,
p.250). This description is very similar to the description
of ceramics from Nemenčinė hill-fort quoted
above and written two decades earlier. Similar examples
from recent practice could also be offered. Only
the characterisation in them of the described ceramic
fragments is different.
The table is a more progressive form of description. It
is standardised, more spread out, concentrating information,
and even saving space for reports. However,
after an analysis of the forms employed by different
researchers, it becomes evident that their failing is in
the use of different attributes in the characterisation of
ceramic fragments. Therefore, on a large scale, tables
lose the significance of a standardised description. Presumably,
reports on recent archaeological explorations
contain tables with purely statistical descriptions of
ceramics.
One solution to the problems related to the processing
of ceramic material was also suggested earlier by
the author of this article (Zabiela 1987), proposing to
replace inventories of them with tables of two types,
quantitative bulletins and qualitative descriptions. A
sampling for quantitative tables was offered: to leave
out rims under one centimetre by one centimetre, ornamented
or rare types of ceramics, side and base
fragments under two by two centimetres (Zabiela
1987, p.32). The description of ceramic fragments in
8 Even in publications about the exploration of the lower
layer (Volkaitė-Kulikauskienė 1986), it is mentioned that
ceramics made up ‘a very large’ group of finds (p.37).

Fig. 1. The table employed in the description of ceramics at the Monument Conservation Institute (after Ušinskas 1984).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
33

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
34
Fig. 2. V. Žulkus’ table for marking ceramic rims (after Žulkus 1981c, p.127).

Fig. 3. V. Žulkus’ table for the description of ceramics (after Žulkus 1981a, p.16, Fig. 4).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
35

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
36
Fig. 4. The ceramic brim characterisation scheme (after Zabiela 1987, p.34, Fig. 1).
qualitative tables should contain their basic attributes,
the physical parameters of which are characterised by
numbers and words (Zabiela 1987, p.33). The shape
of the rims should be described in a formalised way:
the sequence of length and the angles between them
(Zabiela 1987, p.34, Fig.1) (Fig. 4), which failed to
naturalise in archaeological literature due to the comparatively
long and subjective working process. The
weight of fragments was introduced in the above tables
only in the last decade of the 20th century.
These tables were treated as a step forward. However,
their data is employed very little in further summaries
and generalisations. The variety of these tables could
be blamed for this failure. It is possible to maintain
that each researcher introduced his own standards, on
the basis of which only specific columns can be treated
as interdependent. An analysis of different descriptive
tables allows us to assume that researchers are not
sure what they expect from a ceramic fragment. Some
emphasise the external shape and physical parameters,
others focus on the technique of manufacture or
chronology and cultural dependence; 36 attributes of
fragments are chosen from different tables. They are:
colour (external, internal, mass), size, thickness (minimum,
maximum), shape (rim, base), additives (type,
size, numbers), group, glaze (colour, site, clarity, polish,
thickness), colouring, type (utensil or part of one,
technical, cultural), number, weight, ornament (technique,
type, dimensions, number of elements, site),
diameter, deformations, throwing flutes, firing, shape,
signs and symbols, and signs of usage. Based on their
narrow distribution and the addition of columns for
registered archaeological finds, the above-mentioned
descriptive table with 104 columns was completed.
Compiling such tables is a very laborious process. In
order to compile one properly and correctly, a set of
instructions covering nine pages was developed. The
very placing of such a big table in a report and its further
employment became problematic, and resulted in
the expansion of the report itself. Attempts were made
to rationalise this process, providing each fragment in
pre-computer times with a push-card (Fig. 5). How-
ever, this was only useful in the search for necessary
information, but not in its introduction and safety. This
method was very soon abandoned. The emergence of
computers and special programmes solved problems
relating to the search for information and its systematisation.
However, the introduction of information and
safety-related problems persisted. Problems related to
completeness in filling in the columns of such a big
table also persisted, as it is impossible to trace a fragment
which could fill all of the 36 above-mentioned
columns, let alone exhaustive tables. An increase in
columns leads to a number of blank squares. Essential
and inessential attributes of fragments become a major
problem. Their specification is a rather complicated
problem, as it is necessary to pay attention to several
factors: the huge variety of ceramics, the many unsuccessful
attempts at a unified description, the subjective
character of physical criteria in the characterisation of
fragments, and the requirements of modern research.
In this sense, subjectively realised physical criteria are
the least reliable, like colour, shape, the quantity of additives,
the clarity of the glaze and polish. Since these
criteria are identified without standardised methods
(such as colour tables), the data provided is either incomparable
or too generalised. Less subjective is data
of an interpretational character: the type of utensil,
the cultural dependence of a fragment, the ornamental
technique and type, deformations, throwing flutes, firing,
the condition, signs and symbols, the craftsman
and signs of usage. These criteria are reliable if they
are employed by experts and professionals. However,
very often mostly amateurs (students or helpers) take
part in the sorting of material. Therefore, this group of
criteria in the characterisation of fragments cannot be
reliable. Another type of attribute (type of additives,
colouring, thickness of glaze, the technical bonding of
the fragment, the decorative technique) can be identified
precisely and specified only during special research,
so they cannot be applied universally in reports
and the characterisation of fragments.
Only 13 physical criteria of fragment remain (size,
minimum and maximum thickness, amount of addi-

Fig. 5. The ceramic fragment characterisation push-card (after Žulkus personal archive).
tives, group, the glaze and its position, type of utensil
part, number, weight and measurements of ornamentation,
number of elements, position and diameter).
They can be precisely identified and described. There
would be no problem whatsoever if a fragment was a
complete article. However, it is a fragment of a larger
article, which is usually a utensil. How, and to what
extent, do these criteria represent the utensil itself? The
thickness of fragments and the amount of additives
are derivative products in pot manufacturing techniques,
and they are linked with methods employed in
manufacturing utensils. The latter have already been
described, and very often this information becomes
redundant. The measurements of the ornamentation,
the number and the location of the elements are not
typical of each ceramic fragment. Of some types they
are not typical at all. Besides, ornamentation is very
different, and hardly responds to systematisation (particularly
on a wider cultural-chronological scale), their
different types possess many more objective physical
criteria, and nowadays there are no related parameters
which could be treated as important attributes in the
characterisation of ceramics itself. Finally, ornamentation
in the analysis of types is usually characterised by
the descriptive method, providing quantitative and percentage
values of them. The glaze-related situation is
similar, the presence of which on utensils is sometimes
treated as a decorative (ornamental) element.
The size, a physical criterion characterising a fragment,
should be discussed separately. When defining objects,
their size is naturally an understandable criterion, and
measurements of fragments should not surprise. Unfortunately,
in this case, attention is not paid to the fact
that a fragment is not an article, but a part or an element
of a larger article (usually a utensil), and very often
it is difficult or even impossible to point to its exact
place on it. A ceramic fragment matches fragments of
any other article, but fragments of other articles are not
numerous, and after a detailed analysis some could be
identified as elements of specific articles. In the case
of ceramic fragments, it is the opposite: they are abundant,
and their further exploration is hardly possible.
Only hoards of ceramic fragments are exceptional, but
these cases no longer cause any problems (everything
is collected and registered as part of a single utensil,
aiming at its reconstruction in the future). The size of
fragments is closely related to another physical parameter,
weight, which in any case is a more universal
value. The weight of an intact utensil could always be
compared to the weight of a single fragment, and calculations
could easily be made about the approximate
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
37

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
38
number of fragments that it broke into. Anyway, this
number should be known from archaeological explorations.
In this case, the specific number of fragments
can vary, largely subject to different circumstances
(breakage, the spread and survival of fragments, research
methodology). For example, it has been noticed
that higher-quality utensils break into larger fragments
(Valickis 1987, p.29). Therefore, the size of a ceramic
fragment is more important for the characterisation of
conditions of the cultural layer and its formation rather
than for a description of the fragment itself. Generalising
sightings and the above-mentioned data are sufficient
for their characterisation.
The remaining five physical criteria (group, type of
utensil element, flexion diameter, number, weight) remain
objective criteria that characterise any ceramic
fragments. The ceramic group signifies its major cultural-chronological
types (such as brushed ceramics,
Kielce ceramics), which are identified in previous explorations
and need no further discussion (except the
attachment of single fragments to one or another type).
The specification of utensil elements is a fairly objective
and well-established criterion. On the basis of
other cases and their classification, as well as personal
experience, fragments of unidentified types should also
be distinguished. All disputed fragments should be attributed
to this one. Flexion diameter is traditionally
estimated by employing the diameter table. Now it can
be done in an even more accurate way, by employing
other modern measuring techniques. It should be mentioned
that diameters can be estimated only for fragments
in which they have properly shown up. Usually
they are missing in small or modelled fragments (the
diameters in the latter are very often irregular). The diameter
characterises both the size of the utensil and its
shape. The number of fragments needs no comment if
the question does not arise about what a fragment is.
Ceramic articles manage to break into very small fragments,
and their survival is similar to that of the surrounding
soil. The question about what a fragment is
will be discussed in the next chapter. The weight-related
criterion is also absolutely obvious: it is expressed
in grams, by weighing the fragments without dirt.
The problem of numbers is exceptional in the minimal
characterisation of discovered ceramics on the report
level. This determines the expenditure of field explorations,
the analysis of excavated material, the level and
profundity of object knowledge, and the opportunities
for the storage of collected ceramics. In practice, these
problems require a response to specific questions:
whether to collect everything or not, to register everything
or not, to keep everything or not.
The quantity of collected material on field trips is determined
by the research methodology employed. Different
numbers of fragments will be discovered if the
found cultural level is spaded (as was common practice
in the first half of the 20th century), or if the soil
is screened, which makes it possible under favourable
conditions to collect almost all finds (Zabiela 1998b,
p.526). The Velikuškės hill-fort (near Zarasai, eastern
Lithuania) is an example of the first option. In 1933, a
total area of 1,564 square metres was explored around
this hill-fort and settlement from the first millennium
BC to the 13th century. A total of 1,115 fragments were
found (Zabiela 1994, p.47ff). This makes about two
fragments to three square metres, though ceramics are
abundant in hill-forts that belonged to the culture of
brushed ceramics. In 2001, the exploration of Laužiškis
hill-fort (near Širvintos, east Lithuania) resulted in the
discovery of 412 pot fragments in a 30-centimetre cultural
layer and an area of 31 square metres (299 registered,
and 113 small selected ones) (area 2), which is
about 13 to a square metre (Zabiela 2001, pp.13, 19,
49-50). The second option was employed in the exploration
of Šeimyniškėliai hill-fort (near Anykščiai, east
Lithuania). Since 1996, when the screening of cultural
layers started, small fragments have also continuously
been traced. In 1996 alone, 100 tiny fragments (up to
three square centimetres), weighing 432 grams in total
(Zabiela 1998a, p.117), were discovered. Another 34
were found after screening a previously explored area
of 13 square metres in area 14 (Zabiela 1998a, p.115).
In the process of exploration, 603 fragments (386 registered,
and 217 small selected ones) were found in an
area of 100 square metres (Zabiela 1995, p.61ff). The
recalculation of unnoticed fragments in the cultural
layer of the entire area by means of pallet and scrape
resulted in the discovery of another 260 fragments,
which means that the employment of traditional methods
and the avoidance of screening leads to around
30% losses. On the other hand, the screening of cultural
layers results in at least a 30% increase in labour
consumption. Accordingly, any ceramics-related findings
and conclusions should be corrected on a similar
principle.
Another problem is related to the primary accounting
of discovered ceramics included in reports. Previous
examples show that selected non-informative fragments
(up to three square centimetres and fragmented
lengthways, without a possibility for the identification
of shard thickness) make up 37% to 56% of all ceramics.
Depending on the data employed, the informative
percentage of collected material varies in this case
from a third to a half. Anyway, the bottom criterion

Area Depth cm Quadrate Object Group Type Diameter cm Number Weight g
1 0–20 1–2A–B Pit B (1–11) P (3) 15 (3) 2 30
1 0–20 1–2A–B Pit B (1–11) S (4–8) 12 (40, 13 (7) 5 75
1 0–20 1–2A–B Pit B (1–11) D (9–10) 9 (8) 2 26
1 0–20 1–2A–B Pit B (1–11) N (11) – 1 3
1 0–20 1–2A–B Pit L (12–20) P (12) – 1 6
B – brushed, L – plain modelled, P – rim, S – wall, D – base, N – unidentified. Inventory numbers are put in columns for
groups, types, diameters, numbers and weight.
of their smallness, showing the physical parameters
of registered fragments, should be common to all archaeological
periods. This could be a fragment of five
by five millimetres or similar dimensions, making up
less than 0.25 square centimetres of their area. Smaller
fragments should be treated as crumbs, which in
large numbers could be defined by one single physical
weight criterion. Fragments of over 0.25 square centimetres
should be registered as separate items.
The conservation of collected materials is a serious
problem for museums without sufficient space in repositories
to keep them. It will become relevant to
researchers when the particular research into this material
starts, which is likely to happen in Lithuania in
a couple of decades or later, due to the continuously
growing disproportion between excavated and published
material (particularly relating to ceramics). Registered
fragments are gathered in them, but unlisted
ones are treated differently (depending on the period
and abundance). The different approach to material
excavated somewhere, not conserved and kept in museums,
may cause additional problems in the future.
They are necessary for the employment of already registered
fragments in different destructive studies, or
vitiation with selected materials from those places in
which such ceramics were always missing (such as the
discharge of selected fragments into soil, transported
to fixed locations). Established archaeological research
on construction sites is seriously restricted by the employment
of methodological requirements insisting
on burying selected materials in the same or another
object (Archeologinių 1994, p.361). Therefore, it is
thrown on the scrap heap until the possibilities for its
conservation and keeping appear. 9
The generalisation of problems related to numbers of
ceramics leads us to the conclusion that the constantly
9 Around 1990, this idea was proposed by Liudvikas Dzikas
(1955–1991), head of the Archaeology Department of the
Monument Conservation Institute.
increasing particularity and minuteness of archaeological
studies and the decline of the extant archaeological
heritage (it can be explored only once) require the collection
and conservation of all ceramics. This approach
by museums collecting archaeological finds may lead
to them turning into museums of ceramics, though in
practice this problem is not so huge. Even a million
collected fragments means nothing but thousands of
tons of finds that could easily be kept in a single repository
corresponding to minimum requirements. Keeping
all discovered artefacts (including a large number
of eco-facts) would enable us to deal more responsibly
with the protection of the archaeological heritage in
situ, that is, avoiding unnecessary excavations, as the
soil itself is the best and most natural keeper.
After a discussion of objectivity in criteria for the characterisation
of ceramics, the choice inevitably has to be
made between an individual and a common approach
to them. Previously suggested assumptions show that
neither of these methods can be very impartial when
characterising the ceramics of an explored object. In
that case, a more rational way should be chosen. This
tells us less about ceramic fragments, but its persistent
value is significant. They are tables of a generalising
character, making attempts to emphasise more the
complete survival of excavated material, rather than its
entire placement in reports.
In this way, a table characterising ceramics at a minimum
is formed (see example, its filling in is provisional).
The remaining abundant and different attributes
belong to the sphere of specialised research in ceramics,
and overstep the limits of its primary characterisation.
Thus, the basic attention of researchers at the primary
(report level) stage of work with ceramics is directed
towards the analysis of fragment groups rather than towards
one single fragment. This level is compulsory
for everyone. Other important criteria that are indefin-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
39

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
40
able in archaeological literature (such as rim profile
and ornamentation) should be presented in reports in
the form of scale pictures or references to corresponding
catalogues (when they are ready), and supported by
inventory numbers. The introduction of such pictures
is without restrictions and limitations (reports can be
illustrated with pictures of all discovered fragments),
if researchers find it necessary. In the next few years,
developing 3D technologies will replace these illustrations
with electronic 3D images. Their processing,
presentation and employment is another thing.
A ceramic fragment, a mass archaeological find already
in the primary stage of work, requires (with the planning
of the report) strict standardisation and the employment
of unified criteria. In the modern democratic
archaeological community, this can only be achieved
by invoking satisfactory arguments and persuasive
examples, and discussing the optimal relationship between
attempts and the results achieved. Accordingly,
the suggestions of this article should be treated as a
further continuation of the discussion which started
among archaeologists a long time ago and continued
during the conference ‘Research into Urban Culture in
the Middle Ages and Modern Times (on the Basis of
Archaeological Data)’ held in Klaipėda on 12 and 13
November 2009.
Conclusions
Ceramic fragments seem to be the most numerous
excavated archaeological material found in many archaeological
sites, starting from the end of the sixth
millennium BC. The primary processing of these fragments
is problematic for reports on archaeological research.
These problems built up during the previous
period of archaeological development, and now they
prevent the proper employment of these reports in
further explorations as a primary source. All of this
preconditions the very poor interest of Lithuanian
archaeologists in ceramics, and the low level of its
research (see annex, bibliography of studies on archaeological
ceramics-related topics before 2012).
Excavated ceramic fragments only attracted the fuller
attention of researchers at the end of the 19th century.
Until the 1980s, written descriptions of ceramics prevailed
in reports about archaeological research. At the
beginning of the 1980s, the description of ceramics by
means of tables started at the Monument Conservation
Institute. Up to now, both methods of description are
employed.
The above-mentioned table is a more progressive form
of description, more standardised, concentrating information,
and saving space in reports. The different
attributes in the characterisation of ceramic fragments
(up to 36 at present) are considered an essential failing
of these tables.
Five physical criteria in the description of ceramic
fragments are their basic attributes (group, type of
utensil part, diameter, number, weight). On that basis,
a description table of archaeological ceramics has been
developed (see example), and is the minimum of primary
processing presented in reports on archaeological
research.
Utensil fragments of over 0.25 square centimetres are
treated as separate items. They are registered and given
up for conservation. This is the material background
for further detailed research into ceramics.
Abbreviations
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje ... metais. Vilnius
(since 1967–).
LA – Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius (since 1979–).
LIM – Lietuvos istorijos metraštis. Vilnius (since 1971–).
MAD’A – Lietuvos TSR Mokslų akademijos darbai. A serija,
Vilnius (1955–1989).
LII R – Lithuanian Institute of History, Archive.
References
Manuscripts
BEŠĖNIENĖ, D., 1976. Vilniaus senamiesčio 26 kvartalo
(Giedrio 8) archeologinių tyrimų ataskaita (unpublished
excavations report). In: LII R, f. 1, No. 526.
KULIKAUSKAS, P., KULIKAUSKIENĖ R., 1956.
Nemenčinės piliak. (Vilniaus raj.) 1952 m. tyrinėjimų
radinių sąrašas (unpublished finds list). In: LII R, f. 1, No.
110.
KULIKAUSKIENĖ, R., 1977. Narkūnai, Utenos raj., 1976
m. Utenio piliakalnio (Didžiojo) tyrinėjimai (unpublished
excavations report). In: LII R, f. 1, No. 672.
LEGAITĖ–SKARDŽIUVIENĖ, R., 1967. Vilniaus senamiestyje
žvalgybinio pobūdžio archeologiniai tyrimai 1959–
1967 m. (unpublished excavations report). In: LII R, f. 1,
No. 3276.
MARKELEVIČIUS, J., 1973. Merkinės senamiesčio
kultūrinio sluoksnio fiksacijos darbų ataskaita. 1973 m.
rugsėjo 19 – rugsėjo 20 d. (unpublished excavations report).
In: LIIR, f. 1, No. 380.
TAUTAVIČIUS, A., 1956. LTSR MA Istorijos instituto
vykdytų archeologinių kasinėjimų Vilniuje Gedimino
kalno šiaurinėje papėdėje 1956.V.14 – X.3 dienoraštis (unpublished
excavations report). In: LIIR, f. 1, No. 39.
UŠINSKAS, V., 1983. 1983 m. archeologinių tyrinėjimų Vilniuje,
K. Giedrio g. 8 ataskaita, 4(1). Buitinės keramikos
radinių sąrašas (unpublished excavations report). In: LII
R, f. 1, No. 1394.
ZABIELA, G., 1995. Anykščių rajono 1995 m. archeologinės
ekspedicijos ataskaita (unpublished excavations report).
In: LIIR, f. 1, No. 2505.

ZABIELA, G., 2001. Laužiškio piliakalnio (Širvintų raj.,
Zibalų seniūn.) 2001 metų archeologinių tyrinėjimų
ataskaita (unpublished excavations report). In: LIIR, f. 1,
No. 3744.
ŽALNIERIUS, A., 1975. Kauno senamiestis. Rotušės a.
Nr.2–3. Archeologiniai tyrimai (unpublished excavations
report). In: LIIR, f. 1, No.482.
ŽALNIERIUS, A., VAŠKELIS, A., RIDIKAITĖ, V.,
BALČIŪNAS, D., BERTAŠIUS, M., BUTKUS,
V., JUCHNEVIČIUS, A., 1984. Kauno senamiestis.
Archeologinių tyrimų ir priežiūros ataskaitos nuo 1962
iki 1974 m. Rotušės rūsiai. Rotušės aikštė. 1966–1973 m.
rastų archeologinių radinių sąrašas (unpublished excavations
report and list of find artefacts). In: LII R, LIIR, f.
1, No. 1118.
ŽULKUS, V, 1981a. Klaipėdos m. keramika iki XIX
amžiaus. T.1. 1980 m. darbo ataskaita (unpublished excavations
report). In: LIIR, f. 1, No. 906.
ŽULKUS, V, 1981c. Klaipėdos piliavietė. 1979 ir 1980 m.
archeologinių tyrimų ataskaita. T. 1. In: LIIR, f. 1, No. 873.
Literature
ARCHEOLOGINIŲ, 1994. Archeologinių tyrinėjimų ir
atsiskaitymo už juos bendrieji reikalavimai. In: Archeo-
loginiai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1992 ir 1993 metais. Vilnius:
leidykla Diemedis, 354-366.
DÖRING, J., 1882. Der Burgberg in Kommodern und der
Pilskaln an der Tatola, nebst Notizen über Ratten und Terwetten.
In: Sitzungsberichte der Kurländischen Gesellschaft
für Literatur und Kunst in Mitau. Mitau, 37-41.
GIRININKAS, A., 2009. Akmens amžius. In: Lietuvos archeologija,
I. Vilnius: Versus aureus.
HOŁUBOWICZ, W., 1950. Garncarstwo wiejskie zachodnich
terenów Białorusi. Toruń: Nakładem Towarzystwa
Naukowego.
KLAIPĖDOS, 2010. Klaipėdos pilies ir senamiesčio buitinė
keramika XIV a. vid. – XIX a. iš Mažosios Lietuvos istorijos
muziejaus rinkinių. Compilers R. Songailaitė, L.
Rutkaitienė. Klaipėda: Mažosios Lietuvos istorijos muziejus.
KRZYWICKI, L., 1917. Grodziska górno – litewskie.
Grodzisko na Górze Ościkowej pod Rakiszkami. In:
Pamiętnik fizyograficzny, XXIV/ V, 1-42.
KULIKAUSKAS, P., LUCHTANAS, A., 1980. Vilniaus
miesto archeologinės komisijos įkūrimas ir veikla 1911–
1914 metais. In: Lietuvos TSR aukštųjų mokyklų mokslo
darbai. Istorija, 20 (1), 97-109.
PUZINAS, J., 1938. Naujausių proistorinių tyrimų duomenys
(1919–1938 metų Lietuvos proistorinių tyrinėjimų
apžvalga. In: Senovė, 4. Kaunas, 175-303.
RIMANTIENĖ, R., 1989. Nida. Senųjų baltų gyvenvietė.
Vilnius: Mokslas.
TARASENKA, P., 1924. Gimtoji senovė (ieškojimas,
pažinimas ir apsaugojimas). Šiauliai: „Kultūros“
bendrovė.
TAUTAVIČIUS, A., 2000. Lietuvos archeologijos bibliografija
1782–1998. Vilnius: „Lietuvos pilys“.
UŠINSKAS, V. 1984. Tyrinėjimai Vilniuje, K. Giedrio
gatvėje. In: ATL 1982 ir 1983 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos
istorijos institutas, 118-121.
VAITKIAVICHIUS, G., KATALINAS, K., USHINSKAS,
V. 1985. Opyt formalizirovanogo opisaniia massovykh
arkheologicheskikh nakhodok. In: V.V. SEDOV, ed.
Arkheologiia i istorija Pskova i pskovskoi zemli. Pskov,
5-7.
VALATKA, V., 1974. Renavo (Mažeikių raj.) piliakalnis. In:
Archeologiniai ir etnografiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 1972
ir 1973 metais. Vilnius, 14-15.
VALICKIS, V., 1987. XVII a. I pusės keramikos rinkinys
iš Kaltanėnų. In: A. BĖKŠTA, compiler. Jaunųjų
muziejininkų konferencijos “Muziejai ir jų kolekcijos”
pranešimų tezės. Vilnius, 29-31.
VOLKAITĖ–KULIKAUSKIENĖ, R., 1986. Narkūnų
Didžiojo piliakalnio tyrinėjimų rezultatai) (Apatinis
kultūrinis sluoksnis). LA, 5, 5-49.
WILCZYŃSKI, F., 1836. Wędrówka do gór Utenesa,
xiążęcia Litwy zalożyciela Uciany. Tygodnik Petersburski,
93, 559-560.
ZABIELA, G., 1987. Keramikos fragmentų kolekcijos
aprašymo pagrindai. In: A. BĖKŠTA, compiler. Jaunųjų
muziejininkų konferencijos “Muziejai ir jų kolekcijos”
pranešimų tezės. Vilnius, 32-34.
ZABIELA, G., 1994. Velikuškių piliakalnio “kapai”. In: A.
GIRININKAS, ed. Gyvenviečių ir keramikos raida baltų
žemėse. Vilnius: Savastis, 46-60.
ZABIELA, G., 1998a. Šeimyniškėlių piliakalnio tyrinėjimai
1996 ir 1997 metais. In: ATL 1996 ir 1997 metais. Vilnius:
Lietuvos istorijos institutas, 115-119.
ZABIELA, G., 1998b. Grunto sijojimas archeologiniuose
kasinėjimuose. In: ATL 1996 ir 1997 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos
istorijos institutas, 525-527.
ZABIELA, G., 2010. Archeologinės keramikos apžvalga.
Radiniai Utenos krašte. In: V. NAVIKIENĖ, ed. Keramika
Utenos krašte. Kaunas: Arx Baltica, 27-43.
ZHOGAS, I,. 1900. Arkheologicheskiia zametki po Telshevskomu
uezdu. In: K. GUKOVSKIJ, compiler. Pamiatnaia
knizhka Kovenskoi gubernii na 1901 god. Kovno,
33-49.
ŽULKUS, V., 1981b. XVI–XIX a. Klaipėdos buitinės keramikos
klasifikacija. In: I. JUČIENĖ, ed. Archeologiniai
tyrimai Lietuvos miestų istoriniuose centruose. Vilnius,
38-39, 86-87.
ŽULKUS, V., 1997. Palangos viduramžių gyvenvietės. Acta
Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis, VI.
ŽULKUS, V., 2007. Palanga in the Middle Ages. Ancient settlements.
Vilnius: Versus aureus.
APPENDIX 1. BIBLIOGRAPHY
OF LITHUANIAN ARCHAEOLOGICAL
POTTERY
1965
1. MULEVIČIENĖ, I., 1965. Lietuvos X–XVI amžių kapinynų
keramika. MAD’A, 1(2), 41-58.
1966
2. DAUGUDIS, V., 1966. Nekotorye dannye o khronologii i
proiskhozhdenii keramiki s sherokhovatoi poverkhnost’iu
v Litve. In: Drevnosti Belorusii. Minsk,163-165.
3. DAUGUDIS, V., 1966. O nakhodkakh setchatoi keramiki
v Litve. In: Pronksiajast varase feodalismini. Tallinn, 38-
41.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
41

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
42
4. DANILAITĖ, E., 1966. Ankstyvosios brūkšniuotosios
keramikos kilmės klausimu. MAD’A, 2, 111-125.
1967
5. DANILAITĖ, E., 1967. Brūkšniuotoji keramika Lietuvoje.
In: Spalio revoliucija ir visuomeniniai mokslai Lietuvoje.
Vilnius, 229-231.
6. DANILAITĖ, E., 1967. Brūkšniuotosios keramikos
išnykimo Lietuvoje klausimu. MAD’A, 1, 35-50.
7. DANILAITĖ, E., 1967. Shtrikhovannaia keramika v Litve
(nekotorye dannye po voprosam ob etnogeneze litovtsev).
Avtoreferat kandidatskoi dissertatsii. Vil’nius.
1968
8. DANILAITĖ, E., 1968. Lietuvos brūkšniuotosios keramikos
ornamentas. MAD’A, 1, 41-57.
1971
9. RUŠAITE, E., 1971. Keramika gorodishch iugo-zapadnoi
chasti Litvy (po dannym issledovannykh gorodishch
v mestnostiakh Kaukai i Obelite Alitusskogo rajona).
In: Tezicy III-ei regional’noi studencheskoi arkheologoetnograficheskoi
konferentsii vuzov severo–zapada SSSR.
Riga, 53-54.
1980
10. GIRININKAS, A., 1980. Keramikos ornamentikos ypatumai
rytų Lietuvoje (pagal virvelinės ir Narvos kultūrų
keramiką). In: Jaunųjų istorikų darbai, 3. Vilnius, 94-96.
11. ŽULKUS, V., 1980. Klaipėdos senamiesčio archeologinių
tyrimų metu rastos keramikos analizės išvados. In: Istorijos
ir kultūros paminklų tyrimai ir restauravimas Lietuvos
TSR, 1976–1980. Vilnius, 34, 113, 174-175.
1981
12. JANKAUSKAS, A., 1981. Lietuvos TSR senamiesčių
statybinė keramika. In: Archeologiniai tyrimai Lietuvos
miestų istoriniuose centruose. Vilnius, 45-46, 93-94.
13. VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1981. XV–XVII a. buitinės keramikos
importas Vilniuje. In: Archeologiniai tyrimai Lietuvos
miestų istoriniuose centruose. Vilnius, 40-41, 88-89.
14. ŽULKUS, V., 1981. XVI–XIX a. Klaipėdos buitinės keramikos
klasifikacija. In: Archeologiniai tyrimai Lietuvos
miestų istoriniuose centruose. Vilnius, 38-39, 86-87.
1982
15. GIRININKAS, A., 1982. Razlichiia keramiki razvitogo
neolita v vostochnoi i zapadnoi v Litve. In: Drevnosti Belorusii.
Minsk, 19-27.
16. KUNCIENĖ, O., 1983. Grigiškių (Neravų, Trakų raj.)
pilkapyno radiniai (3. Keramika). MAD’A, 2, 50-60.
17. MIKAILA, V., VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1983. Kai kurie
Vilniaus XVI–XVII a. raudono molio plonasienės
keramikos tyrimai. In: Archeologinės ir numizmatinės
medžiagos komplektavimas ir konservavimas. Vilnius, 38-
40.
18. VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1982. Baltosios keramikos importas
Vilniuje XIV–XVII a.. In: Jaunųjų istorikų darbai,
4.Vilnius, 95-97.
1984
19. MIKAILA, V., VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1984. Kai kurie
duomenys apie importinę Kelcų keramiką Vilniuje. LIM,
1983, 5-16.
20. MIKAILA, V., SELIVANOVA, N.B., VAITKIAVIČIUS,
G., 1984. Issledovaniia bytovoi keramiki Vil’niusa XIV–
XVII vv. In: Komleksnye metody v izuchenii istorini s
drevneishikh vremen do nashikh dnei. Moskva, 72-73.
1985
21. VAITKIAVICHIUS, G., KATALINAS, K., USHINS-
KAS, V. 1985. Opyt formalizirovanogo opisaniia massovykh
arkheologicheskikh nakhodok. In: Arkheologiia i
istorija Pskova i pskovskoi zemli. Pskov, 5-7.
1987
22. MERKEVIČIUS, A., 1987. Stanaičių kapinyno keramika.
In: Jaunųjų istorikų darbai, 6. Vilnius, 85-87.
23. VALICKIS, V., 1987. XVII a. I pusės keramikos rinkinys
iš Kaltanėnų. In: Jaunųjų muziejininkų konferencijos
“Muziejai ir jų kolekcijos” pranešimų tezės. Vilnius, 29-
31.
24. ZABIELA, G., 1987. Keramikos fragmentų kolekcijos
aprašymo pagrindai. In: Jaunųjų muziejininkų konferencijos
“Muziejai ir jų kolekcijos” pranešimų tezės. Vilnius,
32-34.
1988
25. GIRININKAS, A., 1988. Brūkšniuotosios keramikos formavimasis
Rytų Lietuvoje. In: Aktualūs kultūros paminklų
tyrinėjimų uždaviniai. Vilnius, 16-25.
1989
26. Grigalavičienė, E., Brūkšniuotosios keramikos lokaliniai
variantai Lietuvoje. MAD’A, 3, 69-83.
1990
27. VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1990. Mesbauerio spektroskopijos
(MS) pritaikymas archeologinės keramikos tyrimuose,
būdų paieškos ir pagrindimas. In: Paminklotvarkos darbai
ir problemos. Vilnius, 68-69.
1992
28. DAUGUDIS, V., 1992. O rannei shtrikhovannoi keramike
v Litve. In: Arkheologiia i istorija Pskova i pskovskoi
zemli. Pskov, 93-94.

1993
29. BERTAŠIUS, M., 1993. Kauno vėlyvųjų viduramžių
keramika. Architektūros paminklai, 13, 13-18.
1994
30. GIRININKAS, A., 1994. Ornamentas – genties požymis.
In: Ornamentikos raida Rytų Lietuvoje. Pranešimų santrauka.
Vilnius, 8-9.
31. JUODAGALVIS, V., 1994. Kiaurasienės keramikos
klausimu. Kultūros paminklai, 1, 4-5.
32. JUODAGALVIS, V., 1994. Užnemunės neolito keramika.
In: A. GIRININKAS, ed. Gyvenviečių ir keramikos
raida baltų žemėse. Vilnius: Savastis, 148-152.
1996
33. POŠKIENĖ, J., 1996. Senųjų Trakų XIV a. keramika.
LIM, 1995, 15-28.
1999
34. JASIUKEVIČIUS, V., VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1999. XVII
a. kalkinio fajanso, rasto Vilniuje, tyrimai. LA, 18, 271-
282.
35. POŠKIENĖ, J., 1999. Senųjų Trakų pilies, senovės
gyvenvietės ir benediktinų vienuolyno buitinė keramika
(XIV a. – XVII a. pirmoji pusė). LIM, 1998, 5-23.
36. VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1999. Vilniaus buitinė keramika
(XIV–XVII a.). Daktaro disertacijos santrauka. Vilnius.
2000
37. GRINEVIČIŪTĖ, G. 2000. Virvelinė keramika Pietų Lietuvoje.
LA, 19, 109-124.
38. IRŠĖNAS, M., BUTRIMAS, A., 2000. Daktariškės
5–osios gyvenvietės keramikos su organinės kilmės
priemaišomis ornamentika. LA, 19, 125-138.
2002
39. BRAZAITIS, DŽ., 2002. Narviškos keramikos stiliai
Rytų Lietuvoje. LA, 23, 51-72.
40. POŠKIENĖ, J., Trakų pilių ir miesto viduramžių keramika
(XIV a. – XVI a. I pusė). Daktaro disertacijos santrauka.
Vilnius.
2004
41. BUTRIMAS, A., OSTRAUSKIENĖ, D., 2004. Biržulio
apyežerio neolito gyvenviečių virvelinė keramika.
Vilniaus dailės akademijos darbai. Kultūrinio landšafto
raida žemaičių aukštumoje, 34,121-144.
42. KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 2004. Kalniškių V–VI a. kapinyno
keramika. LA, 26, 9-28.
43. POŠKIENĖ, J., 2004. Trakų pilių ir miesto viduramžių
keramika. In: Miestų praeitis, 1. Vilnius, 125-173.
44. VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 2004. Puodininkystės profesionalizacija
XIV–XVII a. Vilniuje. In: Miestų praeitis, 1.
Vilnius, 175-276.
2005
45. BLIUJIENĖ, A., 2005. Baltų palaidojimo indai, arba kad
dūšia nejaustų troškulio. LA, 28, 81-96.
46. BLIUJIENĖ, A., 2005. Pottery in Curonian Cremation
Burials. Some Aspects of Interaction across the Baltic
Sea in the Late Viking Age and Early Medieval Period.
In: V. LANG, ed. Interarchaeologia 1. Culture and Material
Culture. Papers from the first seminar of the Baltic
archeaologists (BASE), held at the University of Tartu,
Estonia, October 17th–19th, 2003. Tartu–Riga–Vilnius,
147-166.
2007
47. VENGALIS, R., 2007. Grublėtoji keramika Rytų Lietuvoje.
LA, 32, 105-132.
2008
48. VENGALIS, R., 2008. Rytų Lietuvos keramika VIII–XII
a.. LA, 33, 41-70.
2010
49. KLAIPĖDOS PILIES ir senamiesčio buitinė keramika
XIV a. vid. – XIX a. Klaipėda: Mažosios Lietuvos istorijos
muziejus, 2010.
Received: 20 October 2011; Revised: 11 November 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Gintautas Zabiela
Klaipėda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region
History and Archaeology
Herkaus Manto St 84
LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania
E-mail: gzabiela@gmail.com
ARCHEOLOGINĖ KERAMIKA
LIETUVOJE: PIRMINIO
APDOROJIMO ASPEKTAS
GINTAUTAS ZABIELA
Santrauka
Keramikos šukės yra gausiausias tiek Lietuvos, tiek ir
daugelio kitų šalių archeologinis radinys. Iš VI tūkstantmečio
pr. Kr. – XX a. laikotarpio jų sukaupta
mažiausiai milijonas vienetų. Tačiau archeologinių
tyrimų ataskaitose jos apibūdinamos labai skirtingai.
Keramikos šukių pirminis apdorojimas archeologinių
tyrimų ataskaitose šiandien kelia daug problemų.
Jos susikaupė per visą ankstesnį archeologijos raidos
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
II
ARCHAEO-
LOGICAL
CERAMICS
43

Archaeological Ceramics in
Lithuania: Primary Processing
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
44
laikotarpį ir trukdo šias ataskaitas kaip pirminį šaltinį
tinkamai panaudoti būsimuose tyrimuose. Tokia padėtis
lėmė labai nedidelį Lietuvos archeologų domėjimąsi
keramika ir menką jos tyrimų lygį (žr. priedą – iki
2012 m. pasirodžiusių darbų archeologinės keramikos
tema bibliografiją). Paskiros labai detalios keramikos
studijos platesnio pobūdžio apibendrinimuose (pvz.,
V. Žulkaus darbas apie Palangos senąsias gyvenvietes)
padėties apskritai nekeičia.
Nors su keramikos liekanomis susidūrė jau pirmieji
Lietuvos archeologinio paveldo tyrinėtojai, iškasamos
keramikos šukės detalesnio tyrinėtojų dėmesio nusipelnė
tik nuo XIX a. pabaigos. Tik nuo XX a. 8-ojo
dešimtmečio pradėta visuotinai rinkti keramikos šukes.
Iki pat XX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio pradžios archeologinių
tyrimų ataskaitose vyravo tekstinis keramikos
šukių aprašymas. XX a. 9-ojo dešimtmečio pradžioje
tuometiniame Paminklų konservavimo institute susiformuoja
keramikos aprašymas lentelėmis (1, 3 pav.),
bandoma formalizuoti jos pakraštėlių aprašymą (2
pav.). Paskirų bandymų formalizuoti keramikos aprašymus
būta ir daugiau (4, 5 pav.). XX a. paskutiniame
dešimtmetyje keramikos šukių aprašymuose pradėtas
nurodyti jos svoris, naudojant skersmenų lentelę, dažniau
nustatomi indo angos ir dugno skersmenys. Tiek
tekstinis, tiek lentelių keramikos šukių aprašymo būdai
naudojami iki šiol.
Keramikos aprašymo lentelės apskritai yra pažangesnė
keramikos aprašymo forma, labiau standartizuota,
koncentruojanti informaciją ir taupanti vietą ataskaitoje.
Pagrindinis lentelių trūkumas iki šiol yra kiekvieno
tyrinėtojo naudojami skirtingi keramikos šukių apibūdinimo
požymiai, kurių, peržiūrėjus įvairias naudojamų
lentelių formas, galima suskaičiuoti net 36. Tai
spalva (išorės, vidaus, masės), dydis, storis (minimalus,
maksimalus), forma (pakraštėlio, dugno), priemaišos
(rūšis, dydis, gausumas), grupė, glazūra (spalva,
vieta, skaidrumas, blizgesys, storis), dažai, rūšis (indo,
indo dalies, technologinė, kultūrinė), skaičius, svoris,
ornamentas (technika, rūšis, matmenys, elementų kiekis,
vieta), skersmuo, deformacijos, žiedimo rievės,
išdegimas, būklė, ženklai, naudojimo žymės. Juos suskaidžius
dar smulkiau ir pridėjus archeologinės radinio
metrikos grafas, sukurta ir naudota net 104 grafų
keramikos aprašymo lentelė, kuri vis vien neatskleidžia
visos keramikos įvairovės, yra nepraktiška ir ilgai
pildoma.
Iš pirminio apdorojimo etape naudojamų minėtų 36 keramikos
šukės požymių išskirti 5 esminiai jos fiziniai
kriterijai (keramikos grupė, indo dalies rūšis, skersmuo,
skaičius, svoris). Šių kriterijų apibūdinimas yra
mažiausiai subjektyvus. Jų pagrindu sudaryta archeologinės
keramikos aprašymo lentelė (žr. jos pavyzdį)
yra archeologinių tyrimų ataskaitose pateikiamo pirminio
keramikos apdorojimo minimumas.
Tam tikrą problemą kelia keramikos šukės dydis, kuris
smarkiai įvairuoja priklausomai nuo įvairių indo dužimo,
tolesnio šukių pasklidimo, išlikimo sąlygų ir pačios
tyrimų metodikos. Šukių dydis lemia ir jų skaičių.
Atskira keramikos šuke laikomi didesni nei 0,25 cm 2
indo fragmentai. Jie visi inventorinami ir perduodami
saugoti. Tai būsimų detalesnių keramikos tyrimų materialinė
bazė. Mažesni keramikos fragmentai atskirai
neapskaitomi.
Archeologinių tyrimų ataskaitos lygyje pagrindinis
tyrinėtojo dėmesys turi būti kreipiamas nuo darbo su
atskira šuke į darbą su šukių grupėmis. Šis lygis tampa
privalomas visiems. Kitus lentelėje neapibūdintus
archeologinėje literatūroje svarbiais laikomus kriterijus
(pvz., briaunos profilis, ornamentas) ataskaitose
tikslinga pateikti mastelinio vaizdo forma (ateityje
naudojant 3D vaizdą) arba nuorodomis į atitinkamus
katalogus. Įgyvendinus šiuos principus, archeologinės
keramikos pažinimas žengtų į kokybiškai naują etapą.

III. FROM ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS AND
PIRACY TO TOWNS
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
47

New Data on Palanga
Stone Age Settlement
ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS
48
NEW DATA ON PALANGA
STONE AGE SETTLEMENT
ALGIRDAS GIRININKAS
Abstract
The aim of this article is to update the data on the research into Palanga settlement carried out in 1958, the objectives being
to publish the discovered material to its full extent, to determine the lithological and cultural layers of the settlement, and to
determine the cultural dependence of the communities that lived there. The following are used in the article: archaeological,
osteological and macrobotanical material, which is kept at Kretinga Museum and which has not been published till now; stratigraphy
of geological strata obtained during the drilling of geological boreholes; and radiocarbon dating of peat from the cultural
layer level. The natural and cultural landscape of the habitation period of Palanga Stone Age settlement is also presented.
Key words: Lithuania, Palanga, Late Mesolithic, Late Neolithic, Early Bronze Age, settlement, landscape.
Introduction
In August 1958, archaeological research into Palanga
Stone Age settlement was carried out in Palanga, at
the intersection of the present-day S. Daukanto and J.
Basanavičiaus streets, next to the left bank of the River
Rąžė (Fig. 1). The research was conducted following
the discovery of animal bones, amber and individual
archaeological artefacts during maintenance work
on the bed of the River Rąžė. The archaeological research
was headed by Ona Navickaitė (O. Kuncienė)
(Navickaitė 1958). An area of 105 square metres was
investigated, in which archaeological artefacts dating
from various periods were found in the peat layer.
The results of the investigations are presented in the
archaeological research report by Navickaitė. Pranas
Kulikauskas wrote about these investigations in 1959
(Kulikauskas 1959, pp.33-41). The artefacts found in
Palanga are mentioned in works by Rimvydas Kunskas
(Kunskas 2005, p.23f), R. Rimantienė (Rimantienė
1996, pp.120, 134-136), Vladas Žulkus (Žulkus 2007),
Algirdas Girininkas (Girininkas, 2009, pp.125, 167,
174, 198) and Marija Vaitkunskaitė (Vaitkunskaitė,
1958).
Upon revision of the material of Palanga Stone Age
settlement kept at Kretinga Museum it has turned out
that the inventory discovered in the settlement was not
published to its full extent by P. Kulikauskas. Besides,
the interpretation of the material does not correspond
with present-day standards of archaeological research.
For this reason, in this article we will present a new
stratigraphy of the Palanga settlement, a chronology of
the material, a typology and its cultural dependence, as
well as all the material from Palanga Stone Age settlement,
and attempt to reconstruct the natural environment
in which the communities of the Mesolithic and
the Early Bronze periods once lived.
The stratigraphy of the settlement
and the palaeogeography
of the surroundings
According to O. Navickaitė, the researcher of the
Palanga settlement, in Palanga in 1958, at the intersection
of J. Basanavičiaus and S. Daukanto streets, there
was a rubbish dump 50 centimetres thick. Under the
site of the dump, at a depth of 25 to 30 centimetres, a
peat layer was discovered in which, as the author of the
investigations claims, all the known finds were found.
Under the peat layer there was a cobbled pavement,
and then further down sand.
This stratigraphy and the findspot of the items contradict
the reality, for the simple reason that the crevices
in dirty flint artefacts from the Palanga settlement contain
sand, and not peat. Therefore, the items found at
this site were not contained in peat alone, and this fact
indicates that the artefacts might have been recovered
from several lithological layers. Furthermore, the typological
chronological classification given by P. Kulikauskas
of the bone artefacts does not correspond
with the present-day Stone Age typology. It is believed
that the fixation of the finds during the investigation of
the settlement was not accurate or detailed. The stratigraphy
of the settlement does not indicate whether peat
or sand was contained between the cobblestones, or
what kind of sand and peat it was.
The geological boreholes which were drilled in the vicinity
of the Palanga Stone Age settlement can supplement
the palaeogeography of the settlement (Fig. 1).
On the basis of available research data (borehole No
70, latitude 55º 55’ 26.02’’, longitude 21º 03’ 30.83’’),
we can claim that the River Rąžė flowed into a lagoon,
because on the right-hand side of the river, under a
layer of yellowish grey, and here and there grey sand,

Fig. 1. The sites of the Palanga settlement and geological boreholes (according to J. Satkūnas and A. Bitinas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
49

New Data on Palanga
Stone Age Settlement
ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS
50
1.8 to 2.7 metres thick, there is a layer of peaty sand
and peat. Under this layer, at a depth of 2.7 to 2.9 metres,
there are deposits of sandy sapropel containing the
remains of trees and grass. The peat taken for radioisotope
analysis from a depth of 2.75 to 2.9 metres (the
bottom layer of peat) is dated (Vs1290) 3600±60 BP
(2010BC) (Satkūnas, Bitinas 2004). 1
According to data from the State Geological Information
System (GEOLIS), borehole No 10449 (longitude
21º 3’ 52.7’’, latitude 55º 54’ 59.1’’) (Fig. 1) was drilled
on the left-hand side of the bank of the River Rąžė, in
the centre of the town of Palanga, at a distance of about
300 metres southeast of the intersection of S. Daukanto
and J. Basanavičiaus streets, which were investigated
in 1958, and 75 metres west of the intersection of Vytauto
and J. Basanavičiaus streets. The data obtained
from the borehole shows that there are deposits of grit
at a depth of 0.6 to 1.8 metres, clay at a depth of 1.8
to 3.4 metres, and then, at a greater depth, deposits of
greyish clay containing boulders. This indicates that
from the intersection of Vytauto and J. Basanavičiaus
streets to the point where the River Rąžė flowed into
the lagoon, the river flowed round moraine from the
southern side. This fact leads us to the assumption that
the cobbled pavement found under a layer of peat as
mentioned in O. Navickaitė-Kuncienė’s report might
actually be stones from undercut moraine. The moraine
might also have been undercut by the Baltic Sea
during one of the littoral transgressions.
On the basis of the available data, we can reconstruct
the environment of the Palanga Stone Age settlement
(Fig. 2). The geological data available indicates that
the settlement existed during the period of the former
regression of the Limnaean Sea, around 4,200 to 4,000
BP, or slightly later, at the beginning of the second
transgression of the Limnaean Sea. The Palanga settlement
might have been situated at the mouth of the
River Rąžė, or not far from it, next to the edge of a moraine
hill bordering a small lagoon lake. The latter lake
was characterised by a wide diversity of lake flora and
fauna. By that time, the accumulation of a peat layer
had already started in the lagoon lake. The peat layer
might have been thickest in the western part of the
lake. This claim is supported by the aforementioned
radiocarbon dating of the peat. The settlement was
situated in a more ancient site, inhabited by humans
as early as the Late Mesolithic Period. During the Late
Mesolithic Period, the terrace slope of the Littorina Sea
within the boundaries of the town of Palanga was situated
not far from the terrace slope of the Baltic Glacial
Lake. Within this strip, the Littoral Sea accumulated
the moraine formed during the post-glacial period.
1 14 Peat C radiocarbon dating calibration was performed
after M. Stuiver and P.J. Reimer (1998, pp.1022-1030).
Therefore, the Mesolithic settlement that was situated
at the intersection of Vytauto and J. Basanavičiaus
streets and on the moraine hill extending farther to the
west at the beginning of the transgression of the Littorina
Sea might have been partially destroyed by the
process of erosion and undercutting by water during
littoral transgressions.
The interpretation of the archaeological material is also
complicated, because first of all we must reconstruct
the situation, which would explain where the archaeological
finds were discovered. From O. Navickaitė’s
notes (Navickaitė 1958), it becomes clear that part of
the osteological material, including a horn axe made
of elk antler, was found among stones, which were
formed in the process of moraine erosion and undercutting.
The flint artefacts must have been found in the
lower part of the layer of stones, which was in contact
with alluvial sand. All the latter artefacts are dated to
the Late Mesolithic Period. In the course of the reconstruction
of the stratigraphy, it becomes clear that the
finds from the Late Mesolithic Period might have been
found among and under stones, as the Late Mesolithic
settlement was undercut by water during a littoral
transgression (Fig. 3).
The finds discovered by the aforementioned researcher
of the settlement and dated to the Neolithic period, and
which were found in the lower part of the peat layer
above the remains of undercut moraine, might have
appeared there in the transition period from the Late
Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age. Finds from the Late
Neolithic and the Early Bronze Period, as well as quite
large pieces of natural amber, might have appeared in
the recently formed lagoon and on the bank of the River
Rąžė, which flowed into the lagoon, at a time when
the water level became higher and the process of peat
formation began at the edge of the former moraine. At
that time, the lagoon shore and the banks of the River
Rąžė, which flowed into the lagoon, were convenient
dwelling sites. Four pieces of log with trimmed ends
(3.2, 1.6, 0.9 and 0.6 metres in length, and 30 and 15
centimetres in diameter) found there indicate that there
might have been structures built of timber, but undercut
by water at a later time, standing in that place.
The finds and their dating
Finds from the Late Mesolithic settlement
There are six flint artefacts dated to the Late Mesolithic
Period. One of them belongs to the lower part of a cone
crusher (Fig. 4:3), whereas the remaining artefacts are
made from regular-shaped blades or parts of them. The
angular cutter (Fig. 4.1) was made from a part of a
broken blade. Only the lower parts of the blades were

Fig. 2. A palaeogeographical reconstruction of the surroundings of the Palanga settlement (prepared by A. Girininkas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
51

New Data on Palanga
Stone Age Settlement
ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS
52
Fig. 3. A reconstructed
stratigraphy of the Palanga
settlement (prepared
by A. Girininkas).
Fig. 4. Flint artefacts of the Palanga Late Mesolithic
cultural layer: 1 a cutter; 2 a blade; 3 part of a crusher;
4 a scraper; 5, 6 knives (drawings by A. Girininkas).

Fig. 5. The lower part of a spear point from the Žemaitiškė
2 settlement (drawing by A. Girininkas).
Fig. 6. 1 a flint gouge; 2 a flint axe; 3 a stone axe (photograph
by A. Girininkas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
53

New Data on Palanga
Stone Age Settlement
ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS
54
surviving from two artefacts (Fig. 4.5-6) which might
have been used as knives, whereas on one side of the
third blade, a more massive one, the distinct blade of a
scraper has been formed (Fig. 4.4). The upper part of
one of the blades resembles the tip of a lancet-shaped
head (Fig. 4.2). In terms of the production technique,
the collection of flint artefacts is similar to artefacts of
Mesolithic Neman culture found in settlements of the
Samogitian Upland (Dreniai, Biržulis isthmus) (Ostrauskas
1996, p.196ff), and can be dated to the Late
Mesolithic.
An axe with a cut-out hole for the shaft made of part of
an elk antler can also be dated to the Late Mesolithic
Period (Plate I.1). The length of the axe is 32.2 centimetres,
and its diameter is 4.3 centimetres. In terms of
its shape and production method, the horn axe is similar
to the axe found in Šarnelė (Valatka 1968, p.39ff),
as well as to the Late Mesolithic horn axes found in
Ražiškiai (Kaunas district), Mokolai (Marijampolė district)
(Puzinas 1938, Fig. 4) and Smurgainiai (Belarus)
(Cherniavski 1992, p.117; Girininkas 2009, p.100ff).
In terms of the typology of the artefacts, the artefacts
found in the alluvial sand and among stones in the
Palanga Stone Age settlement can be dated to the Late
Mesolithic.
Artefacts from the Late Mesolithic and Early Bronze
Age settlement
In the Palanga settlement, the artefacts dated to this
period were found in the lower part of the peat layer.
A 10.2-centimetre-long bone cone-shaped arrowhead
was found in the settlement. The part between the
tang and the tip is decorated with net-shaped incisions,
which run around the arrowhead as a horizontal
band. The tip is decorated with six cruciform incisions
(Fig. 6.1). Cone arrowheads with similar decoration
have been found in the settlements of Kretuonas 1,
Žemaitiškė 2 (Švenčionys district) (Girininkas 1990,
p.96), and the area around Lake Lubans (eastern Latvia)
(Vankina 1999, Fig. LXXXIII), which are dated to
the same period, that is, the end of the Late Neolithic.
Only the tip has survived of the second cone arrowhead
(Plate I.2).
A single piece of a spear point, the lower part 16.1 centimetres
in length and made of an elk foot bone, was
found (Fig. 5). Similar spear points made of elk foot
bones have also been found in the Žemaitiškė 2 settlement
(Girininkas 1990, p.37).
A dagger 16.3 centimetres in length and made of an elk
radius (Plate I.3.1) has analogues in all the Late Neo-
lithic settlements of Lithuania and Latvia (Girininkas
1990, p.35; Loze 1979, Fig. XXX.6-8).
Chisels used to be made of deer palm bones (Plate
I.3.2-3), or the tubular bones of other huntable animals.
The length of the first chisel is 8.2 centimetres,
and of the second one 14.9 centimetres. Chisels used
to be made in a similar manner in other Late Neolithic
settlements of the eastern Baltic Sea region (Girininkas
1990, p.84).
In the Palanga settlement, in the transition period from
the Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age, elk antler
was used to make hafted axes (Plate I.4). The length
of one axe is 12.7 centimetres, and the width at the
blade is six centimetres. The length of the other axe
is 19.6 centimetres, and the width at the blade is four
centimetres. Similar artefacts made of parts of an antler
split lengthwise are found in nearly all the settlements
in the eastern Baltic Sea region from the transition period
from the Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age
(Girininkas 2009, p.169).
Imported flint artefacts were also found in the settlement.
These include a small gouge, the shape of which
resembles that of bone and horn gouges, and an axe of
quadrangle cross-section (Fig. 6.1,3), which is similar
to axes of Type K1a (Piličiauskas 2008, p.18), and can
be dated to no later than the late third millennium BC.
A stone axe with a lens-shaped cross-section was also
found among bone and horn artefacts (Fig. 6.2). It is
11.3 centimetres long and 4.6 centimetres wide at the
blade, and it resembles flint axes of lens-shaped crosssection
axes, which are also dated to the end of the Late
Neolithic and the Early Bronze Age.
In terms of the typology of the artefacts and the time
of their production, all the artefacts found in the lower
part of the peat layer in the Palanga settlement are contemporaneous,
and dated to the boundary between the
third and the second millennium BC.
Osteological material and macrobotanical remains
The horn axe with a cut-out hole for the shaft found in
the Late Mesolithic cultural layer of the Palanga settlement
was made of elk antler.
In the cultural layer of the transition period from the
Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age, the majority of
work tools and tools intended for hunting were made
from parts of an elk skeleton. The number of artefacts
made of wild boar and deer bones, and the number of
skeleton bones is nearly identical (Table 1). A single
seal bone was identified: this indicates that the inhabit-

ants hunted not only forest fauna, but also seals on the
coast.
Only from stories told by the archaeologists involved
in the research of the Palanga settlement is it known
that fishbones, too, were found there. However, the
bones were not collected.
On the basis of the osteological material available,
we can see that in other settlements of the Lithuanian
coastal area from the same period, the distribution of
species of huntable animals was similar (Daugnora,
Girininkas 2004, p.113ff).
Table 1. Osteological material found
in the cultural layer of the transition
period from the Late Neolithic to
the Early Bronze Age in the Palanga
settlement (the lower part of the peat
layer) (compiled by L. Daugnora)
Animal species Number of
artefacts per
animal species
Skeleton
parts/ MIS
Total
Elk/Alces alces 6 5/3 11
Deer/Cervus
elaphus
2 3/2 5
Wild boar/Sus
scrofa
3 2/2 5
Seal/Phocidae - 1/1 1
Unidentified - 5 5
Total 11 16 27
In the cultural layer of the Palanga settlement of the
transition period from the Late Neolithic to the Early
Bronze Age, hazelnuts (Corylus avellana), acorns
(Quercus robur L.) and pine cones (Pinus sp.) were
found.
Discussion
Until now, the material from the Palanga settlement
has been dated to a variety of periods, and attributed
to different cultures. P. Kulikauskas, who was the
first researcher to publish data on the settlement, indicated
that the arrowhead that was found (Plate I.2)
might originate from the Mesolithic Period (Kulikauskas
1959, p.39), and the rest of the material from later
times, the third to the second millennium BC. He did
not take into consideration at all the dating of the horn
axe, and only to a very small degree the stratigraphy of
the settlement. R. Rimantienė indicated that the Palanga
settlement can be attributed to Narva culture, and
part of the material might belong to the Early or Middle
Neolithic (Rimantienė 1996, pp.120, 134-136). She
does not indicate what criteria and what typology made
it possible to date the Palanga settlement like this.
On the basis of material from the Palanga settlement
published in various publications, it has not been possible
to get a complete picture to enable us to define an
accurate chronological and cultural dependence of the
finds. As has been mentioned above, the axe made of
elk antler (Plate I.4) has analogues in material from the
east Baltic Sea region and northern Europe dated to the
Mesolithic Period. Beside analogues found in Lithuania
and Belarus, identical axes or pickaxes are known
from Late Mesolithic settlements in England (Tolan-
Smith 2008, p.149), as well as in material from Late
Mesolithic settlements or burial grounds in southern
Scandinavia (Clark 1936, p.111, Fig. 40; Larson 1984,
p.33). More often than not, artefacts of this kind were
made of deer or elk antler.
On the basis of the Late Mesolithic flint artefacts found
in the Palanga settlement, we can claim that Mesolithic
Neman culture extended right up to the coast of the
Baltic Sea. At present, in addition to the Palanga settlement,
two more findspots dated to the Mesolithic
Period are known in the Baltic Sea coastal area. These
are the former settlements of Būtingė (Palanga) and
Šilmeižiai (Šilutė district), in which artefacts dated to
the Late Mesolithic have also been found (Girininkas,
Zabiela 2005, p.302ff).
Recently, the Late Mesolithic findspots in Palanga,
Būtingė and Šilmeižiai are considered to be the earliest
complexes of prehistoric artefacts in the Lithuanian
coastal area. As yet, the topography of Early Mesolithic
and Early Neolithic monuments in the eastern Baltic
Sea region remains unclear. It should be assumed that
monuments of the Early Mesolithic Period attributed
to the Pulli stage of Kunda culture should be situated
in the coastal areas of the former Yoldia Sea, which
are localised by V. Žulkus at a distance of three to four
kilometres from the present-day coast of the Baltic Sea
(Žulkus 2010, p.425ff). Meanwhile, the Early Neolithic
settlement might also be located below the presentday
coast of the Baltic Sea, when the water level was
lower than the present-day Baltic Sea level at the end
of the Atlantic Period, between L 2 and L 3 transgression
(Gelumbauskaitė 2009, p.33).
In the east Baltic Sea region, cone-shaped arrowheads
decorated with net-shaped or cruciform incisions
should be dated to the second half of the third millennium
BC: they are found in settlements of Late Narva
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
55

New Data on Palanga
Stone Age Settlement
ALGIRDAS
GIRININKAS
56
culture and Late Pit-Comb Ware culture. An interesting
fact is that in the entire vast east Baltic Sea area, the
sign system found on cone-shaped arrowheads is nearly
identical: it consists of net-shaped horizontal rows
that run around the arrowhead at its widest place between
the tang and the tip, whereas cruciform incisions
form vertical rows, which are sometimes connected by
double parallel lines (Girininkas 1990, p.96; Vankina
1999, Fig.LXXXIII). This sign system was known and
used for a rather short period of time, in the second half
of the third millennium BC; however, the purpose of
this sign system is not yet clear.
In the entire area of Late Narva culture, bone gouges
intended mostly for timber processing were made from
the tubular bones of huntable animals; sometimes, such
gouges had blades at both ends. Quite often, the blades
were ground, whereas the tool itself was secured in a
wood or horn sleeve.
Neither of the axes, stone or flint, found in the Palanga
settlement were produced locally. The stone axe is
made of a dark imported stone, and has a cross-section
of an irregular lens, with one side slightly bulging, and
the other side flat. It is similar to flint axes of Type
D6a (Piličiauskas 2008, p.18), which can be dated to
the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, that is, the first
quarter of the second millennium BC. As has been
mentioned above, the flint axe is similar to Type K1a
in terms of its shape, the only difference being that the
butt of the latter is rounded. The latter axe might have
been made of raw erratic flint.
Just like the flint axe, the flint artefact of a quadrangular
cross-section that resembles a small chisel and
which was found in the settlement, is made of the same
sort of flint, that is, a whitish erratic flint. On the basis
of similar artefacts found in the settlement, we can date
the small chisel to the late third millennium BC.
It can be assumed that the researchers who excavated
the settlement in 1959 might not have noticed pottery,
because the research was conducted in rather a hurry,
and the pottery might have been poorly preserved.
Conclusions
1. The Palanga settlement is attributed to two chronological
periods: Late Mesolithic and Late Neolithic/
Early Bronze Age. The artefacts of the Late Mesolithic
Period might belong to Late Neman (Janislawice) culture,
whereas the cultural layer of the transition period
from Late Neolithic to the Early Bronze Age might
have been left behind by a community of Late Narva
culture.
2. The settlement of the Late Mesolithic Period was situated
at the edge of a moraine next to the River Rąžė;
during one of the earlier transgressions of the Littorina
Sea, this moraine was undercut and partially destroyed
by erosion. During the transition period from the Late
Neolithic to the Bronze Age, people who left an expressive
trace of their way of living settled above the
washed-off moraine, which was already covered with
washed-up or wind-blown sand. At the time they were
living there, during the regression of the Limnaean
Sea, the peat formation process might have started in
this area: this accounts for the fact that items of organic
origin were preserved in the cultural layer.
3. The inventory of the Palanga Late Mesolithic settlement
is the earliest one in the Lithuanian sector of
the Baltic Sea. Settlements of the Early Neolithic and
the Early Mesolithic periods can only be discovered in
the present-day sector of the Baltic Sea coast by conducting
research into the underwater landscape of the
Baltic Sea.
Acknowledgement
The author expresses his sincere gratitude to Donatas
Butkus, the archaeologist of Kretinga Museum, for the
opportunity to review the material of the Palanga settlement
that has not yet been published.
Abbreviation
LA – Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius (since 1979–).
References
Manuscript
NAVICKAITĖ, O., 1958. Palangos akmens-žalvario amžių
gyvenvietės tyrinėjimų dienoraštis. 1958 m. liepos mėn.
21 – rugpjūčio mėn. 4 d. (unpublished excavation report).
In: Institute of Lithuanian History Archive, file. 75.
Literature
CHERNIAVSKI, М.М., 1992. Drevneishye rogovye izdelia
iz pod Smorgoni. LA, 9, 116-120.
CLARK, J.G.D., 1936. The Mesolithic settlement of Northern
Europe. Cambridge: University Press.

DAUGNORA, L., GIRININKAS A., 2004. Rytų Pabaltijo
bendruomenių gyvensena XI–II tūkst. pr. Kr. Kaunas:
Lietuvos veterinarijos akademijos leidykla.
GELUMBAUSKAITĖ, L.Ž., 2009. Character of sea level
changes in the subsiding south–eastern Baltic Sea during
Late Quaternary. Baltica, 22.1, 23-36.
GIRININKAS, A., 1990. Kretuonas: Vidurinis ir vėlyvasis
neolitas. LA, 7.
GIRININKAS, A., 2009. Akmens amžius. In: Lietuvos archeologija,
1. Vilnius: Versus aureus.
GIRININKAS, A., ZABIELA, G., 2005. Žvalgomieji
tyrinėjimai Žemaičių Naumiesčio apylinkėse. In: Archeo-
loginiai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2002 metais. Vilnius: Diemedis,
302-307.
KULIKAUSKAS, P., 1959. Naujai aptikta akmens-žalvario
amžių gyvenvietė Palangoje. Lietuvos TSR mokslų akademijos
darbai, A, 2(7), 33-41.
KUNSKAS, R., 2005. Šventosios ir Palangos lagūninio ežero
ekosistema neolito laikotarpiu. In: R. RIMANTIENĖ, Akmens
amžiaus žvejai prie Pajūrio lagūnos. Vilnius: Lietuvos
nacionalinis muziejus, 23-34.
LARSSON, L., 1984. The Skateholm Project. A Late Mesolithic
Settlement and Cemetery Complex at a Southern
Swedish Bay. In: B. STJERNQUIST, ed. Papers the Archaeological
Institute University of Lund 1983-1984, 5,
5-38.
LOZE, I. A., 1979. Pozdnii neolit i ranniaia bronza Lubanskoi
ravniny. Riga: Zinatne.
OSTRAUSKAS, T., Vakarų Lietuvos mezolitas. LA, 14, 192-
212.
PILIČIAUSKAS, G., 2008. The Flint Industry in the South-
East Baltic, 2900-1700 BC, on the Evidence of the Studies
of Polished Flint Axes. Summary of Doctoral Dissertacion.
Klaipėda-Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos instituto leidykla.
PUZINAS, J., 1938. Naujausių proistorinių tyrinėjimų duomenys
(1918–1938 metų Lietuvos proistorinių tyrinėjimų
apžvalga). Kaunas: atspausta iš Senovės IV.
RIMANTIENĖ, R., 1996. Akmens amžius Lietuvoje (antrasis
papildytas leidimas). Vilnius: Žiburio leidykla.
SATKŪNAS, J., BITINAS, A., 2004. Baltijos jūros Lietuvos
krantų geologinis atlasas. Gręžinių pjūvių aprašymai, III
part, volume, I, borehole 70. Vilnius.
TOLAN-SMITH, CH., 2008. Mesolithic Britain. In:
G. BAILLEY & P. SPIKINS, eds. Mesolithic Europe.
Cambridge: University Press, 132-157.
STUIVER, M., and REIMER, P. J., 1986. A computer
program for radiocarbon age calibration. Radiocarbon
28,1022-1030.
VALATKA, V., 1968. Šarnelės stovykla. In: Muziejai ir paminklai.
Vilnius, 39-42.
VAITKUNSKAITĖ, M., 1958. Įdomūs radiniai Ronžės
upėje. Stalinietis (Kretinga), 17 September, 4.
VANKINA, L., 1999. The collection of Stone Age Bone and
Antler Artefacts from Lake Lubāna. In: Latvijas vēstures
muzeja raksti, 4, Rīga: N.I.M.S.
ŽULKUS, V., 2007. Palanga in the Middle Ages. Ancient
Settlements. Vilnius: Versus Aureus.
ŽULKUS, V., 2010. Search for Mesolithic Landscapes in
Lithuanian territorial waters. Geologica Balcanica, XIX
Congress of the Carpathian Balkan Geological Association,
Thessaloniki. Abstracts Volume, 39.1-2, 425-426.
Received: 14 October 2011; Revised: 10 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Algirdas Girininkas
Klaipėda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region
History and Archaeology
Herkaus Manto St 84
LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania
E-mail: sakaliske@gmail.com
NAUJI DUOMENYS APIE
PALANGOS AKMENS AMŽIAUS
GYVENVIETĘ
ALGIRDAS GIRININKAS
Santrauka
Palangos gyvenvietė yra dviejų chronologinių laikotarpių:
vėlyvojo mezolito ir vėlyvojo neolito-ankstyvosios
bronzos. Vėlyvojo mezolito laikotarpio dirbiniai
gali priklausyti vėlyvajai Nemuno (Janislavicų) kultūrai,
o vėlyvojo neolito-ankstyvosios bronzos laikotarpio
kultūrinis sluoksnis galėjo būti paliktas vėlyvosios
Narvos kultūros bendruomenės (4; 6 pav.; I iliustr.).
Vėlyvojo mezolito laikotarpio gyvenvietė buvo įsikūrusi
prie Rąžės upelio esančios morenos pakraštyje,
kuri vienos iš ankstyvesnių Litorinos jūros
transgresijos metu buvo paplauta-apardyta. Vėlyvojo
neolito-ankstyvosios bronzos laikotarpiu virš nuplautos
morenos, bet jau ant užplauto ar užpustyto virš jos
smėlio, apsigyveno žmonės, kurie paliko išraiškingą
savo gyvensenos pėdsaką. Jų gyvensenos metu – Limnėjos
regresijos laikotarpiu – ši teritorija galėjo pradėti
durpėti, todėl kultūriniame sluoksnyje esantys organinės
kilmės daiktai išliko (1; 3 pav.).
Palangos vėlyvojo mezolito gyvenvietės inventorius
yra ankstyviausias Lietuvos Baltijos jūros ruože.
Ankstyvojo neolito ir ankstyvojo mezolito laikotarpių
gyvenviečių dabartinės Baltijos jūros pakrantės ruože
aptikti galima tik tyrinėjant Baltijos jūros povandeninį
kraštovaizdį – buvusias jūros pakrantes.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
57

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
58
SETTLEMENTS AND PIRACY
ON THE EASTERN SHORE OF THE BALTIC SEA:
THE MIDDLE AGES TO MODERN TIMES
VLADAS ŽULKUS
Abstract
In the 12th century, the Curonians dwelt in the east Baltic region between the Rīga area in the north and Klaipėda in the south.
They reached the peak of their economic, political and cultural achievements in the 11th century and the first half of the 12th
century. The roots of piracy as a phenomenon have a social character. The most active period of the Curonian Vikings begins
in around the mid-tenth century, and lasts until the arrival of the Germans in the 13th century. The well-organised piracy of the
Curonians became dangerous to navigation on an important maritime trading route along the east Baltic coast. The Curonians
attacked traders’ boats, robbed coastal churches, devastated Danish and Swedish coastal areas, and even stayed for a while.
In the times of the Teutonic Order, in periods of diplomatic and military conflict or trading competition, even officials did
not avoid robbery at sea. The Palanga coastal population used to plunder shipwrecked boats, and went marauding in coastal
waters until the middle of the 18th century.
Key words: Curonians, Vikings, piracy, Lithuania, Samland, Livonia, Klaipėda, Palanga.
Introduction
The subject of this research is piracy by one of the
Baltic tribes, the Curonians. Piracy in modern times
is reviewed in the area of the Curonian cultural legacy,
that is, in modern Lithuania. The seventh century is
treated as the time of the formation of Curonian territory,
when related coastal cultures, which existed between
modern Klaipėda (Memel) and Liepāja (Libau),
united (Michelbertas 1989, p.18; Tautavičius 1996,
pp.77, 85; Atgāzis 2001). Around the tenth century,
the northern boundary of Curonian territory lay close
to the River Tebra (Mugurēvičs 1987, p.64, Fig. 11;
1997, p.78). From the 11th century, the Curonians
started expanding northwards, and finally reached
Vendian territories in the lower reaches of the River
Venta, 1 penetrating swiftly into Livonian territories up
to the Bay of Rīga. The character of Curonian centres,
which began to emerge in Livonian territory from the
11th century, was surely a type of colonisation (Аsaris
1997; Mugurēvičs 1997, p.78; Žulkus 2004). Around
the 12th century, the Curonians lived and controlled
the coastal waters along the eastern Baltic for a stretch
of almost 500 kilometres.
The roots of piracy are social. A favourable social environment
for piracy and marauding was bred by an
immature or crisis-ridden society. Marauding on the
open seas and in coastal waters (as well as overland)
has existed in human society from time immemorial up
1 The Vendians withdrew to the lower reaches of the River
Daugava and later, pursued by the Curonians, settled
in Latgalia, around modern Cesis (in Latvian Cēsis, in
German Wenden).
to modern times; therefore, looking at piracy in such
different periods does not undermine our research.
Sometimes piracy was determined more by economic,
ideological and confessional factors, sometimes by
political factors. The social phenomenon of piracy
becomes more distinct in exactly this context. Piracy
satisfied the needs of a certain part of society, and these
needs were identical in their nature, but different in
their content. For some, it was a question of survival;
for others it was a chance to make a fortune, to become
a person with influence and power.
In the archaeological and historical context, organised
marauding among tribal Baltic societies seemed to
have no links with territorial expansion, and is traced
from the fifth to the sixth centuries. Archaeological
data about Baltic societies from the fifth to the sixth
centuries enables us to trace a rather influential, rich,
well-organised, less dependent on the community and
relatively democratic social layer – companionship (in
German Gefolgschaft) (Žulkus 2004). In Taurapilis,
the barrow graves of a ‘duke’ and his retinue, dating
from the second half of the fifth century and the early
sixth century, were discovered. They differed significantly
from others, as they were buried with horses,
and a huge amount of weapons and precious ornaments
(Tautavičius 1981). Similar graves of ‘dukes’ or their
companions from the fifth to the sixth centuries were
also discovered in other sites (Šimėnas 1992; 1994;
2006, p.110ff; Vaitkunskienė 1995, p.163ff). According
to Vladimir I. Kulakov, in Prussia companionship,
as an exclusive tribal layer, not bound by tradition with

other tribesmen, formed in the seventh century (Kulakov
1994, p.148).
This second companionship formation stage in Baltic
tribes took place in the tenth to 11th centuries. It
then matured to a significantly influential social layer.
When speaking about two periods of the formation of
companionship, the fifth to the sixth century, and the
tenth to the 11th century, an exception is to be made
for the Curonians.
Rapidly spreading Viking-type piracy, marauding
rather than trading, was copied by the Curonians from
the Scandinavians, and it stimulated the existence of
companionship oriented towards marauding overland
and on the open seas. Most likely, the longue durée
of companionship in the communities of coastal Curonians
and Prussians was established through piracy.
In the eighth century, Curonian pirates already used to
reach the Swedish coast. They represented a companionship-type
social layer. According to Blomkvist, the
Curonians could arrange flotillas for their naval campaigns
in the way the Scandinavian ledung was organised
(Blomkvist 2005b, p.85).
The correspondence with Scandinavia is evident: until
the end of the ninth and the beginning of the tenth century
(before the formation of ‘royal companionships’)
‘Viking companionships’ (militaries from small territories,
driving the ‘plunder economy’) were a substantial
power (Blomkvist 1998, p.15).
A similar nature of traditional companionship and
pirates is illustrated by a passage from a saga about
Egil (the son of Ragnar). ‘He lived like a grandee. In
the summer time he would go marauding and become
wealthy, thus subsisting his men.’ This important passage
is known from the Knytlinga saga (2002, p.48).
Like the Scandinavians, the Curonian warriors, rallied
by the richer and more influential members of their
communities, would operate as pirates in their own
and foreign coastal waters. Around the seventh to the
eighth centuries, separate, rather independent territories,
existing in different economic conditions, formed
in the Curonian lands. Five ‘Curonian kingdoms’ that
might have existed in the middle of the ninth century
are mentioned by Rimbertus in Vita Anskarii. Therefore,
the different role of Curonian groups in the Battle
of Brávellir around 750 is understandable. Saxo
Gramaticus wrote that some Curonians were fighting
on the Swedish side, whereas others were marauding
in Swedish coastal territories at the same time
(Mickevičius 2004, pp.107ff, 150).
The Curonians reached the peak of their economic,
political and cultural achievements in the 11th century
and the first half of the 12th century. A segmentation
of Curonian society and a strengthening of the social
identity in the upper social strata became apparent.
The conditions that permitted affluent people to be
distinguished were the appearance of the institution
of private ownership and the tradition of inheriting
property and social position. This stratum of medieval
nouveaux riches was already forming earlier within
society. The population increased, and an estate of territorial
‘kings’ started forming (like in Scandinavia,
but a hundred years later). For example, according to
Saxo Gramaticus, in the ninth century Hading-Hasting
wanted to dethrone the Curonian duke Loker, Kurentyrannus
Lokero (Švābe 1938, p.202). Meanwhile, the
opportunity to trade, and especially loot, in neighbouring
lands and those across the sea was a guarantee of
rapid enrichment and survival. The most active period
of the Curonian Vikings begins in around the mid-tenth
century, and lasts until the arrival of the Germans in the
13th century.
Due to social peculiarities, showing themselves in the
late acceptance of Christianity, piracy was acceptable
even after violence and marauding in Christian areas of
Scandinavia were already banned. Marauding in one’s
own territory was treated as wrong, since it was part of
pagan traditions as written in the Knytlinga saga (KS,
51). One of the ways to win over pagans and stop piracy
was by christening them and introducing standards
of Christian ethics. Christianity was a good way of protecting
Scandinavians from piracy. After 1095, Eirik
(Svein’s son) started organising campaigns against
eastern pagans, allowing all Christians and traders to
travel peacefully wherever they wanted. Knut Lavard
told the Sambian trader Viðgautr: ‘Choose between the
following two: either you accept Christianity [...] or
you will meet the inevitable’ (KS, 91, 113).
Another factor stimulating trading and piracy was the
appearance of trading factories (emporia) in Curonian
(and also in Prussian) coastal areas. Coastal trading
centres with the attributes of early urban settlements already
existed in the tenth century around the southeast
(Wróblewski 2006) and eastern shores of the Baltic
Sea, and in the territories of the western Baltic tribes.
In Prussian territories, this was Kaup-Wiskiauten (now
Mochovoe in the Kaliningrad region); whereas in Curonian
coastal areas, remote transit and trading centres,
like Palanga, Eketė, Imbarė and Zlēkas Priednieki,
were emerging (Žulkus 2004, p.100, 107). Some of
them were also political and administrative centres of
territories (‘smaller tribes’).
Next to Palanga and Eketė in southern Curonia, the
complex of Žardė-Laistai emerges in the neighbourhood
of Klaipėda in the 11th to 12th centuries (Genys
1995). The Scalvian trading centre Linkuhnen
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
59

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
60
(Linkūnai, now Rzhevskoe in the Kaliningrad region)
already existed in the lower reaches of the River Nemunas
(Memel, Neman) (Mühlen von zur 1975, p.53;
Bertašius 2001, p.194). In Semigallian territories, this
was Dole-Martinsala and Rīga, which emerged at the
end of the period.
Archaeological research and early written sources point
to the fact that in 1000–1200, some of the above emporia
in Baltic and neighbouring territories acquired the
attributes of early urban places. 2 We can trace five or
six such centres, two or three of which were in northern
Curonia, and the rest in Semigallian territories.
The maturity of social structures, the growth of the
economy, maritime trading links, and even piracy created
the preconditions for the Prussians, Curonians and
Semigallians to integrate into the economic region of
the Baltic Sea basin already in the tenth and 11th centuries.
The early manifestation of Viking-type features did
not promote good relations between the Curonians and
their marine neighbours; therefore, in ancient sources
Curonian marauders are traditionally juxtaposed with
peaceful merchants from Samland. In the 11th and
12th centuries, Prussian traders seemed to be the best
maritime traders of all the west Baltic tribes. 3
The spontaneous at the beginning, and later well-organised
piracy of the Curonians became increasingly
dangerous for the navigation of the important seaborne
trading route along the east Baltic coast. The Curonians
were notorious for their ruthless treatment of castaways.
Thanks to Curonian and Estonian pirates and
dangerous winds, the sea trading route in the east Baltic
changed: it no longer stretched consistently along
the coast, but went to the west or east of the Curonian
territories (Blomkvist 2005, p.292; 2009, p.166). Very
often, traders in the 11th and 12th centuries would bypass
the Prussian, Curonian and Liv coasts, and chose a
safer route along the east coast of Sweden and Finnish
waters (Fig. 1). The southern Curonians would pose
a danger mostly to traders sailing along the Prussian
2 A differentiated concept of an early urban settlement
is applied to western and eastern coastal areas of the
Baltic Sea. In Baltic settlements of a non-agrarian type,
researchers no longer look for the residences of Christian
hierarchs, mints and other attributes, typical of mature
urban structures (Blomkvist 2001).
3 The activity of Prussian traders is related to the largest
amber resources around the Baltic Sea. As a rule, amber, in
the form of raw material, from the very first centuries AD
used to be delivered from Samland to all European areas
via overland routes, sea lanes and inland waters. In Viking
times, the Scandinavians obtained amber from Prussian
territories; amber as a raw material was transported to
Ladoga and Novgorod area via the Baltic Sea and rivers
(Bliujienė 2011, p.323ff).
coast, while the northern Curonians posed a danger to
those sailing in the Bay of Rīga. Besides, up to the 12th
century, to the north of the River Venta, the Livs were
still living on the coast, whereas the Estonians controlled
the areas to the north of the River Daugava (the
Western Dvina). Both of them could be the ‘Estonian
pirates’ mentioned in Scandinavian sources.
The Curonians attacked lone merchant vessels in
an orderly way. The Knytlinga saga has a tale about
Viðgautr, a trader from Samland, whose boat was attacked
in 1113 and 1114 by large numbers of Curonians.
They pursued it, cut it off from overland, intending
to kill him and take away the contents (KS, p.112ff;
Mickevičius 1993, p.137; 2004, p.136).
This very tale testifies to the fact that they voyaged
in groups, in flotillas, when passing along the Curonian
coast. Viðgautr was attacked, because he sailed
alone: ‘It happened so one summer that he was late and
sailed alone from the east, wanting to reach home’ (KS,
p.112-117). It is hardly possible that the most dangerous
places would be guarded by warships, as happened
in Danish waters after 1168, when a flotilla of four
warships was organised to protect vessels from pirates
throughout the entire sailing season (Blomkvist 2005,
p.336), but warships could escort traders’ ships in dangerous
Curonian waters.
It is difficult to foresee the after-effect of Curonian
piracy on the settlement of Prussian coastal territories.
The Kaup-Wiskiauten trading centre existed until
the beginning (Kulakov 1989) or the second half
(Dlugokęcki 2006, p.41) of the 11th century or from
the 11th to the 13th centuries (Ibsen 2009, pp.357-
358). At the same time, the Korallen-Berg centre on
the Curonian Spit (in the area of Rossitten [Rasytė,
now Rybachi] in the Kaliningrad region) was withering
away (Kulakov 2002).
Present-day data gives no hint about larger trading
centres or the ‘early city’ in Prussian coastal territories
from the 11th to the 13th centuries (Žulkus, Bertašius
2009). However, at the beginning of the 13th century,
trading centres could exist in the lower reaches of the
Pregel and in the area of Medenau (Dlugokęcki 2006,
p.43), although they were far away from the sea. The
practical absence of Prussian coastal trading centres
in the 11th and 12th centuries could also be predetermined
by aggressive Curonian policy. There is no
obvious evidence of permanent Curonian settlement in
Prussian territories; 4 however, the continuous marauding
of coastal areas and the devastation of established
4 Vladimir I. Kulakov believes that well-organised Prussian
soldiery in the 11th and 12th centuries left Prussia, and
they were replaced by Curonian companionship formations
(Kulakov 2008, p.11).

Fig. 1. Curonian pirates on the Baltic Sea: 1 sea routes in the 12th century (after Blomkvist 2005, p.294); 2 the Curonian
coast, an area fully controlled by Curonian pirates; 3 Curonian pirate areas (11th to 13th centuries), based on written
sources; 4 trading centres in the Baltic Sea (11th to 13th centuries).
settlements could result in a scarce network of settlements
there.
The first hints about Curonian marauding in western
coastal areas of the Baltic Sea reach us from the middle
of the eighth century. Later, in the ninth century and
the early tenth century, when the Scandinavians were
actively forcing their way to Curonia, there are no messages
about marauding Curonians. Starting with the
11th century, at the beginning of the last active period
of the Scandinavian and Curonian wars, the Curonian
Vikings became more active in Scandinavian coastal
areas than the Swedes and Danes in Curonia. After an-
other hundred years, a more explicit trend in Curonian
campaigns against the Scandinavians emerged: they
attempted to anchor themselves on Scandinavian soil
and control the navigation in some straits (around Gotland
in 1210) (Chronicon Livoniae Bd. I, XIV. 1, 3).
Around 1213, the Curonians once again appeared in
Gotland, where they were attacked by the Friesians and
lost four vessels, including plunder (Chronicon Livoniae
Bd. I, XIV. 1, 3). The Curonian and Scandinavian
activity was interrupted after the start of German domination
in the territories of the west Balts.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
61

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
62
Curonian pirates were attracted firstly by rich places,
in waters that were popular with traders and less well
guarded. The voyages of Curonian pirates were likely
to take a long period of time, and they went marauding
on wide sections of Scandinavian coastal areas. The
same piracy tactics had been employed before by the
Scandinavian Vikings. When examining the Spillings
hoard of bronze articles, the largest ever discovered
in Gotland, weighing over 20 kilograms (Thunmark-
Nylén 2006, p.701; Östergren 2009, p.18), Audronė
Bliujienė found out that it was collected during one raid
around 880 or later, marauding initially on Saaremaa
island and northwest Estonia, later in the lower reaches
of the River Daugava, afterwards in Semigallian territories,
and completing the campaign in southern Curonia,
in the Palanga-Kretinga area. Some of those items
could have originated from a jeweller’s workshop,
some of them from plundered graves (Bliujienė 2007).
The sites in which the hoard was traced and collected
coincide with larger trading centres around the eastern
coastal areas of the Baltic Sea. Evidently, the Vikings
attacked the larger and richer settlements of the Estonians
and west Baltic tribes.
The coastal waters of modern Sweden and eastern Denmark
used to be targeted most. Before Knut became a
Danish konung (1076), the Curonians and other inhabitants
of eastern lands marauding in Denmark would
not be punished severely. Knut drove away all pagans
from his territories and coastal waters (KS, 36, 43).
Curonian and Estonian pirates were stimulated by political
events in the first half of the 12th century and
by new trading interests. In the 12th century, Gotland
communities turned into prosperous trading centres.
There were also a number of rich coastal settlements
at that time in continental Sweden. In the period 1170
to 1230, the Estonians and Curonians were continuously
marauding in Swedish and Danish coastal areas
(Blomkvist 2005b, p.80).
The Curonians constantly threatened the coastal areas
of Gotland and Sweden. They traded on the absence
of a central power and security system, and on political
feuds between Scandinavian konungs. That is why
in 1170, they raided and marauded around Blekinge
and Kalmar, where the Danes also did the same (KS,
p.157ff; Blomkvist 2005a, p.340ff). The Curonians attacked
traders’ boats, robbed coastal churches, devastated
Danish and Swedish coastal areas (HL, 34), and
even stayed for a while. When marauding, the Curonians
were looking for wealth and slaves. Captives,
women and girls from Sweden, used to be a desirable
catch, and even Estonian pirates sometimes sold them
to the Curonians (HL, 147).
The Curonians operated in flotillas, usually consisting
of eight to ten warships. In 1170 they came in ten wellequipped
warships to Kalmar in the Swedish province
of Blekinge (KS, p.157ff). It is thought about 300 Curonian
warriors could take part in a campaign (Asaris
et al. 2008, p.130).
In the strait between Gotland and the Färösund Islands,
Curonian pirates attacked pilgrims in eight ships. They
were beaten away from the island by the Friesians,
who took four of their ships (Chronicon Livoniae XIV,
1, 3).
Estonian flotillas also consisted of eight, ten or 16 vessels
(Henrikas Latvis, 34, 37). Flotillas of west Slavs
were similar in size. A Vendian Viking fleet, consisting
of ‘nine huge ships’ was mentioned in 1170 (KS, 160).
The Scandinavians were more numerous in numbers.
Egil (Ragnar’s son) went to Vendland with 18 ships,
whereas powerful konungs started on their voyages
with 200 or 300 (the campaigns of 1069 and 1070 to
England) or even more ships (KS, 48, 56).
In the 11th and 12th centuries, Curonian pirates could
hardly equip such flotillas alone and attack large and
well-fortified Scandinavian trading and administrative
centres. Previous historiography would sometimes link
the Curonians with big campaigns, but with no grounding
based on reliable sources: for example, in 1040,
the Curonians purportedly invaded Danish lands. On
the other hand, it is confirmed that pagan pirates (these
were almost undoubtedly Curonians and Estonians)
in 1187 devastated Sigtuna, the largest Swedish trading
centre at that time (Blomkvist 2005b, p.80; Asaris
et al. 2008, pp.130, 132). The Curonians could start
their summer campaigns from places in Swedish and
Danish coastal areas, where they had been entrenched
for a long period of time. The tiny island of Kårholm
in the Öland area could have been one such Curonian
campsite (Blomkvist, 2005b, p.76). The name of the
island could be linked with the Curonians (Cori, Kure).
Place-names of Curonian origin are likely to exist in
eastern Sweden, Gotland and Bornholm.
The tactics employed by the Curonians are known from
a description of 1170. In 1170, the Curonians raided
and marauded around Blekinge and Kalmar, where the
Danes were also doing the same. They landed at least
nine ships in Jarnloka harbour, and started marauding,
while one ship, captained by an experienced person,
remained on patrol in the open sea. Sensing that the
Danes were about to attack them, the Curonians pulled
their ships out of the water. The Danes failed to reach
the coast together, so the Curonians successfully coped
with the crews of the first five ships trying to reach
the coast. After the arrival of their flagship, captained
by Christopher, Duke of Schleswig, the Curonians met

them with a hail of spears and stones. The battle continued
on the coast until night fell, when the Curonians
erected a line of fortifications, using their own ships for
the purpose. They filled the gaps with tree trunks, leaving
just two narrow passages. This construction was
covered with sails for protection from arrows. In the
morning, the Curonians attacked the Danes from their
fortress; however, after a fight the Danes won a victory
(KS, 157-158; Blomkvist 2005a, p.340ff; Asaris et al.
2008, p.130ff).
The Curonian pirates knew naval battle tactics well.
They would attack suddenly, and employed different
tricks in naval combat. In 1210, Bishop Albert, sailing
together with pilgrims (monks-warriors coming
back from the crusade against the Baltic pagans), came
within close quarters of eight Curonian pirate ships
near Gotland. The pilgrims (probably larger in numbers),
who were already proficient in fighting, were the
first to attack the Curonians in their boats. The latter
arranged their ships in pairs, so that the pilgrims’ boats
found themselves in between the Curonian ships. The
pilgrims from the smaller boats were slaughtered with
pikes, and drowned. The rest escaped in their boats.
About 30 knights were killed, as well as other warriors.
The killed were stripped: the Curonians took their
weapons, clothes and personal belongings (Chronicon
Livoniae XIV, 1, 3; HL, 65).
No regions or specific terrains where Curonian pirates
would organise their campaigns from are named in
sources. It could justly be maintained that the Curonians
generally used to start their sea raids from southern
territories, which were more densely populated and
more developed from an economic and social point
of view (Žulkus 2004, pp.59-161). That would be the
coastal area from Klaipėda in the south and the northern
area of Liepaja.
Archaeological data shows that in the 11th and 12th
centuries, there were several Curonian centres in their
southern coastal areas. These were Palanga, a conglomerate
of settlements and an important centre for
remote trading, administration and the pagan religion,
Eketė and Žardė-Laistai around Klaipėda, close to the
Curonian Lagoon. They probably emerged in the 12th
century. These centres, particularly Palanga, must have
been the organisers of Curonian military campaigns.
Palanga, a settlement of southern Curonians in Megowe
(Mėguva) land, has been explored most profoundly.
Medieval Palanga has almost all the characteristic attributes
of early cities: a non-agrarian economy and a
fairly differentiated economic structure, a definite and
fairly large economic base, several settlements with a
different economic orientation, well-developed local
and remote trading, a multi-ethnic population, crafts,
reinforced settlements, 5 a significant place for confessional
and social meetings, and more or less probable
attempts of early Christian missions.
The fact that the number of tillers decreased sharply
after the 11th century (based on an analysis of burial
sites from the tenth to the 12th century) is undoubtedly
related to the exceptional economic structure of
the Palanga community. It means that agriculture was
only a secondary occupation. In the 11th century, the
number of ‘warrior’ graves in the above territories increased
markedly, which could be related to the military
campaigns of the Curonians. At the same time, a
relative increase of ‘trader’ graves is also recorded.
One of the most important imports in Palanga during
Viking times was the raw material for metals, primarily
brass and metals for its production. (Raw material
for brass, in the shape of a crook and a lead plate,
was found in the Birutė Hill settlement). Brass
came through Palanga to Megowe and more distant
lands. It was shipped across the sea and delivered
throughout West Slavic centres from Central Europe,
or directly from Sweden, where copper and lead had
been excavated since olden times. In the cultural layer
dated to the end of the 11th to the first half of the 12th
century which was next to Birutė Hill, a crook of raw
brass and a lead plate were found. The most brass
and silver were found in the 11th-century graves of
Palanga. From the 11th century, silver and imported
glass travelled from Western Europe through Palanga
into southern Curonian territories. One fact that was of
key importance was that Palanga dwellers possessed a
local raw material that was in demand: amber (Žulkus
2007, p.383).
Investigations of graves have shown that Palanga
was surrounded by satellite settlements, the economy
of which was closely related to it. After an analysis
of finds from three of the closest burial grounds
(Pryšmančiai, Anduliai and Girkaliai), it was discovered
that neighbouring settlements experienced serious
influence from Palanga: changes in the numbers of
graves, the comparative weight of articles, and quantities
of items decorated with silver were similar. The
above-mentioned settlements made up the economic
hinterland of Palanga, and were interlinked with it. In
the tenth to the 12th centuries, this conglomerate went
on for about 12 kilometres, and covered an area of 70
square kilometres (Žulkus 2007, p.385).
5 Recent research shows that the density of Palanga’s
development in the tenth to the 12th centuries was greater
than was previously assumed (Kraniauskas, 2011).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
63

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
64
Another coastal centre from which Curonian military
campaigns could be organised was in the Klaipėda
area. It was Žardė-Laistai on the banks of the tiny
Žardė (Smeltė) rivulet, flowing into the Curonian Lagoon
in the southern part of Klaipėda. In Viking times,
this stream was suitable for navigation. Žardė hill-fort
in those times was surrounded by several settlements,
also inhabited by foreign traders. Attempts have been
made to search for an embryo of an early city from
the tenth to the 11th centuries in this complex (Genys
1995). The rulers of this centre controlled the navigation
between the channel at Klaipėda and the mouth of
the River Nemunas.
In Viking times, it was possible to reach Eketė by boat,
as it was located only 12 kilometres from the mouth
of the Dangė. Therefore, the complex of Eketė consisted
of a hill-fort, a large six-hectare settlement, a
sacrificial offering site, and one or two necropolises. It
was the most important centre of the Pilsotas area until
the 13th century (Žulkus 2004, p.89ff). It was another
possible place for the organisation of Curonian pirate
campaigns.
In the 11th and 12th centuries, the economy of some
coastal trading centres, particularly those in Curonian
coastal territories, was to a certain extent also dependent
on the possibility to obtain property by marauding.
Research into burial grounds of the eighth to the
12th centuries around the Palanga conglomerate confirms
this assumption. It has been confirmed that in
the southern Curonian territories around Palanga and
Klaipėda, the population density was at its highest in
the 11th century. The largest numbers of brass ornaments
and their comparative weight per grave were
recorded in the burial grounds of the coastal Curonians
from the 11th to the 12th centuries. The numbers
of silver ornaments in the burial grounds increased in
the 11th century. The considerable increase in bronze
ornaments in the Curonian territories could be related
to piracy (Žulkus, Klimka 1989, p.11ff). Some of the
bronze, necessary for the manufacture of traditional
ornaments, found its way to coastal centres of the
southern Curonians as plunder from Scandinavian and
Prussian coastal areas.
The possibilities for marauding in neighbouring territories
of the same tribe presumably decreased after
the appearance (though sometimes short-term) of land
combinations, administered by ‘kings’ or ‘dukes’. The
appearance of the above combinations marauding in
neighbouring territories had to be replaced by organised
military campaigns to the territories of neighbouring
tribes. In coastal lands, this induced pirates to abandon
their own coastal waters and expand to neighbouring
and remoter territories. Curonian pirates focused their
campaigns on plundering passing traders, on attacking
the coastal settlements of neighbouring tribes (Semigallians
and Prussians), and robbing settlements on the
western islands in the Baltic Sea and the coastal areas.
Hoards of Lithuanian archaeological material full of
articles of Scandinavian origin are unknown, except
for Scandinavian armaments from the 11th to the 12th
centuries, and those manufactured locally and traced
abundantly in Curonian lands (Kazakevičius 2000).
However, this is no contradiction of written sources
about Curonian piracy. The absence of Scandinavian
hoards could be predetermined by cultural traditions.
Unlike in Prussian lands, Scandinavian traditions in
wearing ornaments were not vital among the Curonians,
despite their close and long-term contacts with the
Scandinavians. Bronze and silver ornaments, abundantly
plundered in Danish and Swedish coastal areas,
were presumably melted down by the Curonians and
used as raw material for the manufacture of their own
articles.
In the 13th century, the area north of the River Venta
and to the sea was still thinly inhabited by the Curonians.
For a long time, the Curonian centres were located
in the central part of the territory, whereas the coast
was inhabited by Livs (Аsaris 1997; Žulkus 2004,
p.41ff). Most probably, some Estonian pirates mentioned
in Scandinavian sources could have been Livs
who lived in the coastal areas of northern Curonia and
followed the Curonians.
There are no records about the ships of the Curonian
Vikings, as archaeologists have still failed to trace any.
Rather frequent findings of marine rivets and nails in
the coastal settlements of the Curonians point to the
fact that the construction and size of their warships
was similar to that of the Scandinavian Vikings. Many
iron marine rivets and nails have been traced in layers
of Palanga settlements since the tenth century (Žulkus
2007, p.339ff).
In the 13th century, the Livonian and Teutonic Orders
started the conquest of the territories of the Curonian,
Prussian, Scalvian and other Baltic tribes. This involved
land and naval battles. Like the Estonians, who
raided with 16 ships (HL, 34) in 1203, the Curonians
could also undoubtedly assemble tens and even hundreds
of vessels for their naval attacks. In the summer
of 1210, the Curonians attacked Rīga from the sea with
so many ships that ‘the entire sea was covered with a
sort of thick cloud’ (HL, 66-67). In 1257, the Sambians,
who were not considered naval marauders before,
attacked the Teutonic Order’s recently built castle in
Klaipėda (Memel) from their ships. These ships were
so numerous that they could form a bridge across the

strait at Klaipėda if they were put alongside each other
(Livländische Reimchronik, §3819).
From the second half of the 13th century, Curonia
fell into the hands of the Livonian Order (it was later
shared with the Teutonic Order), and piracy was once
again restricted to the coastal waters and became more
connected with political events in the territories of Teutonic
Order, Livonia and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
From the middle of the 13th century and almost
up to the middle of the 14th century, battles and wars
raged between the Teutonic Order on one side and the
Curonians, Samogitians and Lithuanians on the other,
in which legal privateering and piracy flourished.
These phenomena were of a local character.
The Teutonic Order was penetrating further into Lithuania,
employing water routes and its superiority in navigation;
however, its ships could not sail safely along
the Curonian Spit, let alone into the Curonian Lagoon
and up the River Nemunas. The Lithuanians attacked
the smaller ships, and navigation on the Nemunas remained
unsafe for the Teutonic Order for a long period
of time. Some of the Order’s castles served not only
for the protection and control of the territory, but for
coastal and inland waters as well. Klaipėda Castle was
followed by Windenburg (Ventė) and Rositten (Rasytė)
castles, erected in 1360. The first defended the Nemunas
delta, the second was on the Curonian Spit and
controlled the sea and the lagoon. The historian Matthew
Pretorius (Pretorijus 2004, p.701) called the latter
‘a robbers’ castle’ (Raub-Schloß).
Piracy in the Curonian Lagoon was repeated periodically.
The facts from the first half of the 15th century
tell us that the Lithuanians reached the delta of the
River Nemunas with three boats; on the River Atmata
they murdered eight fishermen of the Teutonic Order,
capturing another eight (Willoweit 1969, p.140). From
that same period, we have a note about Lithuanian pirates
who attacked the best fishermen of the Klaipėda
commander (Komtur), killing five of them and capturing
eight (Rowell 2005, p.57).
Organised privateering and piracy in the Baltic Sea
expressed themselves through political battles within
the Teutonic Order and the struggle with its rivals for
Klaipėda.
In the times of the Teutonic Order, the first records
about pirates around Klaipėda appeared in 1402, when
‘a robbers’ ship’ was mentioned (Willoweit 1969,
p.127). Presumably, it was one of the ships belonging
to the Baltic Sea pirates (Likedeeler) and based from
1396 in Russia or the Gulf of Bothnia and the Gulf
of Finland (Pelc 2005, pp.34, 35). In 1422, it was still
dangerous to travel overland (because of the Lithuani-
ans) or to sail (because of pirates) to Klaipėda (LEK
Abt. 1. Bd. 5, 794, Nr. MMDLXXIX).
In periods of diplomatic and military conflict or trading
competition, even officials did not avoid being robbed.
During the Thirteen Years War (1454–1466), Klaipėda
remained loyal to the Teutonic Order; therefore, the
harbour and ships were constantly being attacked by
enemies and rivals, in particular from Gdansk. Fourteen
ships from Lübeck and Hamburg berthed at
Klaipėda in 1457. They were attacked by ships from
Gdansk, towing away eight of them and burning the
rest (Sembritzki 1926, p.47; Willoweit 1969, p.144).
Matthias Schulte, the captain of a Gdansk warship in
1460, was authorised to attack and rob all ships sailing
towards Klaipėda and Balga (Willoweit 1969, p.145).
The war was over, but privateering traditions, inspired
by the Teutonic Order, survived in Klaipėda and continued
to stimulate piracy. Despite the peace treaty,
traders were also attacked after 1466 and later. These
actions were controlled by the Klaipėda commander
(Komtur). In 1467, the Gdansk burgomaster informed
on the Klaipėda commander, as he was suspected of piracy
on the open seas. A charge of piracy was levelled,
that the commander was still protecting pirates. His behaviour
was threatening the peace treaty, and in 1472
a military campaign was organised against Klaipėda.
The castle was sieged and taken, and 42 pirates were
punished (Akten, Bd.1. N.3, pp.18-19, N.4, p.22ff, N.
105, p.277. Bd. 5, N. 74, pp.227, 231ff).
Subsequent privateering served in matters of competition.
On 27 May 1520, two Gdansk holks, two small
cruisers and one Schmack captured in Klaipėda one
Dutch and one Königsberg ship (Weise 1908, pp.51-
53, 79). At the same time, Klaipėda sent two newly
designed yachts on to the open seas for privateering
(Willoweit 1969, p.56).
One notorious pirate patronised by King Christian II
was Marten Pechlin, a trader from Lübeck, who was
engaged in trading in grain until 1521. He became a
privateer and a pirate after he lost a cargo which was to
be delivered to Klaipėda (Pelc 2005, p.57). We have no
information about his activities in eastern coastal zones
of the Baltic Sea.
In the struggle against Gdansk, in 1523 the commander
of Klaipėda gained an unexpectedly an ally, Sören
Norby, a famous pirate from the castellan of Visby
on Gotland. He acted in the Baltic Sea on behalf of
Christian II, capturing and sinking ships from Gdansk
and Lübeck. At that time, Visby Castle was once again
turned into a pirates’ nest. Sören Norby was on friendly
terms with the Klaipėda commander Erich von Braunschweig.
On 2 July 1524, Christoph Gattenhofer from
Königsberg wrote a letter to Grand Duke Albrecht von
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
65

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
66
Brandenburg-Ansbach. He expressed his deep concern
at the fact that the Klaipėda commander Erich von
Braunschweig was on too friendly terms with Sören
Norby (Seuerin Norbj), to whom he sent horses, armour
and people. The Swedes did know about this, and
were ready to attack Klaipėda and Samland. They were
going to turn towards Klaipėda after they seized Visby
and Gothland (Das virtuelle, DH 318; Sören Norbys,
p.234).
In 1524, not only the Swedes but also Lübeck, tired
of piracy, planned to attack Klaipėda with 18 ships. In
1525, ships from Lübeck chased Sören Norby along
the Swedish coast. The commander of Klaipėda was
accused the same year of intending to erect a pirates’
castle in Klaipėda together with Sören Norby (Weise
1908, pp.65, 143ff, 209). At that time, Duke Albrecht
could not guarantee safe navigation in Prussian coastal
waters, as his fleet was still in the process of construction;
besides, he had to take into account the fleet of
Lübeck, controlling the largest part of the western Baltic
Sea. He also had to deal with Danish attempts at entrenchment
around Saarema (Ösel) island (Hartmann
2010, p.51).
Sailing in the eastern Baltic remained dangerous even
later, particularly in the times of the Livonian War. In
1566, Franz Frahme, a skipper from Klaipėda, loaded
a cargo of salt and wine on to his ship and sailed to
Saaremaa (Ösel) island, which belonged at that time
to the Danes. The sea was calm, and the ship was soon
captured by the Estonians. They towed it to Tallinn,
which belonged to the Swedes. The skipper appealed
against the pirates, and he was allowed to sell the cargo.
He did so, bought iron and other goods, and sailed
back to Klaipėda. On the way back, he was captured
by a Polish or Gdansk privateers’ ship, and was to be
towed to Gdansk. On the way there, both ships were
attacked and captured by another flotilla of privateers.
The slow ship of Franz Frahme lagged behind and escaped
from the pirates, but then it was captured again
by the Estonians and was once again towed to Tallinn.
It is unknown whether the ship returned to Klaipėda
or not, but it probably never reached Saaremaa (Willoweit
1969, p.325ff).
Pirates running loose in the Baltic Sea at the beginning
of the 16th century were a serious problem for coastal
countries, including Lithuania. In accordance with information
received from Sigismund Herberstein, the
Holy Roman Emperor’s envoy, in 1517 and 1526 pirates
disrupted the supply of salt to Lithuania and Britain,
and the export of tar, timber for shipbuilding, and
grain from Lithuania (Baliulis, Meilus 2001, p.516).
There is no information about the building of warships
in Klaipėda. The main types of local ships are named
in documents from the 14th and the 15th centuries.
They are marine ships, fishermen’s boats, and Deima
ships (Deimeschiffe), probably for sailing in rivers,
ferries and small boats (Willoweit 1969, pp.122, 125,
139-141, 252). In accordance with a 1475 privilege,
the citizens of Klaipėda were granted the right to cut
wood and use it for shipbuilding (Sembritzki 1926,
p.50; Willoweit 1969, p.63). Undoubtedly, they did not
hesitate to profit from this.
Sources mention the construction of a specific ship in
Klaipėda back in 1517 (Regesta No 21411). A shipbuilding
site around the old River Dangė was discovered
during archaeological excavations (Sprainaitis
1994). By the look of the remains of a slipway, at least
one ship of 20 metres in length could have been built
there. Dendrochronological dating dates its cultural
horizon to 1519 (Brazauskas 2003). After 1540, this
area was no longer used for shipbuilding (Žulkus 2001,
p.537).
Intensive shipbuilding in Klaipėda started in the times
of Duke Albrecht. Usually Dutchmen worked as shipbuilders,
whereas arrivals from Hamburg and locals
were employed as carpenters. Between 1562 and 1569,
ships of 20 to 70 lasts were built in Klaipėda. They
sailed as far as Lisbon (Sembritzki 1926, p.85; Willoweit
1969, p.254). Between 1571 and 1580, Klaipėda
built ships of 150 to 250 lasts; however, after 1593 local
shipbuilders were permitted to build ships of 20 to
80 lasts only. These were only suitable for sailing in
coastal waters. Shipbuilding-related restrictions were
only abolished around 1680 (Sembritzki 1926, pp.86ff,
154).
Any locally built ocean-going ships could be supplied
with cannons and armoured crew, take part in pirate
campaigns, or, on the contrary, protect coastal areas
and withstand the attacks of pirates.
From 1422, Lithuania was in possession of a tiny strip
of the Curonian coastal area around Palanga and Heiligen
Aa (Šventoji). In the middle of the 13th century, the
Teutonic Order finally settled in Klaipėda, so Palanga,
as an early urban site and a regional centre of the pagan
religion (like other centres of the southern Curonians)
declined, although until the very beginning of the 15th
century a pagan sacrificial offering site was still functioning
on Birutė Hill (Žulkus 2007, pp.62-71). From
the 15th century, Palanga was a tiny fishermen’s settlement,
losing its economic, social and political influence
in all of west Lithuania.
Heiligen Aa, a fishermen’s settlement in the area of
Palanga, was first mentioned in 1429 (LEK Abt.1,
Bd.8, 393). Some 14th-century coins from Britain,
Reval (Tallinn) and Dorpat (Tartu) were traced on the

site of the old settlement (it is now partly under water)
(Balčius 1999, p.195). The River Šventoji divided Livonia
from Lithuania. In the late Middle Ages on its
right bank, in Livonia, there was a classic coastal emporium,
with a traders’ church (ecclesia mercatorum),
a marketplace, quays and even fortifications (Žulkus,
Springmann 2001). In the 16th century, it was decided
to found a city on the left bank (on the Lithuanian side).
The new settlement was mentioned for the first time in
1568 (Kiaupa 1999, p.133ff). At the beginning of the
17th century, Lithuania established itself in the port of
Heiligen Aa. In the second half of the 17th century, the
harbour facilities were improved by English traders
who were operating there (Žulkus, Springmann 2001).
Livonian and Prussian laws and regulations granted
safe coastal navigation and the protection of shipwrecks
and their cargoes. In the tiny coastal strip
(about 15 kilometres in length) belonging to Lithuania,
there were no navigation-related regulations whatsoever.
The local coastal population, barely surviving on
fishing and animal husbandry, searched for additional
sources of livelihood. One of them was collecting
shipwrecked property, another was attacking passing
ships. The Lithuanian rulers did not control the coastal
areas, and they remained dangerous to seafarers for a
long time due to local marauding Curonians. Robbing
ships that had run aground in shallow waters in stormy
weather was common.
Palanga and its area was a dangerous place, as the
coastal population robbed shipwrecked boats and went
marauding in neighbouring waters. After disasters, cargo
would be saved and sheltered in the part of Šventoji
which belonged to Livonia. In 1422, a catastrophe
struck a ship from Redin near Palanga (Nikžentaitis
1999, p.114), followed by another in 1431. The ship
was sailing from Westerwik to Gdansk. Its cargo was
kept in Šventoji and later returned to its owners after
the payment of Bergelohn, money paid for the salvage
of cargo (LEK, Abt.1., Bd.8, 230, Nr. 393).
In the autumn of 1635, a Swedish warship, apparently
wrecked near Palanga, was taken and five of its cannons
ended up with the mayor of Palanga. In 1695, a
ship owned by a British trading company from Heiligen
Aa ran aground in shallow waters and was lost near
Palanga (Kiaupa 1999a, p.121; 1999b, p.139).
Safe navigation in the stretch could hardly be assured,
as Prussia had no naval fleet. It started only in 1655,
after two shipwrecks, a Swedish frigate and a Lübeck
Schute near the Curonian Spit. They were armed with
ten and seven cannons respectively, and were named
Der clevische Lindenbaum and Der Churfürst von
Brandenburg (An der Kurischen 1988, p.67).
Palanga pirates also marauded in coastal waters. In
1748, a cargo ship owned by a Jew from Klaipėda and
sailing between Klaipėda and Curonia (Livonia) was
attacked by armed Palanga pirates. They captured the
cargo and 400 florins belonging to a Klaipėda trader
(Sembritzki 1926, p.235).
There are no written sources about the trials of pirates
and sentences: however, unusual graves have been
traced in old burial grounds of Palanga and its area.
They could be related to people who died a violent
death. These graves are usually discovered outside
Christian cemeteries. Some graves were dug wherever
possible, in a hurry, and without coffins. These could
be the graves of unknown men and seafarers, washed
ashore, the victims of coastal pirates, or pirates themselves.
Casual graves were discovered in Palanga, on top of
Birutė Hill and at its foot, outside a cemetery. One such
grave was traced on the platform of the hill (Grave 2).
A tibia was found in the sand at a depth of 1.15 metres.
A skeleton 2.1 metres long and 0.85 metres wide
was found in a pit, narrowing as it descended. The
head pointed west. A rather bent skeleton was found
lying in a darker stain in which no coffin marks were
found. The arms of the deceased were crossed on the
chest; the bones of the left arm were at the bottom.
The legs were stretched out. A piece of rough cloth
survived rather well on the left side of the pelvis.
Meanwhile, on the right side of the pelvis, a brass
brooch with a tab was found in the cloth. The skull of
the deceased had very masculine features. The buried
person was about 25 years old. The grave is stratigraphically
dated to the 18th century (Žulkus 2007,
p.35ff).
Grave 1 was discovered at the base of the hill, at a
depth of 1.1 metres, beneath a thin layer of humus from
the 17th century. The position of the bones shows that
the deceased had been laid or just thrown face down.
The bones belong to a 25 to 30-year-old man. There
were no traces of a coffin or clothing (Žulkus
2007, p.77).
On the northern outskirts of Palanga is Naglis Hill.
The oldest name of this small hill seems to have been
Olandų Kepurė (Dutchman’s Cap). It was so named
because it served as a landmark to guide seafarers. A
stream flows into the sea beside the hill, along which
there are still traces of an ancient settlement. Palanga
residents referred to this settlement as the ‘Old Harbour’
(Baliński 1846, p.529ff). Long-standing, old
residents of Palanga call this sandhill the ‘Hill of
Graves’ or ‘Swedish Graves’. Their grandparents said
that infants that had not been baptised, suicides and the
drowned found along the coast used to be buried on the
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
67

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
68
northern edge of the hill’s platform. Thirty-two graves
were discovered on Naglis Hill (Žulkus 1981). The
excavation of cemeteries from the 16th to the 17th
centuries around Palanga resulted in the discovery
of young men’s graves (alongside properly
arranged Christian graves), buried in an unconventional
way. Among them, the headless skeletal
remains of a young man from the 16th to the 17th
centuries were discovered. They were thrown upsidedown
into a narrow pit (Žulkus 1978). The remains of
seriously guilty and decapitated people are sometimes
discovered elsewhere, but the skulls are usually found
in the same grave (Vėlius 2005, pp.39ff, 92). The death
sentence by decapitation for felony was applied in urban
areas in Lithuania until the 18th century (Baliulis,
Meilus 2001, pp.398ff, 629). The above grave is very
similar to the traditional method of punishing pirates:
they used to be decapitated, nailing the heads to poles
or gates (Pelc 2005, p.13ff; Rosentreter 2004, p.27). A
pirate from Palanga could have been punished in this
way.
Conclusions
Around the 11th century, Curonians living and marauding
in coastal waters along the eastern Baltic along
a stretch of almost 500 kilometres became very dangerous
to navigation, and interrupted the functioning
of this maritime trading route.
The roots of piracy, as a social phenomenon, are social.
The economies of coastal Curonian communities
were to a large extent based on plunder (first among the
southern, later among the northern Curonians).
The Curonians gained experience of navigation, shipbuilding
and piracy thanks to active ties. Piracy activated
shipbuilding, and it improved construction and
navigation skills.
In the 12th and the 13th centuries, the Curonians organised
attacks and mastered the tactics of naval battles.
Until the middle of the 12th century, the Curonians
would attempt short-term voyages, but in the second
half of the 12th century and the early 13th century, they
were already trying to penetrate the east coast of Sweden.
In the second half of the 13th century, when the Livonian
Order founded a castle in Curonian territory and
started the conquest of Lithuanian lands, land and sea
battles, as well as piracy, became common.
Privateering and piracy in the 14th to the 16th centuries
spread mostly around the western part of the Bal-
tic Sea. Pirates caused problems and even interrupted
trading links between coastal sites and countries. Pirates
were also backed and supported by some Baltic
cities. Commanders of Klaipėda in the 15th and 16th
centuries were accused several times of piracy and
organising it, for aims related to politics and personal
gain. Any sea-going ships built in Klaipėda could take
part in pirate campaigns or, on the contrary, protect
coastal areas from attacks by pirates.
The Curonian coastal strip, controlled by Lithuania
since 1422, remained dangerous for ships (local piracy)
until the middle of the 18th century.
Some graves from the 15th to the 17th centuries in
Lithuanian coastal areas were dug wherever possible.
Headless male skeletal remains could belong to victims
of coastal pirates, or even to pirates themselves.
Abbreviations
HL – HENRIKAS LATVIS. Livonijos kronikos. Vilnius:
Mokslas, 1991.
KS – Kniutlingų saga. Vilnius: Vaga, 2002.
LA – Lietuvos archeologija, Vilnius (since 1979 –).
LII R – Institute of Lithuanian History, Archive. Vilnius.
KMLIM –Lithuanian Minor Museum in Klaipėda.
References
Manuscripts
SPRAINAITIS, R. 1994. Sklypas tarp Tomo, Vežėjų,
Didžiojo Vandens ir Pasiuntinių gatvių Klaipėdoje. Archeologiniai
tyrimai III etapas. Klaipėda (unpublished excavation
report). In: KMLIM, AS 16. Pg. m. 7904.
MICKEVIČIUS, A., 1993. Kuršiai IX–XII amžiuje ir skandinavai.
Disertacija Humanitarinių mokslų daktaro laipsniui
įgyti (doctoral theses defend in LII). Vilnius.
ŽULKUS, V. 1978. Naglio kalno Palangoje archeologiniai
kasinėjimai 1978 m. Ataskaita. (unpublished excavation
report). In: LII R II, File Nr. 656.
Published Sources
AKTEN der Ständetage Preussens. Königlichen Anteils
(Westpreussen). F. THUNERT, ed. Bd. 1, 1979: Aalen,
Sciencia Verlag.
DAS VIRTUELLE Preußische Urkundenbuch. Regesten und
Texte zur Geschichte Preußens und des Deutschen Ordens
PrUB, DH 318 [online]. Dieter Heckmann, Werder/Berlin,
2006. Available from: http://www.rrz.uni-hamburg.de/
Landesforschung/ pub/dh/dh318.htm (Accessed 22 September
2011).
CHRONICON Livoniae [Heinrichs Livländische Chronik].
Riga, 1993.
BALIULIS, A., MEILUS, E., eds. 2001. Lietuvos Didžiosios
Kunigaikštystės kasdienis gyvenimas. Vilnius: VDA leidykla.

HENRIKAS LATVIS. Livonijos kronikos. Vilnius: Mokslas,
1991.
KNIUTLINGŲ saga. Vilnius: Vaga, 2002.
LIVLÄNDISCHE Reimchronik. L. MAYER, ed. Hildesheim:
Georg Olms, 1963.
LEK – Liv-, Est- und Kurländisches Urkundenbuch. Abt. 1.
Bd.1-8. (Neudruckausgabe). Aalen: Sciencia Verlag, 1967-
1974.
SÖREN Norbys – Sören Norbys räkenskapsbok för Gotland
1523-24. Arkiv pä Gotland 1. Visby, 2003.
VITA Anskarii auct. Rimberto. In: Scriptores rerum germanicarum
in usum scolarum. Hannoverae, 1884, 5-79.
Literature
ANONYMOUS, 1988. An der Kurischen Nehrung begann
die Gründung der deutschen Flotte. Memeler Dampfboot
1988.05. Nr. 5, 67.
ASARIS, J., 1997. О severnykh tеrritoriakh rasselenia kurshei
v X–XIII vv. (po materialam mogilnikov. In: Vakarų
baltai: etnogenezė ir etninė istorija. Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos
instituto leidykla, 199-208.
ASARIS, J., MUIŽNIEKS, V., RADIŅŠ, A., VIRSE, I., ŽE-
IERE, I., 2008. Kurši senatnē. Rīga: SIA “NIMS”.
ATGĀZIS, M., 2001. Vidējais dzels laikmets 400.-800. g.
In: Latvijas senākā vēsture 9. g. t. pr. Kr. – 1200. g. Rīga,
233-289.
BALIŃSKI, M., 1846. Wielkie Księztwo Litewskie. Starožytna
Polska. Warszawa: S. Orgelbrand.
BALČIUS, M., 1999. Elija ir Būtingė. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed.
Palangos istorija. Klaipėda: Libra Memelensis, 193-216.
BERTAŠIUS, M., 2001. Vikingiškosios terpregioninės kultūros
atspindžiai Marvelės kapinyne Kaune. LA, 21, 193-
204.
BLIUJIENĖ, A., 2008. Trade, Warfare, Looting and Hoarding:
Attributes of Viking Age Contacts across the Baltic
Sea. In: Latvijas nacionālā vēstures muzeja raksti Nr. 14,
Pētījumi kuršu senatnē. Rīga, 167-179.
BLIUJIENĖ, A., 2011. Northern Gold. Amber in Lithuania
(c. 100 to c. 1200). Leiden, Boston: Brill.
BLOMKVIST, N., 1998. Culture clash or compromise? The
medieval Europeanization process of the Baltic Rim region
(1100–1400 AD). Problems for an international study.
In: N. BLOMKVIST, ed. Culture Clash or Compromise?
The Europeanisation of the Baltic Sea Area 1100–1400
AD. Acta Visbyensia XI. Visby, 9-36.
BLOMKVIST, N., 2005a. The Discovery of the Baltic. The
Reception of a Catholic World-System in the European
North (AD 1075-1225). Leiden-Boston: Brill.
BLOMKVIST, N., 2005b. East Baltic Vikings – with particular
consideration to the Curonians. In: Praeities puslapiai:
archeologija, kultūra, visuomenė. Skiriama archeologo
prof. habil. dr. Vlado Žulkaus 60-ties metų mokslinės veiklos
sukakčiai. Klaipėda: KU leidykla, 71-93.
BLOMKVIST, N., 2009. Traces of a Global Economic Boom
that Came and Went. In: A-M. PETTERSSON, ed. The
Spilling Hoard – Gotland’s Role in Viking Age World Trade.
Visby: Gotlands Museum, 155-185.
BRAZAUSKAS, M., 2003. Vakarų Lietuvos archeologinės
medienos skalės. LA, 24, 127-132.
DŁUGOKĘCKI, W., 2006. Uwagi o genezie i rozwoju
wczesnośredniowiecznych Prus do początków XIII wieku.
In: Pruthenia, II. Olsztyn, 9-54.
GENYS, J., 1995. Žardė – Pilsoto žemės prekybos ir amatų
centras. In: Lietuvininkų kraštas. Kaunas: Litterae Universitatis,
108-127.
HARTMANN, S., 2010. Herzog Albrecht von Preußen und
Livland 1525-1570. Analyse und Ergebnisse der Regestierung
der Abt. D Livland des Herzoglichen Briefarchivs im
Geheimen Staatsarchiv Preußischer Kulturbesitz Berlin.
In: Preußenland, Neue Folge, 1. 34-88.
IBSEN, T., 2009. „Etwa hier die Siedlung“. Der frühmittelalterliche
Fundplatz Wiskiauten/Mohovoe im Kaliningrader
Gebiet im Lichte alter Dokumente und neuer
Forschungen. Kiel.
KAZAKEVIČIUS, V., 2000. Baltų ir skandinavų karinių ryšių
beieškant. Lietuvos aukštųjų mokyklų mokslo darbai.
Istorija, 43, 19-24.
KIAUPA, Z., 1999. Palanga ir Šventoji – Lietuvos pajūrio
miesteliai XVI-XVII a. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. Palangos istorija.
Klaipėda: Libra Memelensis, 119-146.
KIAUPA, Z., 1999. Šventosios uostas Palangos seniūnijoje.
In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. Palangos istorija. Klaipėda: Libra
Memelensis, 147-165.
KRANIAUSKAS, R., 2011. Kuršių gyvenvietės Palangos
dvaro sodybos teritorijoje. In: Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai
Lietuvoje 2010 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos archeologijos
draugija, 45-60.
KULAKOV, V.I., 1994. Prussy (V–XIII vv.). Мoskva: Institut
Arkheologii RAN.
KULAKOV, V., 2002. Varangians in the “Land of nests”.
Science in Russia, 6/2002, 89-94.
KULAKOV, V.I., SKVORTSOV, K.N. 2008. Novye nakhodki
prusskogo vooruzhenia predordenskogo vremeni.
In: Voiny drevnej Prussii. Sbornik dokladov 2-i Baltiiskoi
arkheologicheskoi konferencii. Kaliningrad, 5-18.
MICHELBERTAS, M., 1989: Vakarų Lietuvos apgyvendinimas
senajame geležies amžiuje ir kai kurie šio regiono
etninės istorijos klausimai. In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. Vakarų
baltų archeologija ir istorija. Klaipėda: Mažosios Lietuvos
istorijos muziejus, 13-21.
MICKEVIČIUS, A., 2004. Normanai ir baltai IX-XII a. Vilnius:
Versus Aureus.
MUGURĒVIČS, Ē., 1987. Pūres Zviedru kapulauks. Arheoloģija
un etnogrāfija, XV, 56-67.
MUGURĒVIČS, Ē., 1997. Ethnic processes in baltic-inhabited
territories and the emergence of the Latvian nation
in the 6th to the 16th century. In: Latvian Ethnic History,
3(16). Rīga: University of Latvia, 75-92.
MÜHLEN von zur B., 1975. Die Kultur der Wikinger in Ostpreussen.
Bonner Hefte zur Vorgeschichte, 9. Bonn.
NIKŽENTAITIS, A., 1999. Palanga XIII-XV amžiais. In:
V. ŽULKUS, ed. Palangos istorija. Klaipėda: Libra Memelensis,
105-118.
ÖSTERGREN, M., 2009. The Largest Viking Age Silver
Hoard in the World. In: A-M. PETTERSSON, ed. The
Spilling Hoard – Gotland’s Role in Viking Age World
Trade. Visby: Gotlands Museum, 11-40.
PELC, O., 2005. Seeräuber auf Nord- und Ostsee. Heide:
Boyens Verlag.
PRETORIJUS, M., 2004. Prūsijos įdomybės arba Prūsijos
regykla, t. II, kn. II. Vilnius: LII leidykla.
ROSENTRETER, R., 2004. Hansezeit und Hanse Sail. Aus
der maritimen Geschichte Mecklenburg-Vorpommerns.
Rostock: Hinstorff.
ROWELL, S.C., 2005. Smulkios žinios iš XV amžiaus
Klaipėdos (apie 1400–1525 m.). Klaipėdos visuomenės ir
miesto struktūros. Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis,
XI, 47-69.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
69

Settlements and Piracy on the
Eastern Shore of the Baltic Sea:
the Middle Ages to Modern Times
VLADAS
ŽULKUS
70
SEMBRITZKI, J., 1926. Geschichte der Königlich-Preussischen
See- und Handelsstadt Memel. Memel: Siebert
Verlag.
SPRINGMANN, M-J., 2005. Der Frühe Schiffbau und die
Schiffahrt in Kur- und Prussenland. In: Praeities puslapiai:
archeologija, kultūra, visuomenė. Skiriama archeologo
prof. habil. dr. Vlado Žulkaus 60-ties metų mokslinės
veiklos sukakčiai. Klaipėda: KU leidykla, 145-189.
ŠIMĖNAS, V., 1992. Nauji V a. pab. – VI a. pr. laidojimo
papročiai Nemuno žemupyje In: Ikikrikščioniškosios Lietuvos
kultūra. Vilnius, 23-33.
ŠIMĖNAS, V., 1994. Pajūrio, Nemuno žemupio ir Vidurio
Lietuvos kapinynai I m. e. tūkstantmečio pirmojoje pusėje.
In: Vidurio Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius: Žalioji Lietuva,
10-17.
ŠIMĖNAS, V., 2006. Etnokultūriniai procesai Vakarų Lietuvoje
pirmojo mūsų eros tūkstantmečio viduryje. Vilnius:
Vilniaus universiteto leidykla.
ŠVĀBE, A., 1938. Die Nachwirkungen der Wikingerzeit
in der lettischen Rechtsgeschichte. In: Pirmā Baltijas
vēsturnieku konference. Rīga, 197-205.
TAUTAVIČIUS, A., 1981. Taurapilio „kunigaikščio“ kapas.
LA, 2, 18-43.
TAUTAVIČIUS, A., 1996. Vidurinis geležies amžius Lietuvoje
(V–IX a.). Vilnius: „Lietuvos pilys“.
THUNMART-NYLÉN, L., 2006. Die Wikingerzeit Gotlands,
III: 1-2. Text. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International.
VAITKUNSKIENĖ, L., 1995. Pagrybio kapinynas. LA, 13,
163-166.
VĖLIUS, G., 2005. Kernavės miesto bendruomenė XIII-XIV
amžiuje. Vilnius: Vilniaus universiteto leidykla.
WEISE, J., 1908. Herzog Erich von Braunschweig der letzte
Komtur des Deutschordens zu Memel. Königsberg i. Pr.
WILLOWEIT, G., 1969. Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte des
Memelgebiets, Bd. I. Wissentschaftliche Beiträge zur
Gechichte und Landeskunde Ost-Mitteleuropas. Im Antrage
des Johan Gotfried Herder-Instituts Nr. 85/I. Marburg/Lahn.
WRÓBLEWSKI, W., 2006. Invaders, Merchants or Settlers?
Archaeological Evidence of Scandinavian Activity
in South-eastern Zone of the Baltic Sea during the Viking
Age. In: M. BERTAŠIUS, ed. Transformatio Mundi. The
Transition from te Late Migration Period to the Early Viking
Age in the East Baltic. Kaunas: Kauno Technologijos
universitetas, 107-116.
ŽULKUS, V., 1981. Naglio kalno archeologiniai tyrinėjimai.
Kraštotyra, 12. Vilnius, 63-72.
ŽULKUS, V., KLIMKA, L., 1989. Lietuvos pajūrio žemės
viduramžiais. Vilnius: Mokslas.
ŽULKUS, V., 2001. Der Hausbau in Klaipėda (Memel). In:
Lübecker Kolloquium zur Stadtarchäologie im Hanseraum
III: Der Hausbau. Lübeck, 529-549.
ŽULKUS, V., 2004. Kuršiai Baltijos jūros erdvėje. Vilnius:
Versus aureus.
ŽULKUS, V., & SPRINGMANN, M-J., 2001. Die Flüsse
als Straßen der Europäisierung, Fluss und Hafen Šventoji
– Heiligen Aa. In: Lübeck Style? Novgorod Style? Baltic
Rim Central Places as Arenas for Cultural Encounters and
Urbanisation 1100 – 1400 AD. CCC papers: 5. Riga, 167-
183.
ŽULKUS, V., BERTAŠIUS, M., 2009. Handelsplätze zwischen
Danziger und Rigaer Bucht zur Zeit Wulfstans. Wulfstan’s
Voyage. In: A. ENGLERT, A. TRAKADAS, eds.
Maritime culture of the North, 2. The Baltic Sea region
in the early Viking Age as seen from shipboard. Roskilde:
Viking Ship Museum, 198-204.
ŽULKUS, V., 2007. Palanga in the Middle Ages. Ancient
Settlements. Vilnius: Versus Aureus.
Received: 15 November 2011; Revised: 6 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Vladas Žulkus
Klaipėda University Institute of Baltic Sea
Region History and Archaeology
Herkaus Manto St 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania
E-mail: vladas.zulkus@ku.lt
BALTIJOS RYTINIŲ PAKRANČIŲ
GYVENVIETĖS IR
PIRATAVIMAS: VIDURAMŽIAI–
NAUJIEJI LAIKAI
VLADAS ŽULKUS
Santrauka
Kuršiai XII a. gyveno rytinėje Baltijos pakrantėje
nuo Rygos apylinkių šiaurėje iki Klaipėdos pietuose.
Į pietus nuo kuršių pajūriu driekėsi Prūsų žemės. Vakarinių
baltų gentys didžiausią ekonomikos, politikos
ir kultūros pažangą pasiekė XI a. – XII a. pirmojoje
pusėje. Kuršių ir prūsų visuomenėse atsirado privačios
nuosavybės požymių, socialinio išskirtinumo tradicijos,
susiformavo teritorinės „karalystės“ ir subrendo
draugijos institucija, nukreipta turtui įsigyti prievarta
sausumoje ir jūroje. Piratavimo, kaip visuomeninio fenomeno,
šaknys yra socialinio pobūdžio.
Bene pirmas kuršių piratų paminėjimas yra iš apie
750 m. Brovalos mūšio aprašymo. Aktyviausias kuršių
vikingų laikotarpis prasidėjo apie X a. vidurį ir truko iki
ordinų invazijos į vakarinių baltų žemes. Kuršių prekyba
su jų jūriniais kaimynais anksti įgijo vikingavimo
bruožų. XI–XII a. pirmojoje pusėje Kurše sustiprėjęs
teritorinių „karalių“ luomas paskatino piratavimą išplėsti
į artimesnių ir tolimesnių kaimynų kraštus.
Tarp 1170 ir 1230 m. kuršiai ir estai nuolat plėšikavo
danų ir švedų pakrantėse, grobdami sidabrą, bronzą,
kitus turtus ir vergus, ypač verges. Kuršių piratų flotiles
dažniausiai sudarydavo 8–10 burinių-irklinių laivų
su 20–30 karių kiekviename.
Kuršiai Švedijos ir Danijos pakrantėse įsitvirtindavo ir
ilgesniam laikui. Viena iš tokių kuršių vikingų stovyklaviečių
galėjo būti nedidelė Kuraholmo (Kårholm)
salelė prie Ėlando salos (1 pav.).

Kai kurių pajūrio prekybos centrų, ypač buvusių kuršių
pajūryje, ekonomika XI–XII a. didesne ar mažesne dalimi
priklausė ir nuo galimybės įgyti turto plėšikaujant.
Agresyvi kuršių vikingų veikla galėjo būti reto gyvenviečių
tinklo XII a. prūsų pajūryje priežastis.
Dėl kuršių ir estų piratų grėsmės tradiciniu jūrų keliu
palei prūsų, kuršių ir lyvių pakrantes XI–XIII a. pirmojoje
pusėje pirkliai keliaudavo tik keliais laivais, o
dažniausiai pasirinkdavo saugesnį kelią – palei rytinius
Švedijos krantus ir Suomijos vandenimis.
Nuo XIII a. Livonijos ir Vokiečių ordinams kariaujant
su prūsais ir kuršiais, karas vyko ir vandenyje. Kuršių
laivų flotilės 1210 m. puolė Rygą, sembų 1257 m. –
Klaipėdą. Lietuviai Kuršių mariose XV a. žudė ir grobė
Ordino žvejus.
Karai, maištai, stichinės nelaimės sukurdavo prielaidas
organizuotam kaperiavimui ir piratiniams išpuoliams.
XIV–XV a. riboje masinis piratavimas Baltijos jūroje
turėjo atgarsių ir Klaipėdoje (1402 m.). XV–XVI
a. pradžioje Vokiečių ordinui įsivėlus į karus, Klaipėdai
tekdavo atremti piratiškus antpuolius (1457,
1460, 1520 m.). Neretai piratavimą ir kaperiavimą
organizuodavo ir Klaipėdos pareigūnai (1466, 1467,
1520 m.). 1523–1525 m. Klaipėdos komtūras Erichas
von Braunschweigas veikė išvien su pagarsėjusiu jūrų
piratu iš Gotlando Sörenu Norby. Švedai ir liubekiečiai
dėl to ruošėsi pulti Klaipėdą ir Sembą. XVI a. pradžioje
Baltijos jūroje siautėję piratai sudarė rimtas kliūtis
pajūrio valstybių prekybai, taip pat ir Lietuvos.
Lietuvos pajūriu po 1422 m. buvo pavojinga keliauti
į Klaipėdą ir krantu, ir jūra. Plėšti audros metu seklumose
įstrigusius laivus buvo įprasta. Palangos kuršiai
laivus jūroje puldinėjo dar ir XVIII a. (1748 m.).
Rašytinių žinių apie piratų teismus ir bausmes nėra,
tačiau Palangos apylinkėse, Birutės ir Naglio reliktinėse
kopose, nešventintose kapinėse rasta neįprastų
XVI–XVIII a. jaunų vyrų kapų, kurie galėtų būti siejami
su žmonėmis, mirusiais smurtine mirtimi. Galbūt
tai kapai pakrančių piratų aukų ar net piratų (griaučiai
be karstų, įmesti žemyn galva, jauno vyro griaučiai be
galvos).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
71

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
72
THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOWNS OF THE ŠIAULIAI
CROWN ESTATE FROM THE 16TH TO THE 18TH
CENTURY
ERNESTAS VASILIAUSKAS
Abstract
Favourable conditions for the development of towns in northern central Lithuania occurred only as late as the 15th and 16th
centuries. In the 16th and early 17th centuries, some settlements developed into small towns of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
It was at this time that a mixed urbanistic system with a radial street network and a rectangular market square formed. The absolute
majority of 16th to 18th-century buildings in the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate, just as in most of the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania, were built of timber. Only from the early 17th century did the construction begin of brick buildings intended for
religious or public purposes (such as the town hall in Joniškis). A more distinct separation between the development of towns
can be made on the basis of the specific features of finds. These are finds related to trade, handicrafts and business: coins and
hoards of coins, certain types of pottery, tiles, and work tools related to specific handicrafts, products and materials.
Key words: brick buildings, coins, cultural layer, handicraft, pottery, stone paving, tiles, town, trade, Šiauliai Crown Estate.
Introduction
Recently, the cultural layers of old towns have been
researched extensively; however, there are still few
summarising studies. During the Soviet period and the
period of independence, historians (Zigmantas Kiaupa,
Vincas Kryževičius, Elmantas Meilus, Kazys Šešelgis,
Antanas Tyla) and urbanists (Algimantas Miškinis)
became interested in the history and development of
Lithuania’s towns. The majority of the towns of the
Šiauliai Crown Estate (Gruzdžiai, Joniškis, Šiauliai,
Žagarė) have been discussed in individual and detailed
studies written by historians.
Over a number of years, quite a lot of archaeological
material has been collected: this material makes it possible
to answer questions about the development of
towns in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. This includes
the urban settlements of the Crown Estate of Šiauliai,
in which archaeological investigations started comparatively
late, in 1990 (in Joniškis in 1990, Žagarė in
1995, Šiauliai in 1997, and Skaistgirys in 2006). All
the towns situated in the area discussed here (Joniškis,
Šiauliai, Žagarė) have been described in individual
studies written by archaeologists.
In 1524, the district (in Lithuanian valsčius) of Šiauliai
and its towns fell to the lot of Bishop John of Vilnius. In
1567, the Lithuanian Metrica listed Šiauliai, Joniškis,
Žagarė and Radviliškis as non-privileged towns. The
first three of these were listed as towns later on, too,
whereas Radviliškis was only listed as a town occasionally;
usually it was mentioned as a small town,
just like Gruzdžiai and Meškuičiai. 1 On the basis of
the amount of taxes paid, Šiauliai, Joniškis and Žagarė
were classed as small towns (Kiaupa 1991, pp.37, 40).
By 1791, out of all the towns of the Crown Estate,
only Joniškis had been granted self-governance
(called Magdeburg rights), in 1616. In fact, Šiauliai
was granted the right of self-government in 1713, but
it was never implemented in reality. The town was
granted Magdeburg rights in 1791, during the Four
Year Sejm (1788–1792), just like another small town,
Šakyna (1792). The towns (Šiauliai) and small towns
(Meškuičiai, New Žagarė, Radviliškis) of the Šiauliai
Crown Estate enjoyed trading rights; the remaining
small towns mentioned in written sources (Gruzdžiai,
Povilaičiai, Skaistgirys, Šakyna) did not have such
rights until the end of the 18th century (Meilus 1997,
pp.19-46, 162, 164-165, 167, 169) (Fig. 1).
The Šiauliai Crown Estate was formed out of a commune,
or valsčius, in 1589. However, its actual existence
began in 1616, following the death of Mikołaj
Krzystof “the Orphan” Radzwiłł (in Lithuanian Mikalojus
Kristupas Radvila Našlaitėlis). Only then did the
reorganisation of the property into the Crown Estate
begin (Kiaupa 1991, pp.16, 17). The Crown Estate existed
until 18 August 1795, when it was handed over to
Count Platon Zubov, on the orders of Catherine II, the
Empress of Russia.
1 During certain periods, several small towns of the powiat
of Upytė belonged to the Šiauliai Crown Estate: Pakruojis
(1639–1649), Padubysys (1657), Lygumai (in the late 16th
and early 17th centuries) and Šeduva (Miškinis 1987,
p.22).

Fig. 1. The distribution of towns in Lithuania before the 18th century (after Meilus 1997, p.26).
Until the very start of Antoni Tyzenhauz’s economic
reforms in 1765 and 1766, a peasant on the Šiauliai
Crown Estate would pay a pecuniary rent (in Lithuanian
činšas). There was no corvée duty; therefore, peasants
were relatively independent in an economic sense
(Marčėnas 1969, pp.13, 21, 27), and this undoubtedly
served as a special incentive for the development of
trade relations on the estate. This is illustrated by the
revenue of the treasury of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
For example, in 1765 and 1766, the Šiauliai Crown
Estate brought in revenue of 422,530 auksinas (in Polish
złoty) to the treasury, whereas all four Lithuanian
crown estates (Šiauliai, Alytus, Grodno and Brest-
Litovsk) accounted for around 50% of the treasury’s
total revenue (Marčėnas 1969, pp.26, 27).
The aim of this article is to determine the development
of the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate (Joniškis,
Šiauliai, Žagarė 2 ) from the 16th to the 18th centuries,
on the basis of archaeological data collected up to 2009
(and supplemented with research conducted in Joniškis
and Šiauliai in 2010). The specific features of cultural
2 Both New Žagarė and Old Žagarė should be regarded
as towns in terms of the nature of the finds and the size
of the population. Since both were a single unit from an
economic and urbanistic point of view, on most occasions
material from both towns is used in this article.
layers, the functional structure of the towns, buildings
and finds will be reviewed, and stages of development
will be defined. By using comparative material
from former manor properties researched (Joniškis,
Old Žagarė, Šiauliai) and former villages of the bailiwick
(in Polish wójtostwo) of Joniškis (Drąsutaičiai,
Džiugiai, Kalnelis, Slėpsniai, Šluostikiai), attempts
will be made to define to what extent these towns were
‘urban’, and what differences existed between ‘rustic’
and ‘urban’ material.
We hope that the development shown of towns and
small towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate will make it
possible to comprehend more easily the development
of towns and small towns of the Duchy of Samogitia in
the 16th to the 18th centuries.
Archaeological investigations were carried out in one
small town only (in Skaistgirys in 2006). The lack of
such investigations makes the analysis of the development
of the small towns of the estate a more complicated
task.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
73

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
74
The rudiments of urban settlements
in the Šiauliai region
For the purpose of comprehending more easily the development
of the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate, it
is necessary to review processes that took place previously.
When the Scandinavians became more active in the
Baltic Sea region in the ninth to the 11th centuries,
the northern central part of Lithuania, the Šiauliai
region, 3 did not remain unaffected either. In the burial
grounds, settlements and treasure troves of the region
discussed here, artefacts related to trade have been
found: weapons, ornaments, work tools, silver ingots,
scales, weights, and so on. In settlements and hill-forts,
artefacts related to handicrafts have been found: casting
molds, jewellers’ hammers, tap cinders, and so on.
In some places, on the basis of the concentration of
such artefacts, it is possible to distinguish larger trading
and handicrafts centres that were under formation
or had already formed in the 12th and 13th centuries:
Bubiai, Jurgaičiai, Žagarė and Sidabrė/Kalnelis. These
centres developed in hill-forts situated next to major
trade routes, as well as in settlements situated at the
foot of such hill-forts. They developed simultaneously
with administrative centres; they were the centres of
lands or castle districts mentioned in written sources of
the 13th and 14th centuries. 4 Artefacts related to trade
and handicrafts have also been found in old settlements
situated some distance from the aforementioned hillforts
(Slėpsniai, 5.5 kilometres southwest of Sidabrė/
Kalnelis) (Vasiliauskas 2009a, pp.251, 256ff).
The Crusades interrupted the natural development of
urban settlements, proto-towns, in the 13th and 14th
centuries. When the military confrontation came to an
end, the settlement of deserted northern Lithuania in
the 15th and 16th centuries increased: villages, parish
churches and small towns were established. After
a lengthy break, the written sources of the mid-15th
and 16th centuries once again mention numerous settled
areas and small towns. 5 It is interesting to note
that most of the large towns and the small towns of the
3 The term ‘Šiauliai region’ is conditional, that is,
geographical. In the Prehistoric Period, this term covers
the areas of the upper reaches of the basins of the Rivers
Lielupe, Venta and Nemunas, inhabited by Semigallian,
Curonian and Samogitian tribes. These areas correspond
roughly with the present-day administrative districts of
Joniškis, Šiauliai, Akmenė, Mažeikiai, Pakruojis and
Radviliškis. As far as the later period is concerned, the
term ‘Šiauliai region’ is used as a synonym for the ‘Šiauliai
Crown Estate’.
4 About the lands of the Semigallians and their centres, see
Vasiliauskas, 2007c.
5 About settlement processes in the region, see Vasiliauskas,
2009c.
Šiauliai Crown Estate in the 15th to the 17th centuries
were established next to major trade routes, on the sites
of former centres (Žagarė), or next to them (Joniškis,
three kilometres southeast of Kalnelis; Šiauliai, 12
kilometres north of Bubiai and 11 kilometres south of
Jurgaičiai hill-fort). 6
The network of towns on the Šiauliai
Crown Estate
Researchers of Lithuanian urban development point to
the fact that the network of small towns of the Šiauliai
Crown Estate was far sparser than that of the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania (3.5 towns and small towns to
1,000 square kilometres, whereas in the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania at large it was 4.3 per 1,000 square kilometres)
(Miškinis 1987, p.26).
In comparison with the small towns of the neighbouring
eastern powiat of Upytė, the denser network of
small towns that formed there was most likely predetermined
by the specific character of private land ownership;
the small towns in that area were established
more spontaneously than on the Šiauliai Crown Estate
(the granting of rights was probably subject to stricter
control). In this powiat, archaeological investigations
have been carried out to some extent in Biržai (which
had the right to self-government), Linkuva, Pašvitinys,
Rozalimas, Šeduva, Žeimelis, and more recently in
Panevėžys. We can see a different picture in the neighbouring
west commune (valsčius) of Beržėnai. Here,
the network of small towns is even sparser, and is
highly unevenly distributed: all but one of the small
towns (Old Žagarė) were concentrated in the southern
part (Beržėnai, Kuršėnai, Kurtuvėnai, Šaukėnai), and
even fewer of them have undergone archaeological investigation
(Kurtuvėnai, Old Žagarė).
Historical data and population
numbers
As has already been mentioned, historians have carried
out an analysis of written sources pertaining to
the towns discussed here. Therefore, it will not be discussed
in detail in this article. The main data to help
comprehend the question discussed is given in Table 1.
Historiography gives the size of the population of
the towns of Joniškis, Šiauliai and Žagarė in a period
similar to that being discussed here as around 1,000
6 In the eastern part of the town of Šiauliai, at a distance of a
few kilometres from the centre, the hill-fort of Žuvininkai
(Salduvė), which, it is assumed (there is still a lack of
archaeological data), was the centre of one of the castle
districts of the Šiauliai land.

Table 1. Historical data of towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
Town first mention first mention as
a small town
to 1,100. As the historian Z. Kiaupa indicates, only
from the second half of the 18th century, when the importance
of Šiauliai as a political and administrative
centre increased, did the size of the population of the
town reach around 2,000 to 2,200 (Kiaupa 1991a, p.20;
1991b, p.52).
However, other authors give different data. Let
us assume that in 1639 the townsfolk of Joniškis
owned 175 houses, while the townsfolk of Šiauliai
owned 120 houses, those of Žagarė 110, and those of
Radviliškis 40. This means that at that time, Joniškis
was the largest town on the Šiauliai Crown Estate, far
larger than the very centre of the estate. Judging by
the number of inhabited plots, 183 (26¾ on Market
Square, 156¼ in the streets) and by making the assumption
that there were six to seven people in a family,
the population of Joniškis numbered 1,050 to 1,225
people. At that time, there were 179 inns, 30 craftsmen
and 30 lodgers in the town. A total of 941 residents
were recorded in Joniškis in 1783. At that time, it was
the largest town on the Šiauliai Crown Estate (records
show that there were only 550 people living in Šiauliai
in 1783) (Tyla, Miškinis 1981, pp.75, 76, 87, 92).
According to V. Kryževičius, in 1789 approximately
half the urban families of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
lived in Joniškis. At that time, around 400 urban families
lived on the estate: 107 in Šiauliai, 31 in Gruzdžiai,
78 in Žagarė, and 185 in Joniškis (1991, No.55, p.2).
The situation was slightly different in Žagarė, because
during the period discussed here it consisted of
two separate small towns which belonged to different
administrative formations. Likewise, their legal dependence
was also different: Old Žagarė was a private
start date of the
construction of
the church
noble property and belonged to the Beržėnai commune
(valsčius). On adding together the population numbers
of both towns, it was found that the total number varied
from around 750 to 1,000 (in the middle of the 17th
century) to 1,000 to 1,100 (in the 18th century). However,
from as early as the 17th century, New (Royal)
Žagarė prevailed against Old (gentry) Žagarė in terms
of both the population size (New Žagarė had 550 to
860 inhabitants, and Old Žagarė 200 to 220) (Miškinis
1984, pp.67ff, and 82ff; Vasiļausks 2008, p.17) and its
economic and trade potential.
Cultural layers
date of receiving
Magdeburg rights
date of trading
rights
Gruzdžiai (Užmušė) 1623 1636 1672 – –
Joniškis 1536 1536 1536 1616; repeated in
1635, 1650, 1679,
1718, 1736; restored
in 1791
1691
Meškuičiai 1st half of the 17th
century
1691 1677 – 1691
New Žagarė 1254, 1547 1547 1623 – 1687, 1702, 1718
Radviliškis 1567 1581 1597 – 1687, 1710
Skaistgirys 1426 1735 1838 – –
Šakyna 1775 1636 1792 –
Šiauliai 1236, 1445, 1524 1524 1445 1713 (not confirmed); 1639
1791
Archaeologists’ main source for research into the development
of towns is the cultural layers of the towns.
Their dating and intensity are extremely relevant to the
problems discussed here.
The oldest cultural layers could be found in the old
town of Šiauliai, next to the market place (Fig. 2;
Plates II.1; III.1, 2) (Šapaitė 2002, p.176ff, Fig. 38;
2008, p.97ff). In the area surrounding the market place
in New Žagarė, only a few potsherds decorated with
notches and dated to the 16th and 17th centuries could
be found. In all the towns where excavations were carried
out (Joniškis, see: Fig. 3; Plate II.2, 3; Žagarė and
Šiauliai), layers dated to the 17th and 18th centuries
could be determined in most locations.
The cultural layers are uncovered at different depths, at
50 to 100 centimetres, and their thickness is normally
40 to 100 centimetres, whereas in household pits they
are found at a greater depth of 190 to 200 centimetres.
The thickest layer is found in locations next to streets,
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
75

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
76
Fig. 2. Findspots of 16th to 17th-century cultural layers in the town of Šiauliai (until 2010) (compiled by A. Šapaitė, with
supplements by E. Vasiliauskas).
where buildings used to be concentrated; whereas the
thinnest layer is found in more remote locations, in
backyards, where the vegetable gardens of the townsfolk
normally were. A typical layer was determined in
Joniškis, in the backyards of 3 to 7 Livonijos St, and in
New Žagarė, at Vilniaus St (2001), 3 Tilto St (2006),
and 8 Miesto Square (2008).
Thin (up to 40 centimetres) and non-intensive layers
from the 17th and 18th centuries were found in small
towns (in Skaistgirys of the Šiauliai powiat, just as in
Pašvitinys of the Upytė powiat; a layer richer in finds
(also up to 40 centimetres thick) was identified in former
village sites (Kalnelis).
Until the end of 2009, in the towns of Joniškis, Žagarė
and Šiauliai discussed here, archaeological excavations
and surveys were carried out in areas of various sizes:
Joniškis (2,753.1 square metres, including an area of
226.3 square metres in a former manor site, and 61
square metres in an assumed former burial site), Žagarė
(2,192.5 square metres, including an area of 94.3
square metres in churchyards, and 132.6 square metres
in the park of the manor) Šiauliai (3,537.2 square
metres, not including an area of 61 square metres in
a former manor site, 92.6 square metres in a churchyard,
and 236.4 square metres in burial grounds), and
in Skaistgirys (19 square metres).
In the majority of these locations, mostly disturbed or
late-period layers dated to the 19th and 20th centuries
were determined. This applies especially to Šiauliai,
which sustained the most damage in the area discussed
here during the Second World War (in 1944) (Fig. 4).
During the postwar years and later, up to the beginning
of the 21st century, construction and utility installation
works were carried out in the city without the
supervision of archaeologists. Consequently, the use of
the statistics for the total investigated area of Šiauliai
remains problematic, and distorts the overall view.
Therefore, in the towns, intact layers from the 16th
to the 18th centuries, which are valuable from a research
point of view and which were excavated, make
up from 420 square metres (in Šiauliai, excluding the
manor and the former burial grounds) to 500 square
metres (in Joniškis, excluding the manor), and slightly
more than 60 square metres in Žagarė.

Fig. 3. Findspots of 17th to 19th-century cultural layers in the town of Joniškis (until 2010). The distribution of objects:
1 the church (1536, 1605, 1901); 2 the market place; 3 the town hall; 4 the manor; 5 former burial grounds (?);
6 the homestead (an inn) (compiled by E. Vasiliauskas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
77

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
78
Spatial urbanistic structure
When discussing issues of the development of towns,
it is important to consider their spatial urbanistic structure.
Much to our regret, up till now, cartographic
and iconographic material related to the towns of the
Šiauliai Crown Estate in the 17th and 18th centuries
has not been abundant, compared to that of the towns
in the neighbouring Duchy of Courland and Semigallia
(new and formerly unknown material has recently
been found in archives), or Biržai. The item that helps
to solve this problem is the oldest drawing of Joniškis
dating back to the beginning of 1703, which was discovered
in the National Library of Sweden; 7 the drawing
depicts five streets, the market place, the buildings,
the church and the surrounding area (Fig. 5).
Therefore, in the course of the reconstruction of the
urbanistic structure, we need to use archaeological data
and apply a retrospective method. The main part is the
streets and the market place, as well as their spatial
structure. In Joniškis, Šiauliai, Radviliškis (from 1557
[?]) and Žagarė (from the 16th to the early 17th centuries),
a mixed building plan with a radial street plan
and a rectangular square formed. From 1764 to 1765,
A. Tyzenhauz, the manager of the Šiauliai Crown Estate,
started implementing an ambitious plan for the
reconstruction of Šiauliai: rectangular blocks were laid
out, and the town acquired the rectangular planning
features typical of a Classicism town. Such plans for
reconstruction were drawn up for Joniškis and Žagarė,
too. However, they were not implemented, probably
due to lack of funds.
Historiography indicates that in Šiauliai and both
towns of Žagarė, the market places were of a rectangular
plan (typical of the Renaissance, designed according
to urban construction and reconstruction trends that
prevailed in Europe, and in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,
in the 14th century)
As urbanistic researchers point out, the market place
in Joniškis was an irregular triangle in shape, wider in
the north and narrower in the south. However, following
the discovery of the location of the foundations of
the town hall in 2006, the plan of the market place in
7 I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Henrik
Johansson of the Swedish Army Museum for his
assistance. The drawing was first published in Sweden in
1907 (Hedegren 1907, p.344).
Iconographic material collected during the implementation
of the project ‘Search for Iconographic Sources of the
Šiauliai Crown Estate and the Upytė Powiat of the 17th
and 18th Centuries’ in Swedish archives, financed within
the framework of the fourth call for applications (2011)
of the National Development Programme for Lithuanian
Studies 2009–2015 by the Research Council of Lithuania
(Agreement No. LIT-4/1), has been used in this article.
Fig. 4. A view of the central part of destroyed Šiauliai
(Turgaus Square) in 1944, seen from the roof of the present
Drama Theatre. Archaeological excavations were carried
out in this part of the town in 2000 and 2006. ŠAM Neg.
No. 15290 (photograph by S. Ivanauskas).
the 18th and early 19th centuries can be adjusted. If an
imaginary straight line is drawn from the church (the
tower) to the western axis (the wall) of the town hall
(the present-day ‘White’ Synagogue), the market place
acquires a plan that is shaped like an almost regular
rectangle, orientated in a north-south direction, just
like all other Renaissance market places of that period
in the Grand Duchy of Lithuania and other countries
(Figs. 2; 3). This statement does not contradict a document
from 1557, which mentions a rectangular square
of one margas (in Lithuanian) in area in Joniškis
(Miškinis 2004, p.130), or the aforementioned drawing
from 1703 (Fig. 5). The triangular square might
have formed in the first half of the 19th century, after
the town lost its right to self-government in 1776 and
1795, and the town hall fell into decay. At the end of
the 18th or the beginning of the 19th century, it was
demolished (the building materials were sold off or reused),
and the ‘White’ Synagogue was erected in 1823
on the site of the town hall or next to it. A row of commercial
buildings was built between the synagogue and
the market place. For this reason, the market place became
narrower in its southeast part. An environment of
seclusion typical of synagogues formed: synagogues
were usually situated near the central square of a town,
in the depths of a block, and they were more visible
from side streets than from the central street (Vasiliauskas
2007b, p.28).
Buildings serving religious, public (a town hall) and
trading purposes were usually built next to market
places.
Buildings were concentrated in the market place and
the main streets, and the townspeople’s vegetable

Fig. 5. The drawing of the town of Joniškis by Carl Magnus Stuart, dated 1703. National Library of Sweden, Stockholm.
No. D768, I. p.61.
gardens were some distance from the main streets, in
backyards.
There were cemeteries for the townspeople in the
churchyards. In Joniškis (Fig. 3) and Šiauliai, former
burial grounds dating from an earlier or simultaneous
period could be determined.
Near all the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate discussed
in this article, there were manors that were not
related to the towns, or their self-government or economic
activities. This phenomenon was widespread
throughout the western part of the Grand Duchy of
Lithuania. Due to the lack of research into former manor
sites, it is not clear yet whether the manors formed
as administrative and economic units simultaneously
with the towns, or much later.
Only a small amount of data has been gathered concerning
the appurtenances of the towns, homesteads
outside the towns situated along the main roads. One
such homestead was found in 2008 in Joniškis, at 20 to
23 Dariaus ir Girėno St. It used to stand at a distance of
about 400 metres south-southeast of the town hall (Fig.
3). Here, at the site of a trench two metres wide and 29
metres long (this way, a section of the homestead could
be made out in a southwest-northeast direction), a total
area of 74.4 square metres was investigated; the items
found were a cobbled pavement (repaired and levelled
on numerous occasions), the foundations of buildings,
and a cultural layer 15 to 20 centimetres thick, contain-
ing numerous finds dated to the second half of the 17th
to the first half of the 19th centuries. Most likely, there
used to be an inn at the excavated site (Vasiliauskas
2009b, pp.304-310). It is likely that a similar homestead
is depicted at the end of Šiauliai St in the Joniškis
drawing from 1703. The same drawing also shows a
rather large homestead at the end of Upytės St; the
arrangement of the buildings of the homestead is Ushaped,
or rather a square with a closed yard. There is
yet another homestead depicted at some distance from
the town, next to the Upytė road (Vasiliauskas 2010,
p.98) (Fig. 5).
The remains of another homestead outside the town
were discovered in 1999 and 2007 during excavations
in Žagarė (29 Raktuvės St). The items found were the
site of a cobbled ‘path’ one metre wide, 17th-century
thrown ‘rustic’ pottery, slag, cinders, and pieces of
burnt clay plaster. Some of the finds (the slag, the cinders)
might attest to the fact that at this location, some
distance from the town of New Žagarė, there was a
homestead intended for production (Vasiļausks 2008,
p.8). The homestead used to stand at a distance of about
600 metres southwest of the market place, and about
360 metres in the same direction from the supposed
outermost homestead of the town. From the point of
view of fire safety, the distance from the town was sufficiently
large that a homestead could be equipped for
production purposes, that is, for crafts involving the
use of fire.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
79

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
80
Until 1557 (?), the rest of the small towns of the
Šiauliai Crown Estate (Gruzdžiai, Meškuičiai, 8 Skaistgirys
and Radviliškis) were of a street-linear plan;
this means that a church with a cemetery and a market
place would usually be situated at one end of a street.
Buildings and pavements
The iconographic material, that is, the already mentioned
drawing of Joniškis from 1703 (Fig. 5), makes
it possible to get a certain idea of the building system
of the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate. In the foreground
of the drawing, in the middle and on the left,
we can see a homestead with outbuildings (up to four,
whereas the wills of rich town residents in the first half
of the 18th century mention more), fences (the remains
of two wattle fences were found during archaeological
excavations at 20 to 23 Dariaus ir Girėno St in 2008)
and vegetable gardens (maybe stock enclosures, too).
The roofs of the buildings are hipped and doublepitched
(some of them next to the market place have
mezzanines). The majority of the buildings are depicted
as having windows and doors, but no chimneys:
these are smoke cottages (?). Maybe the artist did this
on purpose, because it was a sketch for a copper etching
and due to a shortage of time he just wanted to
accentuate the most important buildings of the town?
This proposition might be supported by cartographed
finds of deep pot-shaped stove tiles and panel stove
tiles from the 17th century found in different locations
of the excavated central part of the town of Joniškis
(Fig. 3; Plate III.4). Despite this, we cannot exclude
the possibility that some of the town’s houses were
smoke cottages (Vasiliauskas 2010, p.98). For the sake
of comparison, in a drawing of neighbouring Bauska, 9
and in drawings and a copper etching of Jelgava (Mitau)
from the same period (Lancmanis 2006, Figs. 4; 5;
24; 2010, Figs. 78-82), nearly all the town houses are
depicted as having chimneys. There is no mention of
smoke cottages in the towns of the Duchy of Courland
and Semigallia in literature pertaining to the history of
architecture either. The issue of the presence of smoke
cottages remains open: archaeological investigations
and a detailed analysis of written sources (including
Swedish) are needed. For the sake of comparison,
smoke cottages existed in villages of the Courland
governorate until the middle of the 19th century, and
in some places until the end of the 19th century (in
Latgale, and to some extent in Augšzeme) (Latviešu
1969, p.123).
8 A. Miškinis indicates that in the 17th century Gruzdžiai
was restructured with a rectangular plan, and Meškuičiai
with a radial plan (Miškinis 1987, p.28).
9 AM (Armémuseum, Sweden, Stockholm) No. 4332.
In this picture of Joniškis dating from 1703, two cottages
with double-pitch roofs, a mezzanine, chimneys,
windows and doors are more prominent north of the
church, in the northwest part of the market place 10
(Fig. 5). The plots of rich town dwellers or officials
of the town (the burgomaster, clerks, court assessors
and counsellors) must have been situated there. Written
sources from the first half of the 18th century indicate
that the majority of the plots on the market square
belonged to municipal officials: the burgomaster and
others.
It is known that in 1703, during the occupation of
Joniškis, the command staff of the young Oginski was
accommodated in the burgomaster’s house. Therefore,
it can be assumed that one of the houses belonged to
the burgomaster; otherwise, the artist of the drawing
would not have paid such special attention to make it
prominent. During the archaeological investigations
in the yards of 15 Miesto Square in 1997, 2001 and
2005, a cobbled pavement of the yard dating from the
17th century and a tile stove that was demolished in
the second half of the 17th century were found. One
of the buildings of the investigated area is depicted
more prominently in the drawing (Vasiliauskas 2010,
p.97ff).
The oldest known drawings and etchings of the town
of Šiauliai date from the second half of the 19th century,
whereas the oldest remaining brick buildings
(recorded in technical drawings or photographs) were
built in Šiauliai in the first half of the 19th century.
Fot the reason mentioned earlier, that is, the lack of
visual material pertaining to the towns of the Šiauliai
Crown Estate in the 17th and 18th centuries, the main
source for research into the development of constructions
is still archaeological and historical data. All the
buildings of the towns situated within the area discussed
here were wooden, and their foundations were
normally made of stone (Fig. 6; Plate II.3). Wood is
the prevailing construction material in the eastern and
northern parts of the Baltic Sea region, as well as in the
rest of the East European region, and to some extent in
the Carpathian region (Slovakia), unlike in other European
countries.
Due to insufficient archaeological investigations of
the area discussed here, it is difficult to identify the
arrangement of houses within homesteads in the 17th
and 18th centuries. A typical feature of the old build-
10 A nearly identical house owned by Joachim Schröder, the
burgomaster, and built in 1699 has survived in Liepaja.
Charles XII, King of Sweden, stayed in the house on
several occasions during the Great Northern War. The
building then consisted of three parts, with a chimney in
the middle, a mezzanine, two utility rooms and two living
rooms at the ends (Lancmanis 1983, pp.30, 130).

Fig. 6. The east wall of a mid-18th century cellar in the town of Joniškis (3 Upytės St,
1994). ŠAM A-N 265/73934 (photograph by A. Šapaitė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
81

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
82
Fig. 7. A view of the church and the central part of Joniškis from 1891. No. LCR02520 (photograph by P. Lancrenon [online]).
Available from the Ministry of Culture of France – The Digital Library of Architecture and Heritage – RMN http://
www.culture.gouv.fr/public/mistral/memoire_fr (accessed 9 March 2011).
ing plan of Joniškis of the second half of the 19th and
the beginning of the 20th centuries is the fact that the
longer buildings on the streets would face the street
with their ends and sides (this is confirmed by investigations
carried out at 4b Miesto Square in Joniškis in
2010 and 2011), whereas in the case of shorter buildings,
they would face the street with their sides (like
the homesteads of street villages of western Aukštaitija
(Bertašiūtė et al. 2008, p.10). The buildings situated in
the square would face the street with their facades (as
in the towns of the neighbouring Duchy of Courland
and Semigallia). A typical feature of the old building
plan of Žagarė from the same period is the fact that
both in the streets and in the market squares, the facades
of the buildings would normally face the street or
the square, like the 17th and 18th-century buildings of
Liepāja (Libau) and other towns in the Duchy of Courland
and Semigallia (Jansons 1982, p.52; Lancmanis
1983, p.28).
Some Lithuanian historians tend to relate the emergence
of brick buildings to the expansion of West European
civilisation into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania.
Without any doubt, the presence of stone buildings distinguishes
an urban settlement from a village.
Of the oldest stone buildings, we should mention the
churches built in the first half of the 17th century in
Joniškis (1601–1605) 11 (Fig. 7), New Žagarė (1626)
11 The photographer of the church of Joniškis taken on 1 June
1891 was Marie-Paul Mathieu Lancrenon (1857–1922),
an army officer and a famous amateur photographer.
During his military career, he led a number of expeditions
that he documented in photographs (in 1987, the French
government acquired about 4,000 of his negatives). During
one journey in 1891, Lancrenon travelled by bicycle for six
months around Europe (and took photographs). Available
from: http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Belfort via Tilsit,
Skaudvilė, Kelmė, Šiauliai, Eleja, Jelgava, Valmiera, Tartu
and Narva to St Petersburg.
Among the photographs, there is a rare image of the
southern side (taken from the present-day Miesto Square)
of the brick church of Joniškis (the second one) built
in 1601–1605. Until now, only the front of the church
(taken from the northwest) has been known from a 1925
composite photographic postcard by Yankel Fischer from
Joniškis. The earlier photograph is an important source of
information on the architecture of the second church of
Joniškis, before its reconstruction in 1895–1901. In the
photograph we can see a white single-storey building next

and Šiauliai (1617–1634). Historians have carried out
detailed research into these churches. It is interesting
to mention that the churches in Joniškis and New
Žagarė share a number of similarities with churches of
the neighbouring Duchy of Courland and Semigallia
(Augstkalne/Mežmuiža, Bauska, Lielauce, Mežotne,
Tērvete), whereas the church in Šiauliai shares similarities
with other churches of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania
in present-day western Belarus (Slonim, Smarhon).
In the rest of the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate,
wooden churches were built until the very end of the
18th century. A brick church was built in Šakyna between
1789 and 1790.
Written sources from the second half of the 18th century
indicate that brick buildings also began spreading
gradually in the Šiauliai Crown Estate. There are
mentions of several in Joniškis, Šiauliai and Žagarė.
The increase in the construction of brick buildings in
Šiauliai is related to the activities of the aforementioned
A. Tyzenhauz (approximately 30 brick buildings were
built in the town from 1764) (Kiaupa 1991a, p.48ff).
The remnants of brick buildings built in Šiauliai before
the end of the 18th century (vaulted cellars, foundations)
were found during an archaeological survey in
1998 at 138 Vilniaus St (a three-room cellar, 11.7 by
11.7 metres in size, with walls 95 to 155 centimetres
thick, and foundations, was uncovered); in 2000 at 157
Tilžės St (four walls, 75 to 95 centimetres thick, were
uncovered) (Šapaitė 2000, p.470ff; 2002, p.175; 2008,
p.98); and in 2009 at 140 Vilniaus St. In Joniškis, the
foundations of a brick building from the 17th or 18th
century was discovered in 2010 at 4b Miesto Square.
A similar situation could be observed up to the beginning
or even the middle of the 19th century in the
medium-size towns (medium-size for the eastern part
of the Baltic region) of Jelgava (a governorate centre)
and Kuldīga (Goldingen) of the neighbouring governorate
of Courland, where single-storey wooden buildings
prevailed. In the 1840s, the town dwellers of the
governorate of Courland owned 2,454 wooden and 292
brick buildings (Latvija 2000, p.147).
The foundations of the oldest brick secular building,
the 17th and 18th-century town hall, was discovered in
Joniškis in 2006. The foundations were 94 to 96 centimetres
(three feet) in width, and made of whole field
boulders, 37 by 43, 23 by 36, 12 by 23, and 16 by 20
centimetres in diameter. The spaces between the boulders
are filled with lime and fragments of brick with
lime stuck to them (Plate II.2). The walls of the ground
floor of the town hall of Bauska, built at the beginning
to the churchyard fence (1 Upytės Street). In the depth of
the square (in the northern part) we can discern former
wooden buildings.
of the 17th century according to the charter of 1615,
were of a similar width, that is, three feet (94.2 centimetres)
(Vasiliauskas 2007b). Joniškis town hall was
shown in the 1703 drawing to the right (the south) of
the church, between Upytės and Šiaulių streets, next to
the market place. It was made more apparent on purpose,
and depicted with windows, doors and a chimney
(Fig. 5), whereas most of the neighbouring buildings
and houses seen in the foreground are drawn without
these details. This drawing gives us an idea of the appearance
of the single-storey town hall. A. Miškinis, a
researcher into urbanistics, has pointed to the fact that
Joniškis town hall had a tower before the fire of 1748
(Miškinis 2004, pp.133, 138); however, the tower is
not depicted in the drawing (Vasiliauskas 2010, p.97).
Summarising all this information, it can be claimed that
from the beginning of the 17th century, brick buildings
intended for public and religious purposes began to
spread in the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate. Their
numbers grew in the second half of the 18th century.
However, up to the middle of the 19th century, and in
some places (Žagarė, Joniškis) even until the end of
the 19th century, the prevailing construction material
was still wood.
Individual bricks, grooved or without grooves, and dating
from the 17th or 18th centuries, have been found
in all the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate: Joniškis,
Šiauliai and Žagarė. Several burnt and sooty fragments
of brick were found in 2007 in the former village site
of Kalnelis, next to the remnants of a tile stove dated to
the second half of the 17th century (Vasiliauskas 2008,
p.120).
During archaeological investigations in the towns,
other items related to construction were found: fragments
of 17th and 18th-century tiles (mostly ‘Dutch’),
iron door and window hinges (Joniškis, Žagarė), door
lock bindings (Joniškis), locks (Šiauliai, Žagarė) and
keys, door rivets and hooks (?), nails, various bars,
and shards of greenish window glass. Fragments of
stained-glass window frames made of lead alloy (Sn,
Pb) dating from the second half of the 18th century and
found in Žagarė (14 Miesto Square) in 2003 indicate
that some of the town’s buildings had stained-glass
windows (Vasiļausks 2008, Fig. 7).
Another peculiarity that distinguishes the towns of the
area discussed here from villages of the same period
is cobbled pavements found during investigations. The
earliest pavements, dated to the 17th century, have
been found in Joniškis and Šiauliai. No pavements dating
from the 17th or 18th century have been found in
Žagarė yet, due to the limited scope of investigations.
On the basis of the accumulated research data, we can
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
83

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
84
claim that stones were used to pave part of the yard
(probably the ‘clean’ yard and certain rooms within the
buildings). The 1657 regulations of the Šiauliai Crown
Estate mention poor-quality and neglected pavements
in Joniškis and Žagarė. Every town dweller was ordered
to repair the pavement by his house in a year,
or to pave the area if there was no pavement at all;
the same order applied to Šiauliai, too (Kiaupa 1991a,
p.19). Cobbled pavements are often found in former
manor sites from the same period.
The pavements were cobbled with stones of different
sizes. In some places (a homestead outside the town of
Joniškis at 20 to 23, Dariaus ir Girėno St), paved yards
were used for a longer time (100 to 150 years) and repaired
in order to level the depressed ground surface
(smaller stones 17 by 14, 17 by 23, 16 by 18, 18 by
12 and 12 by 14 centimetres were placed on larger flat
stones 56 by 35, 33 by 20, 25 by 19, 19 by 17, 26 by
25, 32 by 40, 37 by 28, 39 by 27, 31 by 31 centimetres)
(Plate II.3 ).
On a hypothetical comparison of the archaeological
research results from Joniškis (at 15 Miesto Square to
Mažoji St at 20 to 23 Dariaus ir Girėno St; in 2001 and
2005, a stretch 6.9 by ten metres in size was detected;
the northern part had been disturbed during heating
system construction work in 1997) with the 1703
drawing, the conclusion can be drawn that in the 17th
and 18th centuries cobbled pavements could only be
found at the homes of rich town dwellers. In order to
substantiate or reject this claim, we need to gather additional
archaeological data and check written sources.
Finds. Trades
The historian Z. Kiaupa points to the fact that as early
as the 16th century, Šiauliai became a local trade and
crafts centre for the southern part of the estate, whereas
Joniškis and Žagarė dominated in the north. Merchants
from the towns of the estate acted as mediators between
villages and small towns in their trading area (hinterland)
on the one hand, and merchants from Kaunas,
Riga and towns of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia,
who traded with Western Europe, on the other.
Craftsmen supplied the town and the surrounding area,
the southern part of the estate, with their goods. We
could say that trade was the basis of economic life in
Šiauliai, whereas handicrafts played a less important
role (Kiaupa 1991a, pp.23, 26, 37).
Finds are no less important for determining the development
of the towns of the estate. For us, the most
relevant finds are those related to trade, handicrafts
and different occupations, which distinguish the town
unmistakably from the village: coins and coin hoards,
pottery (especially ‘urban’ pottery, imported faience,
stoneware and chinaware), tiles, tools related to particular
handicrafts, products, and so on. Some of them
unmistakably identify the towns of the estate as local
trading and craft centres, with their trade areas, which
were normally limited to the area of an individual bailiwick.
In order to answer the question, more research
data from former village sites is required, which at the
moment is in short supply.
Numismatic material 12 is related to both long-distance
and short-distance trade. During particular periods,
coins would reach the Šiauliai Crown Estate via major
towns or ports of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania
(Vilnius, Kaunas), Livonia (Riga), and the Duchy of
Courland and Semigallia (Jelgava, Liepāja). The majority
of coins minted or brought to Riga (Livonia)
would find their way into Riga’s trading hinterland, the
northern part of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, including
the Šiauliai Crown Estate. Therefore, as early as
the beginning of the 16th century, coins minted in the
town of Riga, in Livonia, began to be brought to northern
Lithuania in large quantities. It should be pointed
out that until 1581 the weights and measures system
of shillings of the free city of Riga (found in Žagarė)
did not correspond with the monetary system of that
time of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the
17th century, the amount of these coins grew even
larger. When Riga and Livonia, which had been ruled
by the Swedes, were joined to Russia between 1710
and 1721, Russian coins began to be brought in large
numbers from the port town to the hinterland, Joniškis,
Žagarė, the villages of the Joniškis bailiwick, Kalnelis,
Ropininkai (a copper Peter I kopeck from the Russian
Empire, dated to 1707; 2009), along with highly popular
Saxonian coins (Žagarė, Šiauliai, the villages of the
Joniškis bailiwick: Džiugiai, Šluostikiai [Vasiliauskas
2009a, pp.254, 256], Drąsutaičiai). The system of Russian
coins differed considerably from that of Western
Europe; however, even up to the first half of the 19th
century, West European coins remained in circulation
in the region (this was encouraged by the Imperial
government in the 18th century), the basis of which
were thalers. This is supported by finds of hoards and
individual coins both in present-day Latvia (Ducmane,
Ozoliņa 2009, p.32ff) and in northern Lithuania.
In the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate, coins have
been found both in hoards (three 13 were buried in the
12 Dalia Grimalauskaitė, head of the Numismatics
Department at the National Museum of Lithuania, and
Eduardas Remecas, a specialist at the museum, assisted
in identifying the coins. The author extends his sincere
thanks for the advice.
13 An error was entered into historiography concerning a coin
hoard of 16th-century Prussian coins allegedly found in
the town of Joniškis in 1942 (see Ivanauskas 1995, p.28).

Table 2.
16th to
20thcentury
coins
Table 3.
17th-century
coins
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
85

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
86
17th century in Joniškis, and one in 1803 in Žagarė)
and in cultural layers as individual finds (Table 2).
Exhaustive information about the coin hoards has
been published. One of them (1625/1904), found in
Joniškis, consisted of a Christian IV of Denmark mark
(1617), a Sigismund III Vasa of Poland groat (1610),
1.5 groats (1619, 1620, 1623, 1624, 11 pieces), an ort
(1622, 1623), Lithuanian two-denarii (1611, 1620, two
pieces), shillings (1618, 1619, 1623, 1624, a total of 13
pieces), 1.5 Georg Wilhelm of Prussia groats (1625),
an ort (1622, 1623), Sigismund Vasa of Riga shillings
(1617, 1618, 1619, 1620, 1621, a total of 25 pieces),
Gustavus Adolphus shillings (1621, 1624, 1625, a total
of 20 pieces), and 1.5 groats (1623, 1624, a total of
four pieces). The second coin hoard (1698/1862) consisted
of 66 patagons, 16 half-patagons and quarter-patagons
of Albert, Elisabeth, Philip IV and Charles II of
the Spanish Netherlands, 15 rijksthalers and silver ducats
of the United Netherlands, a half-rijksthaler, eight
Liège ducatons, and two half-écu coins of Louis XIV
of France. The coins were dated from 1612 to 1698.
The third coin hoard (1699/1911) consisted of coins
dated to the late 17th century (Ivanauskas 1995, p.85,
199, 220). The coin hoard found in the market place
plot of Old Žagarė consisted of 15 five-kopeck coins
of the Russian Empire, dated to 1760–1803, and was
placed in a copper cup (1803/1995) (Vasiļausks 2008,
p.19, Fig. 5). There is also data of a questionable coin
hoard consisting of nine 17th-century coins found in
Šiauliai. 14
The author of this article at a later time repeated this error
(Vasiliauskas 2005, p.116; 2006, p.20). This coin hoard
was actually found in Joniškėlis (in the Pasvalys district).
14 The researcher Eugenijus Ivanauskas indicates that 35
coins were brought to Šiauliai Aušra Museum (Ivanauskas
1995, pp.224, 225); however, on checking the museum
Table 4.
18th-century
coins
We will review individual coins found in the towns of
the Šiauliai Crown Estate in more detail. The largest
number of 16th to 19th-century coins were found during
investigations of the old parts of Žagarė (23 pieces)
and Joniškis (20 pieces). The material from the town
of Šiauliai (a total of seven pieces only) (Table 2) is
not sufficient, due to the scope and methods of investigation.
Without any doubt, the number of coins found
is not sufficient: the current general conclusions may
change in the future, when more material is collected.
On summarising the numismatic material from the
town of Joniškis (Vasiliauskas 2007a, p.13) we can see
that the majority of the coins found date from the 17th
century (12 pieces, or 60% of the total number) (Table
2). Most of the coins from the 17th century (ten pieces,
83%) are copper shillings minted in the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth, and two (17%) öre minted in
Sweden (Table 3). The situation concerning the 18th
century is slightly different: 100% (three pieces) of
the total number of coins are Russian (dengas, fivekopecks)
(Table 4).
The coins found in the old part of Šiauliai were: one
coin dating from the 16th century (a Sigismund Augustus
of Poland denarius (1545–1563), and another one
dating from the 18th century (a Christian of Saxony
1/12 thaler from 1763); the rest of the coins were 19threcords
and coins, only nine coins could be found (Register
of Received Exhibits [GEK] No. 1241/I-N 14338:1–9):
an Albert and Elisabeth of the Brabant Province of the
Spanish Netherlands quarter-patagon from 1617; a Philip
IV of Flanders patagon from 1648; a John Casimir Vasa of
Poland ort from 1667; tymfs from 1663 and 1664; a ducat
from the province of Guelders of the United Netherlands
from 1699; a Zealand ducat from 1675; three Friedrich
Wilhelm of Prussia groats from 1695; and a Rudolf II of
Tyrol thaler from 1607.

Fig. 8. A plate from Joniškis dated to the second half of
the 17th century (4b Miesto Square, 2010). JIKM, non-inv
(photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).
century coins from the Russian and German empires.
A larger collection of coins was collected during an investigation
of the old manor site of Šiauliai. 15 Among
them was the oldest coin ever found in Šiauliai, a
Sigismund the Old of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania
half-groat from 1510; also, eight John Casímir Vasa
of Grand Duchy of Lithuania copper shillings (four
pieces) and John Casimir Vasa of Poland (three pieces)
(one has not been identified more precisely), a Charles
XI of Livonia shilling from 1662, and a Frederick I of
Sweden öre from 1722.
A slightly different situation was ascertained in Žagarė
(Vasiļausks 2008, pp.19-21). During the investigations
there, more 16th and 18th-century coins from
foreign countries were found than anywhere else in
other towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate (Tables 2-4).
These were city of Riga from 1539 and free city of
Riga (1561–1581) shillings, Theodore IV of Corvey
Abbey groats (1612–1616) and Emanuel of Bavaria
groats from 1721, a Friedrich Wilhelm of Hildesheim
1/12-thaler from 1764, and two Ernest Frederick I of
Saxony (Hildburghausen) two groats from 1718. Most
of the 17th-century coins are copper shillings minted
in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, seven pieces
(78%), and single coins (11% each) minted in Corvey
Abbey and Riga. These finds differ considerably from
the numismatic material collected in self-governing
Joniškis or the centre of the estate, Šiauliai.
For the sake of comparison, valuable numismatic material
was collected in 2007 and 2008 during a survey
of the churchyard of New Žagarė. A total of 21 16th to
15 My sincere thanks to the archaeologist Virginija
Ramanauskaitė-Ostašenkovienė for her permission to use
her research material.
Fig. 9. A pot from the former manor site of Joniškis dated to
the mid-17th century (9 Žemaičių St, 2004). JIKM Register
of Received Exhibits No. 10738/ AR 64:40, (restored by
L. Šalkovska, photograph by J. Ambrazaitytė).
19th-century coins were collected there (Tables 2, 3).
The 16th to 18th-century coins were six (40%) 17thcentury
coins minted in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth
(copper shillings, a two-denarii), seven
(47%) 17th-century coins minted in Livonia and Riga
(shillings), and two (13%) 16th-century coins minted
in the free city of Riga (shillings).
The Žagarė finds stand out from the general Lithuanian
context: especially large numbers of coins from Livonia,
Riga and the German mini-states of the Holy Roman
Empire were found there. This indicates that two
different monetary systems, those of the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania and Livonia, circulated in Žagarė and in
the surrounding area in the 16th century, because from
the 16th century the area came under the economic influence
of Riga and constituted Riga’s trade hinterland.
As the investigation of the churchyard of Old Žagarė
carried out in 2009 indicates, the cultural influence of
Livonia was felt from as early as the 16th century.
The numismatic material from the former village site
of Kalnelis, which has been investigated and surveyed
in greater detail (the settlement is situated at a distance
of three kilometres northwest of the self-governing
town of Joniškis) adds to the picture of the monetary
circulation in the Joniškis bailiwick 16 (Tables 2-4). The
larger part of the 17th-century coins are Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth copper shillings; the number of
bullion shillings minted in Livonia and Riga collected
is slightly smaller. Coins from foreign countries have
been found, too: a Kristina Augusta Vasa of Elbing 1
1/2-groats from 1635, and a Friedrich Wilhelm of Prus-
16 The analysis does not include the 41 coins from the 17th
century contained in the hoard (cf Vasiliauskas 2008,
p.121ff).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
87

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
88
Table 5. The percentage distribution of pottery collected at 4b Miesto Square
(Joniškis, 2006, 17th and 18th century), 4b Miesto Square (Joniškis, 2010, the
second half of the 17th century), 20 to 23 Dariaus ir Girėno St (a homestead
outside Joniškis, the second half of the 17th century to the beginning of the
19th century) and 9 to 11 Žemaičių St (the site of Joniškis manor, 2006, 17th
and 18th century)
Findspot Total Traditional Number of Oxidised (‘urban’)
regional
(rustic)
pots
Unglazed Number of Glazed
pots
Number of
pots
4a, Miesto Sq. 158 67 pieces / 0.8 / 8.16% 10 pieces / 6.33% 1 / 10.2% 81 pieces / 51.27 % 8 / 81.64 %
pieces 42.4%
4b, Miesto Sq. 354 153 pieces 3.3 / 22.76% 2 pieces / 0.57%
/ 43.22%
0.2 / 1.38% 199 pieces / 56.21% 11 / 75.86%
20–23, Dariaus 227 88 pieces /
24 pieces / 9.45% 115 pieces / 45.28%
ir Girėno St
34.64%
9–11, Žemaičių 134 104 pieces 1.3 / 28.89% 2 pieces / 1.49% 0.2 / 4.44% 28 pieces / 20.89% 3 / 66.67%
St, area No. 2 pieces / 77.62%
9, Žemaičių St, 124 81 pieces / 1 / 20.83% 8 pieces / 6.45% 0.8 / 35 pieces / 28.32% 3 / 62.5%
test pit No. 19 pieces 65.32%
16.67%
9–11, Žemaičių 211 157 pieces 2 / 27.4% 3 pieces / 1.42% 0.3 / 4.1% 51 pieces / 24.17% 5 / 68.5%
St, test pit No.
23
pieces / 74.41%
9–11, Žemaičių 78 60 pieces / 0.7 / 28% 5 pieces / 6.41% 0.5 / 20% 13 pieces / 16.67% 1.3 / 52%
St, test pit No.
24
pieces 76.92%
Table 6. The percentage distribution of pottery from the second half of the
17th century collected in the household pits of the site of Joniškis manor
(9 Žemaičių St, 2004)
Pit No. 1 number, percentage/depth
100–190 cm
Number of pots number, percentage/depth
147–190 cm
Number of pots
rustic 366 / 90.15% 4.5 / 52.94% 208 / 92.86% 2.5 / 60.98%
oxidised unglazed 3 / 0.74% 0.3 / 3.53% 3 / 1.34% 0.3 / 7.32%
glazed 37 / 9.11% 3.7 / 43.53% 13 / 5.8% 1.3 / 31.70%
Total: 406 / 100% 224 / 100%
Pit No. 2 depth 100–190 cm depth 130–160 cm
rustic 950 / 95.29% 11.5 / 71% 941 / 95.82% 11.5 / 73.72%
oxidised unglazed 10 / 1.00% 1 / 6.17% 5 / 0.51% 0.5 / 3.20%
glazed 37 / 3.71% 3.7 / 22.83% 36 / 3.67% 3.6 / 23.08%
Total: 997 / 100% 982 / 100%
Pit No. 3 depth 100–190 cm depth 160–195 cm
rustic 67 / 56.3% 0.8 / 13.79% 33 / 43.42% 0.4 / 8.51%
oxidised unglazed – – – –
glazed 52 / 43.7% 5 / 86.21% 43 / 56.78% 4.3 / 91.49%
Total: 119 / 100% 76 / 100%

Fig. 10. Parts of pots from the former village site of Kalnelis dated to the mid-17th century (2007). ŠAM GEK No. 122489,
122490/I-A 323:1, 2 (restored by L. Adomaitytė, photograph by V. Šileikienė).
Fig. 11. Shards of thrown ‘rustic’ pottery from the former market place of Šiauliai, dated to the 16th or 17th century (2006).
ŠAM I-A 212:184, 159, 141, 167, 133, 169, 166, 143 (photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
89

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
90
Fig. 12. A glazed earthenware jar from Joniškis dated to
the 17th century (4b Miesto Square, 2010). JIKM, non-inv
(photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).
Fig. 13. A glazed green plate from Šiauliai (Prisikėlimo
Square, 2006). ŠAM I-A 212:113 (photograph by
E. Vasiliauskas).
Fig. 14. A glazed green plate from Šiauliai (Prisikėlimo
Square, 2006). ŠAM I-A 212:162, 129 (photograph by
E. Vasiliauskas).
sia six-groats from 1682. The number of 18th-century
coins found was smaller. These were a Peter I of the
Russian Empire polushka from 172?, a Frederick I of
Sweden öre from 1743, a Stanislaw Augustus Poniatowski
of Poland 1 1/2-groats from 1756, and an Ernst
Johann von Biron of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia
three-groats from 1764. Furthermore, two hoards
of 17th-century coins have been found in Kalnelis, the
composition of which is identical to those which had
been buried in the towns.
In the villages of Kalnelis and Slėpsniai (Vasiliauskas
2009a, p.252, Fig. 6), and likewise in the manor site of
Joniškis (one item in each site), finds typical of towns
have been found: 17th and 18th-century lead seals
from fabrics. Regrettably, such finds have not yet been
found in the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate; only
19th and 20th-century seals have been found.
If we compare the numismatic material from Kalnelis
and other village sites of the Joniškis bailiwick
(Džiugiai, Šluostikiai) (Vasiliauskas 2009, pp.254,
258) with that from towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate,
we can say that the material from Kalnelis is
exceptional in its diversity. However, these distinct
differences can be explained by research methods and
the survival of cultural layers. Virtually no intensive
construction work was carried out at the village site of
Kalnelis in the 19th and 20th centuries.
The most numerous group of finds from settlements of
the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period is pottery.
There is still a lack of a thorough analysis of 14th
to 18th-century Lithuanian pottery. Nevertheless, the
abundant collected material enables us to make some
generalisations.

Fig. 15. Glazed cups and a goblet from Šiauliai (Prisikėlimo Square, 2006). ŠAM I-A 212:114, 146, 125, 115, 116 (photograph
by E. Vasiliauskas).
The pottery collected in the towns of the Šiauliai
Crown Estate and other locations is divided into several
groups: ‘rustic’ pottery (also called traditional regional
pottery), oxidised pottery (‘urban’ pottery or ‘pottery
of the Early Modern Period’), reduced pottery (‘black’
pottery), imported stoneware, faience and chinaware.
The most numerous group of pottery items collected is
‘rustic’ pottery (Figs. 8; 9), which in the Joniškis layers
of the mid-17th century to the 18th century makes up
around 35% to 78%, and in the household pit holes of
the manor site of mid-17th century Joniškis as many
as 90.15% to 95.29% of the total pottery items collected
(Vasiliauskas 2005, pp.117-119; 2006, pp.16-
17; 2007a, p.11). However, if we count the number
of pots, and not pieces, the distribution of pots (in per
cent) changes considerably. For example, during the
archaeological investigations at the Joniškis manor site
(9 Žemaičių St) in 2004, a cooking pot of ‘rustic’ pottery
dated to the mid-17th century could be put together
from 82 shards (height 29 centimetres, diameter of top
27 centimetres, diameter of shoulder 37.3 centimetres,
diameter of base 19.3 centimetres) (Fig. 9), whereas
a plate dated to the second half of the 17th century
could be put together from 11 shards (height 7.9 centimetres,
diameter of top 24.7 centimetres, diameter of
base 14.2 centimetres; 4b Miesto St, 2010) (Fig. 8). A
small glazed earthenware jar of oxidised pottery from
the same period can be reconstructed from 12 (height
10.6 centimetres, diameter of top 11.1 centimetres, diameter
of base 7.2 centimetres; 9 Žemaičių St, 2004)
or 18 shards (height 10.75 centimetres, diameter of top
10.5 centimetres, diameter of base 6.6 centimetres; 4b
Miesto St, 2010), and a small jug (height 16.1 centimetres,
diameter of top 9.5 centimetres, diameter of base
eight centimetres) can be reconstructed from seven
shards (9 Žemaičių St, 2004). Cups, small plates and
bowls have been reconstructed from a single shard or
from three larger shards. Consequently, the number of
‘rustic’ pottery-type pots is obtained by dividing the
total number of shards, depending on the type of vessel,
by 11 to 82 (46 on average), whereas that of ‘urban’
pottery is obtained by dividing by three to 18 (on
average by ten). On recalculating this data, the picture
changes drastically: the number of ‘rustic’ pottery-type
pots as compared to the number of shards drops by two
to 2.5 (and in some cases even by five) times (making
up 8.16% to 28.89%), whereas that of oxidised pottery
goes up by 1.5 to three times (making up 72.6% to
91.84%) (Table 5). Similar changes can be observed in
the case of the pottery from the site of Joniškis manor
(Table 6). However, the oxidised pottery pots differ
considerably in their size and capacity as indicated by
the measurements given here.
During the excavations at the site of the village of
Kalnelis and the survey of other former village sites of
the Joniškis bailiwick, quite a rich collection of pottery
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
91

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
92
Fig. 16. 1-3 fragments of 17th-century stoneware mugs; 4-9 18th to early 19th-century oxidised pottery; 10, 11 glazed
faience plates (2, 3, 10, 11 from the former market place in Šiauliai, 2006; 1, 4–9 from Vilniaus St, Žagarė, 2001). JIKM AR
26:20 (1), 44 (4), 45 (5), 43 (6, 7), 46 (8, 9), ŠAM I-A 212:161 (2), 118 (3), 194 (10), 153 (11) (photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).

Fig. 17. Fragments of 18th-century plates: 1, 2 faience (4 to 14 Prisikėlimo Square, Šiauliai, 2006); 3 chinaware (2 to 4
Šiaulių Senoji St, Joniškis, 2001). JIKM AR 18:55 (3), ŠAM I-A 212:197 (1), 157 (2), 156 (4, 7), 191 (8), 196 (5, 9, 13),
154 (6), 198 (10), 152 (11), 150 (12), 195 (14) (photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).
could be collected. In these locations, as in the neighbouring
town of Joniškis, the prevailing type was ‘rustic’
pottery. Several similarities between pots from the
mid-17th century from Kalnelis and ones found in the
town and at the manor of Joniškis have been noticed:
the edges (very often with a groove), the rims (bent
inwards), the shapes (with puffed sides; a diameter of
22.5 centimetres at the top, a diameter of 29.8 centimetres
at the shoulder) (Fig. 10), and their production
technique. These similarities raise doubts concerning
the ‘rustic’ character of these pots dated to the same
period, the middle and the second half of the 17th century;
they should probably be considered works of professional
master potters from Joniškis, which spread in
a small area, the trade hinterland of the town, that is,
the bailiwick.
‘Rustic’ pottery has been found in Žagarė and Šiauliai.
Here, just as in Joniškis, the items were made by the
potters of the towns. When comparing the profiles, the
peculiarities of shoulder ornamentation and the edges
of 17th-century ‘rustic’ pottery from the three towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate, quite distinct differences
can be seen. In Joniškis, the necks are usually pro-
filed, bent inwards, and there is a groove in the edge;
whereas in Žagarė and Šiauliai, the necks are bent outwards
at a right angle, and the edges are rounded. The
shoulders of the pots are more often ornamented in
Žagarė (by a wavy line, oblique incisions) and Šiauliai
(by wavy lines, broken lines, ‘X’ motifs, small stamps)
(Fig. 11) than in Joniškis. No ‘rustic’ pottery whatsoever
was found during the investigation of the 16th to
18th-century layers of the old town of Riga, the main
metropolis of the eastern Baltic shore.
The second largest group of 17th and 18th-century
pottery is the oxidised (‘urban’) glazed and unglazed
pottery (Figs. 12–15; 16.4-9): bowls, cups, goblets,
earthenware jars, jugs and frying pans. This pottery is
found in the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate from
the 17th century. Over the course of time, its quantity
increased continuously, and in the second half of the
18th century and the first half of the 19th century, this
type of pottery, along with faience, almost ousted ‘rustic’
pottery (the latter is found in quite large numbers
during surveys of 18th and 19th-century former vil-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
93

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
94
Fig. 18. Part of a 17th-century glazed faience cup found
near the market place in New Žagarė (14 Miesto Square,
2003). JIKM GEK No. 10117/ AR 26:92 (photograph by
E. Vasiliauskas).
Fig. 19. A glass vial from Joniškis dated to the 17th century
(4b Miesto Square, 2010). JIKM, non-inv (photograph by E.
Vasiliauskas).
Fig. 20. A deep pot-shaped stove tile (2 to 4 Žemaičių St,
Joniškis, 2006). JIKM, non-inv (photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).
lage sites). Oxidised pottery is found in large quantities
in the larger towns and castles of the Grand Duchy
of Lithuania, Livonia and the Duchy of Courland and
Semigallia. The ‘urban’ pottery collected in the towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate is quite often identical to
the pottery found in other large towns; this indicates
that quite a large part of it was imported. The 17th and
18th-century oxidised pottery collected in the investigated
former village site of Kalnelis is neither numerous
nor diverse: it consists mostly of pieces of the same
shape, similar ornamentation and glazing (Vasiliauskas
2008, pp.119, 120). A variety of ‘urban’ pottery has
been ascertained in the former manor sites of Joniškis
and Old Žagarė.
The items of imported stoneware found in Žagarė and
Šiauliai are not numerous (Fig. 16.1-3). They originate
from the region of the Rhine. Such pottery is found in
rather large numbers in the towns and castles of Livonia
and the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia.
Imported majolica and chinaware from the 17th and
18th centuries is a rare find in the towns of the Šiauliai
Crown Estate. Items of faience could only be found
in Šiauliai (Figs. 16.10-11; 17.1-2, 4-14), Žagarė (Fig.
18) and Joniškis (a few shards, 2010). Also, a piece of a
small china plate dated to the late 18th or the early 19th
century was found in Joniškis (Fig. 17.3).

Fig. 21. An iron awl, a needle, and part of a brass needle
box dated to the 17th or 18th century (Old Žagarė, 2007).
ŠAM GEK No. 117077/I-A 208:32, 117079/I-A 208:34,
117078/I-A 33 (photograph by E. Vasiliauskas).
Glass artefacts have been found in small numbers only
in the layers from the second half of the 17th and the
18th centuries; these were fragments of bottles, medicine
vials (Fig. 19), mugs and goblets.
Another numerous group of finds both from towns and
manors is tiles. In terms of their shape, they are divided
into several groups: shallow pot-shaped tiles, deep potshaped
tiles (Topfkacheln), panel tiles (Blattkacheln),
trim tiles, and band tiles. They reflect the styles of the
period discussed here: Renaissance, Mannerism and
Baroque.
The oldest stove made of shallow pot-shaped stove
tiles and panel tiles, dated to the mid-16th century, was
found in Šiauliai in 2000 (Plate III.1-2) (Šapaitė 2002,
p.176ff, Fig. 38; 2008, p.98ff).
In the 17th-century layers of the town of Žagarė, shallow
pot-shaped stove tiles with a square opening prevail;
whereas from the 18th century, deep pot-shaped
stove tiles with a round opening began to spread. In the
17th century, glazed and unglazed panel tiles began to
spread in Žagarė. Some of them were decorated with
plant and heraldic motifs (Vasiļausks 2008, p.22, Figs.
8; 9).
In the town of Joniškis, just as in the manor, deep potshaped
stove tiles with a round opening prevailed in
the 17th century (Fig. 20). Here, as in Šiauliai, glazed
and unglazed panel tiles decorated in different ways
began to spread from the late 16th to the early 17th
century (Plate III.3-4) (Vasiliauskas 2005, p.121ff).
Tiles are a rare find in former village sites. There is a
notion that has become deep-rooted in the historiography
of Lithuanian ethnology concerning smoke cottages,
and the fact that ‘upright’ stoves (tile stoves) began
to spread in the Lithuanian countryside only from the
late 19th century (Dundulienė 1964, p.224). However,
investigations carried out at the former village site of
Kalnelis in 2007, and accidental finds in former village
sites of the Joniškis vicinity (Džiugiai), indicate that
deep pot-shaped tile stoves, and to a lesser degree panel
tile stoves, could already be found in villages at that
time (Vasiliauskas 2009a, p.256, Fig. 13). In Kalnelis,
during the excavations of area No 7, the remnants of a
stove made of deep pot-shaped stove tiles with a round
opening (tiny stove tile shards), dated to the second
half of the 17th century, were found widely scattered.
It is difficult to tell what kind of house the investigated
one might have been. It could have been the site of an
inn.
Deep pot-shaped stove tiles were found in large numbers
during the investigation of the site of the former
manor of Joniškis. More panel tiles than shallow or
deep pot-shaped stove tiles were found during investigations
of the site of the former manor of Old Žagarė.
In the towns and manors of the Šiauliai Crown Estate,
unlike in neighbouring German lands (Prussia, the
Duchy of Courland and Semigallia, Livonia), few fragments
of 17th and 18th-century Dutch white kaolin-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
95

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
96
ite smoking pipes have been found (only three pieces
in Joniškis before 2010, and two pieces in Šiauliai).
Also in towns (five in Šiauliai, three in Joniškis) (2005;
2010), only a few smoking pipe heads made of brown
clay and dated to the second half of the 17th century
and the 18th century have been found (Plate IV.2).
Toys from the 17th and 18th centuries have only been
found in Joniškis and Šiauliai. A glazed clay whistle
was found in 2008 (Vasiliauskas 2009b, p.306, Fig. 11)
in Dariaus ir Girėno St (Joniškis), and a piece of another
was found at the old manor site (9 Žemaičių St,
Joniškis, 2004), and toggle was found in Šiauliai (146
Vilniaus St 20).
Other finds of no less importance are related to handicrafts.
There are mentions of craftsmen in the main
towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate, in Joniškis (the
inventory register of 1649 mentions 30 craftsmen)
(Miškinis 2004, p.133), New Žagarė (ten craftsmen
are mentioned in 1638, 1649 and 1674, blacksmiths
and bakers; in 1775, 1780 and 1786, blacksmiths, carpenters,
cap makers, tailors, coopers, potters, furriers,
bookbinders and others) (Miškinis 1984, pp.67ff, 76,
82, 83, 87), Šiauliai (between 1589 to 1761, mention
is made of slaughterers, bakers, butchers, tailors, furriers,
blacksmiths, locksmiths, glaziers, joiners, coopers,
wheelwrights, harness-makers, a gunsmith, curriers,
weavers, and a bookbinder (Kiaupa 1991a, p.22). A
shoemakers’ guild was established in Joniškis in 1617
(the privilege was confirmed in 1618). As can be seen
from the list of craftsmen, they must have catered for
the needs of the town and the surrounding villages, and
produced items for a market no wider than the catchment
area of the town.
Tools related to wood processing (a plane and a gouge)
were found during the investigation of the homestead
outside Joniškis in 2008.
In the northeast part of the market place in New Žagarė
(14 Miesto Square), a bookbinder’s workshop dated to
the second half of the 18th century, including iron tools
(chisels) and artefacts (brass book clips), was discovered
in 2003 (Vasiļausks 2008, p.21, Fig. 7).
In the area surrounding Vilnius St and the market place
in New Žagarė, artefacts related to the bone-processing
trade and dated to the 17th to the early 19th century
were found in 2001 and 2007: long processed cattle
horns, and horns with traces of cuts (Vasiļausks 2008,
p.21).
Artefacts related to tailoring were found in the northeast
part of the market place in Old Žagarė in 2007: a
piece of a brass needle box, an iron awl and a needle
(Fig. 21). A layer of slag containing pieces of blowers
was also detected in the same place (Vasiļausks 2008,
p.21ff). In the towns of the estate, some other artefacts
related to the crafts of the tailor, the spinner or the shoemaker
have been found (small spindles in Joniškis and
New Žagarė, half the bone handle of an awl in Joniškis,
and thimbles in Šiauliai). It goes without saying that
not all of these artefacts were lost by people engaged
in these occupations: they might have just been household
articles.
Despite the fact that a comparatively small area (60
square metres) was excavated in Žagarė, a paradoxical
situation emerged. It was there that the largest amount
of data on the volume of the townsfolk’s crafts and
trade was accumulated, compared to self-governing
Joniškis or the centre of the estate, Šiauliai (here, the
largest number of craftsmen from among the estate
towns was recorded in the 17th and 18th centuries;
their number in other towns was far smaller (Miškinis
1987, p.27). There is no answer to this question as yet.
A comparison of data contained in written sources and
archaeological data from Žagarė indicates that in both
towns of Žagarė there was a certain specialisation of
occupations during individual periods: in the smaller
Old Žagarė, handicrafts and craftsmen prevailed (for
example, between 1754 and the middle of 1756, there
were 12 to 14 craftsmen in Old Žagarė, whereas in New
Žagarė there were nine (Miškinis 1984, p.78); in the
larger New Žagarė, traders and merchants prevailed.
Comparative archaeological data on handicrafts in former
village and manor sites is still scarce. In the course
of research into the specific character of towns, as
well as during their comparison with different objects
(manors, former village sites), quite a large amount of
data is obtained from studies of anthropological and
osteological material (the physiological condition of
the population, and nutrition).
Development stages of the towns
Summarising the accumulated archaeological material
and comparing it with historical sources makes it possible
to single out three stages in the development of
the estate towns in the 16th to the 18th centuries. The
development of towns remains undefined, due to a lack
of material from archaeological excavations.
In the mid-15th century and up to the 16th century, urban-type
settlements, or small towns, were undergoing
their formation. During that period, the first mentions
of the main estate towns of the later period were made
(Šiauliai in 1445, Joniškis in 1356).
Some developed into towns of the Grand Duchy of
Lithuania as early as the second half of the 16th century
(Šiauliai), and others at the end of the 16th century or

at the beginning of the 17th century (Joniškis, Žagarė).
During that period, the mixed urbanistic structure of
towns consisting of a radial street plan and rectangular
(Renaissance) market places was formed. At that
time, the first brick buildings were built in the towns,
firstly buildings intended for religious purposes (the
brick churches in Joniškis, New Žagarė, Šiauliai) and
public purposes (Joniškis town hall). Thrown oxidised
(‘urban’) pottery and stove tiles spread in the towns.
Potters would make pots for the small market limited
to a bailiwick. More coins from the Polish-Lithuanian
Commonwealth and foreign countries dating from that
period are found in the towns. The thriving trade that
was the main business of the towns was largely promoted
by their geographical and economic situation:
the Šiauliai Crown Estate was part of the trade hinterland
of Riga. Finds related to handicrafts are recorded
in the towns; they provide information on the craftsmen
that used to work in these towns.
In the second half of the 17th century and the first half
of the 18th century, there was quite a long period of
decline in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, and
likewise in other towns of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania,
caused by the wars against the Swedes and the
Russians, as well as political and economic turmoil.
The middle of the 18th century saw the beginning of a
period of stabilisation and an upturn. During that period,
the strong cultural and economic influence of the
neighbouring Duchy of Courland and Semigallia and
Livonia can be observed. More brick buildings were
built in the estate towns (especially in Šiauliai). In the
second half of the 18th century, some towns (Šiauliai)
were laid out to a Classical plan.
Conclusions
Conditions for the formation of proto-towns in northern
central Lithuania, like most of of the eastern Baltic
Sea region, occurred in the 12th and 13th centuries.
The Crusades which raged in the 13th and 14th centuries
interrupted the natural development of the towns.
Favourable conditions for the development of the
towns occurred as late as the 15th century or the 16th
century. Some of them developed into towns of the
Grand Duchy of Lithuania in the second half of the
16th century (Šiauliai), others in the late 16th century
or early 17th century (Joniškis, Žagarė).
The earliest cultural layers dated to the 16th century
have been found in Šiauliai only. An intensive 17th to
18th-century cultural layer has been found in all the
estate towns. Poor layers have been found in the small
towns of the same period (Skaistgirys).
In the 16th and early 17th centuries, a mixed building
plan with a radial street network and a rectangular
(Renaissance) market place formed in towns (Joniškis,
Šiauliai, Žagarė). Buildings serving religious purposes
(churches), public purposes (town halls) and trade
purposes were usually built next to market places. The
rest of the small towns (Gruzdžiai, Meškuičiai, Skaistgirys)
were of a street-linear plan. This meant that the
church with a churchyard cemetery and a market place
would usually be situated at one end of the street.
The absolute majority of 16th to 18th-century buildings
in the towns of the estate, just as in most of the
Grand Duchy of Lithuania, were built of timber. Only
from the early 17th century did the construction of
brick buildings intended for religious or public purposes
(town halls) begin. More brick buildings were
built in the towns from the middle of the 18th century.
Without any doubt, brick distinguished a town from a
village. From the 17th century onwards, cobbled pavements
began spreading in the towns.
A more distinct separation between the development
of towns and villages can be drawn on the basis of the
specific features of finds. For us, the most relevant finds
are those related to trade, handicrafts and different occupations,
which distinguish the town unmistakably
from the village: coins and coin hoards, pottery (especially
‘urban’ pottery, imported faience, stoneware
and chinaware), tiles, work tools related to definite
handicrafts, and products. Some of them unmistakably
identify towns of the estate as local trade and craft centres,
with their trade hinterland, which were normally
limited to the area of an individual bailiwick.
Neither the amount nor the content of numismatic material
indicates the existence of essential differences
between the towns and villages of the Šiauliai Crown
Estate of that period. When comparing numismatic material
from these towns, Žagarė stands apart as a town
where 16th and 18th-century foreign coins have been
found in large numbers. This fact indicates the strong
economic influence of Riga, since the region belonged
to the trade hinterland of the metropolis.
Another group of finds that helps us single out specific
features of the development of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
towns is pottery and stove tiles. In the middle of
the 17th century, the larger part of this group was made
up of ‘rustic’ pottery. It has been determined that the
pottery items collected in the town of Joniškis and the
village of Kalnelis have a large number of similarities.
This fact allows us to update the notion of the ‘rustic
character’ of the pottery. Most likely, these are products
made by town potters, which spread in the trade
hinterland of Joniškis, the bailiwick.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
97

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
98
The oxidised pottery from the 17th and 18th centuries
collected in the towns of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
is numerous and diverse. Such finds are more rarely
found in former village sites; besides, the variations of
their shape are not as numerous as in the towns. Only a
few items of imported stoneware and faience from the
Rhine area could be found in Šiauliai and Žagarė, and
some items of chinaware in Joniškis.
Artefacts (including pieces of slag, awls, needle boxes,
thimbles, chisels) related to different handicrafts
(blacksmithery, tailoring, bone-processing, book-binding)
have been found in the estate towns.
Despite the fact that a comparatively small area was
excavated in Žagarė, a paradoxical situation emerged:
it was there that the largest amount of data on townsfolk’s
handicrafts and trade volumes was accumulated,
compared to self-governing Joniškis, or the centre of
the estate, Šiauliai.
Abbreviations
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje .... metais. Vilnius
(since 1967–).
JIKM – Joniškis History and Culture Museum.
ŠAM – Šiauliai Aušra Museum.
References
BERTAŠIŪTĖ, R., BALTRUŠAITIS, V., BURINSKAITĖ,
I., ŽUMBAKIENĖ, G., 2008. Vakarų Aukštaitijos
tradicinė kaimo architektūra. Vilnius: Etninės kultūros
globos taryba.
DUCMANE, K., OZOLIŅA, A., 2009. Latvija Eiropā:
monētu depozīti 1.–20. gadsimtā. In: Latvijas nacionāla
vēstures muzeja raksti, 16. Rīga.
DUNDULIENĖ, P., 1964. Lietuvių etnografijos bruožai. Vilnius:
Valstybinė politinės ir mokslinės literatūros leidykla.
HEDENGREN, G., 1907. Troféer vunna af ett Hälsingededetaschement
i stora nordiska kriget. In: G. HEDENGREN,
ed. Illustrerad militärrevy, 11, 343-348.
IVANAUSKAS, E., 1995. Lietuvos pinigų lobiai. Paslėpti
1390–1865 metais. Vilnius: Savastis.
JANSONS, G., 1982. Kurzemes pilsētu senās koka ēkas.
Rīga: Zinātne.
KIAUPA, Z., 1991a. Šiauliai XV a. – 1765 m. In: L.
MULEVIČIUS, ed. Šiaulių miesto istorija (iki 1940 m.).
Šiauliai: Momentas, 16-40.
KIAUPA, Z., 1991b. Reformų metas Šiauliuose 1765–1795
m. In: L. MULEVIČIUS, ed. Šiaulių miesto istorija (iki
1940 m.). Šiauliai: Momentas, 41-61.
KRYŽEVIČIUS, V., 1991 Joniškis senovėje. Sidabrė, 6, 10
and July, Nos. 52, 53 and 55.
LANCMANIS, I., 1983. Liepāja no baroka līdz klasicismam.
Rīga: Zinātne.
LANCMANIS, I., 2006. Jelgavas pils. Rīga: Zinātne.
LANCMANIS, I., 2010. Jaunatklājumi par veco pili un Jelgavas
panorāma ap 1700. gadu. In: E. GROSMANE, ed.
Senā Jelgava. Rīga: Neptūns.
LATVIEŠU, 1969. Latviešu etnogrāfija. H. STRODS, ed.
Rīga: Zinātne, 1969.
LATVIJA, 2000. Latvija 19. gs. gadsimtā. J. BĒRZIŅŠ, ed.
Rīga: Latvijas vēstures institūta apgāds.
MARČĖNAS, R., 1969. Šiaulių ekonomijos valstiečių sukilimas
1769 m. Vilnius: Mintis.
MIŠKINIS, A., 1984. Žagarė. In: Lietuvos TSR urbanistikos
paminklai, vol. 7. Vilnius: Mokslas, 55-134.
MIŠKINIS, A., 1987. Šiaulių ekonomijos miestų ir miestelių
genezės ir ūkinės-architektūrinės raidos kai kurios
ypatybės. Lietuvos istorijos metraštis, 1986 metai, 22-38.
MIŠKINIS, A., 2004. Vakarų Lietuvos miestai ir miesteliai /
Lietuvos urbanistikos paveldas ir jo vertybės, III, book I.
Vilnius: Savastis.
MEILUS, E., 1997. Žemaitijos kunigaikštystės miesteliai
XVII a. II pusėje – XVIII a. Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos instituto
leidykla.
ŠAPAITĖ, A., 2000. Šiaulių senojo miesto tyrinėjimai 1998
m. In: ATL 1998 ir 1999 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio leidykla,
468-471.
ŠAPAITĖ, A., 2002. Žvalgymai ir tyrinėjimai Šiauliuose,
Tilžės g. Nr. 157. In: ATL 2000 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio
leidykla, 174-177.
ŠAPAITĖ, A., 2008. Archeologiniai tyrimai Šiaulių senamiestyje.
In: Šiaulių „Aušros“ muziejaus metraštis 1992–
2004. Šiauliai, 93-100.
TYLA, A., MIŠKINIS, A., 1981. Joniškis. In: Lietuvos TSR
urbanistikos paminklai, 4. Vilnius: Mokslas, 68-113.
VASIĻAUSKS, E., 2008. Žagare 16.–18. gs. In: Raksti,
V / Zinātniskie lasījumi Ģ. Eliasa Jelgavas Vēstures un
mākslas muzejā: Starptautiskās zinātniskās konferences
materiāli. Jelgava, 16-33.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2005, Joniškis XVI–XVIII a. Lietuvos
archeologija, 27, 105-132.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2006. Joniškis XVI–XVIII a. Žemygala,
1, 11-24.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2007a. Archeologinė VI–XI a. ir
XVII–XIX a. Joniškio medžiaga. In: Lietuvos miestų rinkiniai
/ X mokslinė konferencija „Miestų kultūros paveldas
muziejuose“. Klaipėda, 6, 10-17.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2007b. Kur buvo Joniškio rotušė?
Žemygala, 2006, 2(2) – 2007, 1(3), 15-28.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2007c. Žiemgalių žemės XII–XIII a.
In: R.R. TRIMONIENĖ, ed. Kryžiaus karų epocha Baltijos
regiono tautų istorinėje sąmonėje. Šiauliai: Saulės
delta, 34-64.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2008. Kalnelio antrojo piliakalnio
papėdės gyvenvietė ir kaimavietė. In: ATL 2007 metais.
Vilnius: Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, 113-123.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2009a. Senovės gyvenvietės ir
kaimavietės Joniškio rajone. In: ATL 2008 metais. Vilnius:
Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, 250-257.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2009b. Tyrinėjimai Joniškyje. In: ATL
2008 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos archeologijos draugija,
302-310.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2009c. Žiemgalos apgyvendinimo
raida XIV a. – XVI a. pradžioje. Istorija, LXXIV, 74, 4-12.
VASILIAUSKAS, E., 2010. Surastas naujas XVIII a.
pradžios Joniškio istorijos šaltinis. Kultūros barai, 12, 95-
98.
Received: 12 May 2011; Revised: 9 November 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.

Ernestas Vasiliauskas
Faculty of Humanities
Šiauliai University
P. Višinskio St 38, LT-76352, Šiauliai, Lithuania
E-mail: ernestas@inbox.lv
ŠIAULIŲ EKONOMIJOS MIESTŲ
IR MIESTELIŲ RAIDA
XVI–XVIII AMŽIAIS
ERNESTAS VASILIAUSKAS
Santrauka
Sąlygos kurtis protomiestams Šiaurės vidurio Lietuvoje,
kaip ir didžiojoje Rytų Baltijos jūros regiono dalyje,
susidarė XII–XIII a. Natūralią jų raidą nutraukė XIII–
XIV a. vykę kryžiaus karai. Palankios sąlygos miestams
vystytis susiklostė tik XV–XVI a.
Miesteliai Šiaulių ekonomijoje pradėjo kurtis XVI a.
pirmojoje pusėje. Remiantis archeologine medžiaga ir
rašytiniais šaltiniais galima teigti, kad dalis jų nuo XVI
a. antrosios pusės (Šiauliai), o kiti nuo XVI a. pabaigos
– XVII a. pradžios (Joniškis, Žagarė) išaugo į vadinamuosius
LDK mažuosius miestus.
Dalis miestų jau XVII a. pradžioje gavo savivaldos
(Joniškis) (4 pav.), kiti – prekybos (Naujoji Žagarė,
Šiauliai) privilegijas. Likusieji ekonomijos miesteliai
tenkinosi XVII–XVIII a. trumpam suteiktomis prekybos
privilegijomis, tačiau į didesnius miestus, tokius
kaip Joniškis, Žagarė, Šiauliai, neišaugo (1 pav.).
Ankstyviausi – XVI a. – kultūriniai sluoksniai buvo
aptikti tik Šiauliuose (2 pav.; II. 1; III: 1–2 iliustr.).
Visuose ekonomijos miestuose aptiktas intensyvus
XVII–XVIII a. kultūrinis sluoksnis (2; 3 pav.; II: 1–3
iliustr.), kurio storis paprastai siekia 0,4–1,0 m. Plonų
(iki 0,3–0,4 m storio) ir skurdžių sluoksnių aptikta to
paties laikotarpio miesteliuose (Skaistgirys), turtingesnis
radinių sluoksnis (taip pat iki 0,3–0,4 m storio) aptiktas
kaimavietėse (Kalnelis).
XVI a. – XVII a. pradžioje miestuose (Joniškyje (3;
5 pav.), Šiauliuose, Žagarėje) susiformavo mišrus
užstatymas su radialiniu gatvių tinklu ir stačiakampe
(renesansine) turgaus aikšte. Šalia aikščių statyti sakralinės
(bažnyčios) (4; 7 pav.), visuomeninės (rotušės)
ir prekybinės paskirties pastatai. Vieninteliai Šiauliai
nuo 1764–1765 m. pradėti perstatinėti iš esmės – suformuoti
klasicistinio stiliaus stačiakampiai kvartalai.
Likę miesteliai (Gruzdžiai, Meškuičiai, Skaistgirys)
buvo gatvinio-linijinio plano, kur viename gatvės gale
paprastai būdavo bažnyčia su šventoriaus kapinėmis ir
turgaus aikšte.
Absoliuti dauguma XVI–XVIII a. ekonomijos miestų
pastatų, panašiai kaip ir didžiojoje LDK dalyje, buvo
mediniai (6 pav.). Tik nuo XVII a. pradžios pradėti statyti
mūriniai sakralinės (4; 7 pav.) ir visuomeninės (rotušės)
paskirties statiniai (5 pav.; II: 2 iliustr.). Daugiau
mūrinių pastatų miestuose pradėta statyti nuo XVIII a.
vidurio, o ypač ekonomijos valdytojui Antanui Tyzenhauzui
Šiaulių mieste vykdant ambicingą miesto perstatymo
planą. Mūras neabejotinai skyrė miestą nuo
kaimo.
Nuo XVII a. miestuose plito iš akmenų sudėti grindiniai
(II: 3 iliustr.). Akmenimis paprastai buvo grindžiami
„švarieji“ kiemai, kai kurios pastatų patalpos.
Aiškesnę takoskyrą tarp miestų ir kaimų raidos galima
nubrėžti pagal radinių specifiką. Mums aktualiausi
visų pirma yra dirbiniai, susiję su prekyba ir amatais,
verslais, kurie miestą vienareikšmiškai skiria nuo kaimo
– monetos ir jų lobiai, keramika (ypač vadinamoji
„miestų“, importinė fajansinė, akmens masės, porceliano),
kokliai, su konkrečiais amatais susiję darbo
įrankiai, gaminiai. Kai kurie jų neabejotinai kalba apie
ekonomijos miestus kaip apie lokalinius prekybos ir
amatų centrus su savo prekybiniais užnugariais, kurie
dažnai apsiribodavo vaitystės teritorija.
Numizmatinė medžiaga nei kiekiu, nei turiniu neatskleidžia
buvus esminių skirtumų tarp to laikotarpio
Šiaulių ekonomijos miestų ir kaimaviečių. Kaimaviečių
(Kalnelio) medžiaga netgi turtingesnė lyginant su
kai kuriais Šiaulių ekonomijos miestais (Joniškis, Šiauliai).
Lyginant miestų numizmatinę medžiagą išsiskiria
Žagarė, kur gausiai aptikta XVI ir XVIII a. svetimų
kraštų monetų, kas kalba apie stiprią Rygos ekonominę
įtaką – regionas priklausė metropolijos prekybiniam
užnugariui. Tai byloja, kad Žagarėje ir jos apylinkėse
XVI a. sėkmingai funkcionavo dvi skirtingos piniginės
sistemos – LDK ir Livonijos.
Kita radinių grupė, padedanti išskirti Šiaulių ekonomijos
miestelių raidos savitumus, yra keramika, kokliai.
Didžiąją jos dalį XVII a. viduryje sudaro vadinamoji
„kaimiškoji“ keramika (8–9; 11 pav.). Nustatyta, kad
Joniškio mieste, dvare ir Kalnelyje surinkta keramika
turi daug panašumų puodų formos, briaunų ir pakraštėlių
pavidalo atžvilgiu (10 pav.), o tai leistų koreguoti
jos „kaimiškumo“ sąvoką. Tikriausiai tai miesto puodžių
gaminiai, kurie išplito Joniškio miesto prekybiniame
užnugaryje – vaitystėje.
Surinkta gausi ir įvairi XVII–XVIII a. Šiaulių ekonomijos
miestų oksidacinė (arba vadinamoji „miestų“)
keramika (12–15; 16: 4–9 pav.), kurios nemaža dalis,
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III
FROM
ANCIENT
SETTLEMENTS
AND PIRACY
TO TOWNS
99

The Development of Towns
of the Šiauliai Crown Estate
from the 16th to the 18th
Century
ERNESTAS
VASILIAUSKAS
100
matyt, buvo importinė. Tokie radiniai kaimavietėse yra
retesni, o ir jų formos įvairove lyginant su miestais
nepasižymi. Tik Šiauliuose ir Žagarėje pavyko rasti
nedaug importinės Pareinės akmens masės (16: 1–3
pav.) ir fajanso keramikos (16: 10–11; 17: 1–2, 4–14;
18 pav.), Joniškyje – porceliano (17: 3 pav.). Mažai surinkta
stiklo dirbinių fragmentų (19 pav.).
Kokliai (20 pav.; III: 1–4 iliustr.) ekonomijos miestuose
kaip ir dvaruose plito nuo XVI a. vidurio, o ypač
nuo XVI–XVII a. sandūros. Šie radiniai (taip pat išimtiniais
atvejais – puodyniniai) ypač retai aptinkami
kaimavietėse.
Negausiai Šiaulių ekonomijos miestuose surinkta baltojo
kaolino ir rudojo molio pypkių dalių (IV iliustr.).
Tik Joniškyje aptikta XVII–XVIII a. žaislų – molinių
švilpynių, o Šiauliuose – ūžlė.
Ekonomijos miestuose pavyko aptikti su įvairiais amatais
(kalvio, siuvėjo (21 pav.), kauladirbio, knygrišio)
susijusių dirbinių (šlako, ylų, adatų, adatinių, antpirščių,
kirstukų, knygų sąsagėlių ir kt.). Įvairūs amatai
minimi XVII–XVIII a. rašytiniuose šaltiniuose.

IV. LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS, PALACES
AND MONASTERIES
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
103

A Bracelet from the Lands
of the Golden Horde
Found in the Palace of the
Grand Dukes of Lithuania
IEVA RĖKLAITYTĖ,
BÁRBARA BOLOIX-
GALLARDO,
EGLĖ ZAVECKIENĖ
104
A BRACELET FROM THE LANDS OF THE GOLDEN
HORDE FOUND IN THE PALACE OF THE GRAND
DUKES OF LITHUANIA
IEVA RĖKLAITYTĖ, BÁRBARA BOLOIX-GALLARDO,
EGLĖ ZAVECKIENĖ
Abstract
The aim of our article is to discuss a rather well-known artefact from the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania in Vilnius.
Although the bracelet has been somewhat widely published and exhibited, the information that usually accompanies it is little
more than modest. Although it is generally pointed out that the bracelet is adorned with an Arabic inscription, there is still a
question mark present. In this article, we will offer a transcription and a translation of the inscription on the bracelet, along
with some parallels, which will allow us to determine the origin of this unique find in Lithuanian archaeological material.
Key words: Palace of the Grand Dukes, Vilnius, Golden Horde, Arabic inscription, bracelet.
The history of the find
The bracelet was found in 1993 during archaeological
surveys of the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania.
This unique artefact (inventory record number 506)
with an Arabic inscription was discovered in G cellar,
1.5 metres below ground level. It is very thin and
fragile: the width is 0.9 centimetres. It is made of copper
alloy, with slightly narrowed ends, and was found
fragmented in three parts. The ends of the bracelet are
adorned with an image of an animal’s muzzle, with
noticeably narrowed eyes and an elongated nose. The
central part of the bracelet has decoration comparable
to twirled lines. The entire surface of the artefact is
filled with inscriptions in an Arabic script.
The archaeologists who initially published the find
considered that the bracelet was made by cutting along
a larger piece of a copper tin, and that, therefore, it was
incomplete (Kuncevičius et al. 1995, p.53, Figs. 167,
168).
Daiva Steponavičienė discusses the bracelet in her
book on luxury items from the Palace of the Grand
Dukes of Lithuania. She includes it in the chapter dealing
with arm jewellery which was worn by the inhabitants
of the Palace (Steponavičienė 2007, p.114ff, Fig.
68). Nevertheless, the author only repeats the information
on the findspot, and believes that the decorations
are Arabic lettering and that the bracelet is incomplete,
suggesting a 14th to 15th-century dating.
Most recently, the bracelet has been described as a pre-
Gothic find, dating from the 14th or early 15th century,
which formed part of the collection of the Palace of
the Grand Dukes of Lithuania (Avižinis et al. 2010,
p.130). However, no up-to-date historical evidence accompanied
this statement.
A description of parallels
from Golden Horde settlements
As we have mentioned, the first publishers of the find
considered that the bracelet was probably incomplete
(Kuncevičius et al. 1995, p.53). Nevertheless, we can
observe that the inscription on the bracelet is fully
represented, and, therefore, the bangle was intended
to have this shape and decoration from the beginning
of the working process. It does not seem to have been
made by reusing decorated tin. Starting from that assumption,
some possible analogues for the bracelet
were searched for.
In order to establish the significance of this bracelet
from the Grand Dukes’ Palace, parallels were searched
for in archaeological material of the Golden Horde,
since the Arabic inscription indicated that the bracelet
was imported from Medieval Muslim lands.
The fact that it was possible to locate similar bangles
permitted us to identify not only the animal image as
a lion, but also the twirled central decoration as typical
Mongol decoration. As a consequence, even the
inscription became easier to interpret, because of the
existence of similar ones. Curiously, the complexity of
the script is proven by the fact that some well-known
experts in ancient Arabic inscriptions were unable to
read it, even though it was an imitation of common
Arabic script.

Fig. 1. A map of the lands of the Golden Horde and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (after Batūra 1975).
In 1969, a piece of a bracelet made from a thin brass
strip was found in the settlement of Selitrennoye (on
the River Akhtuba, a left tributary of the River Volga,
in the Kharabalinsky district of the Astrakhan oblast),
a possible Sarai Batu Golden Horde town (for this, see
Fig. 1.5 and Fig. 2). The inner side of the piece was
carved with lines and floral decoration, while the external
surface was decorated with two matrices using the
cold stamping process; each matrix contained part of
an inscription, as well as lines that served as a decorative
frame (Fyodorov-Davydov 1978, p.286). A third
matrix representing a lion’s head was used on the only
preserved end of the bracelet. It should be said that the
technique of stamping with diverse matrices, so widely
employed by craftsmen of the Golden Horde, was one
of the reasons for the frequent appearance of counterfeit
money (Alekseeva et al. 2002, p.110). It should be
observed that the inscription on the Selitrennoye bracelet
is visually different and easier to interpret than that
on the bracelet from Vilnius.
In the same article, Fyodorov-Davydov refers to another
bracelet, discovered in Vodianskoye (on the right
bank of the River Volga, near the town of Dubovka,
in the Volgograd district), a well-known 14th-century
Golden Horde settlement, and arguably a Beldjamen
town (for this, see Fig. 1.3 and Fig. 2). The bracelet
showed a lion’s muzzle at one of its ends, and a decoration
identified as a simplified Mongol ‘happiness-knot’
at the other. Like the Selitrennoye bracelet, this one
was also made by stamping a matrix.
The author not only does not discuss the inscription
on the bracelet from Selitrennoye, but also does not
offer a translation. However, in the case of the bracelet
from Vodianskoye, a translation of the inscription in
Arabic was made (although neither a photograph nor a
transcription are included in the article). According to
the author, there are identifiable expressions and words
in the inscription, such as ‘and health’, a term possibly
readable as ‘eternal’, and the word ‘blessing’. The first
word, according to the author, could also be interpreted
as a repetition of the word ‘health’ (Fyodorov-Davydov
1978, p.287ff).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
105

A Bracelet from the Lands
of the Golden Horde
Found in the Palace of the
Grand Dukes of Lithuania
IEVA RĖKLAITYTĖ,
BÁRBARA BOLOIX-
GALLARDO,
EGLĖ ZAVECKIENĖ
106
Fig. 2. a) the bracelet found in Selitrennoye (Fyodorov-Davydov 1978, p.224); b) a drawing of the bracelet from Vodianskoye
(Fyodorov-Davydov 1978, p.287); c) the inscription on the bracelet from Novokhar’kovska (Alekseeva et al. 2002,
p.107).
Other bracelets which could be considered as close
parallels to the one from Vilnius were found in
Novokhar’kovska cemetery (in the Voronezh district),
where more than 150 Golden Horde burials were unearthed
(Alekseeva et al. 2002, p.106ff; and see Fig.
1.2 and Fig. 2). Two bracelets with Arabic inscriptions
were discovered, both of them produced by means
of the same matrix. At the ends of the bracelets were
the stamped heads of lions, while in the centre of the
bracelet there was a ‘happiness-knot’. In the object
of our study, we have observed that the arrangement
of decorative features, placing the knot in the middle
of the bracelet and the lions at the ends, makes the
Novokhar’kovska finds more similar to the one found
in Lithuania. Also, we were able to compare the Lithuanian
find to the Novokhar’kovska bracelets, as a full
transcription and a translation of the inscription in Arabic
were offered.
The inscriptions on the Novokhar’kovska bracelets
read: ‘Everlasting glory and a blessed life and prosperity’
(Alekseeva et al. 2002, p.106). According to
the authors, the word ‘glory’ can also be interpreted as
‘blessing’ or ‘abundance’. Nevertheless, as we will see
further, in the context of such vocative inscriptions in
the Medieval Muslim word, the translation of the first
word as ‘glory’ seems to be more acceptable.
The Golden Horde bracelet from
Vilnius
As we have already observed on the bracelet from Vilnius
and other similar artefacts, two elements, a lion’s
muzzle and a ‘happiness-knot’, were used in order to
decorate the bangles (Plate V.1).
According to G.A. Fyodorov-Davydov, a representation
of a lion’s head on plain bracelets is quite often
found in archaeological material from the 13th to the
15th centuries in Eastern Europe, urban Russian settlements,
the Bulgarian Volga, Central Asia, and Mordvin
antiquities, although its origins must be sought within
the lands of the Golden Horde (Fyodorov-Davydov
1978, p.287; 1984, p.181).

The Mongol ‘happiness-knot’, of Buddhist origin,
was frequently used not only on bracelets but also on
Rus’ian and Tartar coins. Intriguingly, Borys Paszkiewicz
suggests that the image of a lion on the first Lithuania
coins was accompanied by a ‘happiness-knot’, not
a net like a tamga symbol, as some Lithuanian scholars
suggest (2007, p.17).
It must be said that the words of goodwill that appear
on the bracelets are typical in the Muslim world. As one
of many propitiatory inscriptions in the Medieval Muslim
world, we can refer to a bowl from 13th-century
Iran or Mesopotamia that bears an engraved decoration
split into three superimposed registers on its outer face.
It is comparable with the inscription found on bracelets
of the Golden Horde, although the inscriptions are
much more complete. On the upper register we can
read: ‘everlasting glory, growing prosperity, enduring
wealth, ultimate peace, sustained fortune, perfect
peace, enduring wealth, peace’. On the middle register,
the inscription in italic script reads: ‘everlasting glory,
growing prosperity, enduring wealth, peace’. While in
Kufic script, the inscription is: ‘everlasting glory, long
life and growing prosperity’ (Junot 2010, p.162). Also,
a brass goblet from Iran (most likely dating from the
14th century) shows several bands of similar propitiatory
inscriptions: ‘eternal glory and prosperity, and
eternal, eternal, eternal glory...; complete benediction,
total favour, and eternal glory; complete benediction,
total favour, and glory’ (Junot 2010, p.181). An inlaid
brass candlestick, attributed to 14th or 15th-century
Egypt, carries an almost identical inscription to that on
bracelets from the lands of the Golden Horde, although
numerous examples of these propitiatory inscriptions
can be observed on the metalwork produced in Medieval
Syria or Yemen (Milwright 2003, p.101).
Nevertheless, the bracelets made by the craftsmen of
the Golden Horde were ‘barbarised’, because some
calligraphic or grammatical errors were clearly made.
Some additional letters that served more as ornamentation
were added, while certain letters lack these inscriptions,
or they were changed by other characters,
as can be clearly observed on the Vodianskoye bracelet
(Fyodorov-Davydov 1978, p.287). These errors could
be explained by the fact that the craftsmen were probably
illiterate, and could have made errors while preparing
the matrix. In addition, the difficulty of Arabic
writing makes reading the inscription more complicated,
as some of the words can be interpreted in different
ways, depending on the position of the vowels. After
examining the bracelet and its parallels, we offer here
a possible transcription and a translation of it from the
bracelet from the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania
(Plate V.2):
[Al-‘izz] al-dā’im wa-l-‘umr al-[sālim] wa-l-iqbāl
Everlasting [glory] and [healthy] life and prosperity
We have placed between brackets the words which can
scarcely be read in the inscription, their meaning is
more likely to be guessed after comparing characteristic
inscriptions of this type. The adjective for the word
‘life’ (al-sālim) may be translated indistinctly as ‘successful’
or ‘long’. Along with the inscription found in
Novokhar’kovska, we can observe that the Lithuanian
bracelet was made using the same type of mould, as
the inscription is the same. From the photograph of the
Selitrennoye bracelet, we can identify quite easily the
word al-dā’im, and suggest the existence of the words
wa-l-iqbāl and al-sālim, although these two terms are
more guessed at than actually seen. We would guess
that the inscription on the Selitrennoye bracelet is the
same as on the other bangles we have mentioned.
The inscription on the Lithuanian bracelet does not
differ from other similar inscriptions found on similar
artefacts, since propitiatory words appear on it as well.
Within the lands of the Golden Horde, such jewellery
was worn as a sort of amulet. Nevertheless, it is hard
to tell if the owner of our bracelet was able to read or
interpret the inscription that the bracelet bore. It was
more likely seen as an unusual and interesting object.
It should be pointed out that exotic goods like Arabic
coins were widespread in north and northeast Europe.
The interest in goods with exotic Arabic writing is
proven by the appearance of coins with bilingual inscriptions
in Arabic and Latin, or the use of false imitation
Arabic script as an adornment in Medieval lands
bordering on the Grand Duchy of Lithuania (Jansson
1988, p.611, Fig. 18; Noonan 1980, p.84).
We should point out in this essay that the bracelet is
not the only find of the Golden Horde in the Palace
of the Grand Dukes. We should refer to numismatic
finds, such as a copper coin, called a pula, minted in
the Sarai al-Djadid mint during the rule of Yanibek
(1342–1357) in 1350–1351 (AH 752) (see Fig. 1.4)
(Remecas 2002, p.261ff). The coin was found in 2001
in the inner yard of the palace, and is the only reliably
dated Golden Horde coin to be found on Lithuanian
territory. According to E. Remecas, the coin could
have reached Vilnius between 1357 and 1399 as war
booty, or through commercial links with merchants of
the Golden Horde. Although trade relations in this area
began under the rule of Grand Duke Gediminas (1275-
1341), most trading activity took place under the rule
of Vytautas (c. 1350-1430).
Most probably, on the basis of the few parallels, our
bracelet should be dated to the second half of the 14th
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
107

A Bracelet from the Lands
of the Golden Horde
Found in the Palace of the
Grand Dukes of Lithuania
IEVA RĖKLAITYTĖ,
BÁRBARA BOLOIX-
GALLARDO,
EGLĖ ZAVECKIENĖ
108
century or the first half of the 15th century. It is the
opinion of the late Professor Juan Souto that the type
of inscription on the bracelet cannot be earlier than the
12th century.
There is a possibility that the bracelet was brought to
Vilnius as war booty through Algirdas’ military campaigns
in the lands of the Golden Horde in the second
half of the 14th century. However, the fact that the
bracelet could have reached Vilnius as a commercial
item should not be discounted.
Conclusions
Undoubtedly, our bracelet should be considered an
imported good from the lands of the Golden Horde,
although it is impossible to identify precisely its exact
provenance. Some of the parallels that we have quoted
were found in the region of the lower River Volga
and the middle River Don basin, although bracelets
are found all over the former territories of the Golden
Horde. In addition, it is difficult to determine when
and how the bracelet reached the Palace of the Grand
Dukes in Vilnius, although it is probable that it reached
the Grand Duchy of Lithuania as war booty. In accordance
with the parallels, we can assume that our find
was made by means of several matrices impressed on a
thin, flat strip of brass. The existence of various bracelets
very similar to our discovery suggests that this type
of bracelet, with inscriptions with propitiatory words,
was quite popular in the vast lands of the Golden
Horde, and was probably mass-produced by craftsmen.
Other decorative features, such as a flat lion’s muzzle
or a Mongol ‘happiness-knot’ were also used in order
to adorn the ends or the central parts of bracelets. The
bracelet from Vilnius must be considered as a kind of
amulet, as it bears a propitiatory inscription in Arabic
script; however, it is hard to tell if the person in Vilnius
who wore it knew the meaning of the inscription.
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the staff of the Palace
of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania for the photographs
and the drawing. We are also grateful to both the late
Professor Juan A. Souto (University Complutense in
Madrid), who passed away so unexpectedly and prematurely,
and to Dr Federico Corriente, professor
emeritus at the University of Saragossa, for their advice
and help.
References
ALEKSEEVA, T.I., BUZHILOVA, A.P., VINNIKOV, A.Z.,
VOLKOV, I.B., KOZLOVSKAIA, M.V., LEBEDIN-
SKAIA, G.B., MEDNIKOVA, M.B., TSYBIN, M.B.,
2002. Novokhar’kovskii mogil’nik epokhi Zolotoi Ordy.
Voronezh: Izdatel’stvo Voronezhskogo gosudarstvennogo
universiteta.
AVIŽINIS, D., DOLINSKAS, V., STRIŠKIENĖ, Ė., eds.
2010. Lietuvos didžiųjų kunigaikščių rūmai Vilniaus
Žemutinėje pilyje. Istorija ir rinkiniai. Albumas. In: Lietuvos
didžiųjų kunigaikščių rūmų albumai, I tomas. Vilnius:
Nacionalinis muziejus, Pilių tyrimo centras “Lietuvos pilys”.
BATŪRA, R., 1975. Lietuva tautų kovoje prieš Aukso Ordą.
Nuo Batu antplūdžio iki mūšio prie Mėlynųjų Vandenų.
Vilnius: Mintis.
FYODOROV-DAVYDOV, G.A., 1978. Braslet s nadpis’iu s
Selitrennogo gorodishcha. Sovetskaia arkheologia, 2, 286-
288.
FYODOROV-DAVYDOV, G.A., 1984. The Culture of the
Golden Horde Cities. Oxford: Archaeopress.
JANSSON, I., 1988. Wikingerzeitlicher orientalischer Import
in Skandinavien. Bericht der Römisch-Germanischen
Commission, 69, 564-647.
JUNOT, B., ed. 2010. Treasures of the Aga Khan Museum.
Masterpieces of Islamic Art. Catalogue. Berlin: Nicolaische
Verlags-buchhandlung GmbH.
KUNCEVIČIUS, A., TAUTAVIČIUS, A., URBANAVI-
ČIUS, V., eds. 1995. Vilniaus žemutinės pilies rūmai, 3
(1990-1993 metų tyrimai). Vilnius: Pilių tyrimo centras
“Lietuvos pilys”.
MILWRIGHT, M. 2003. Modest Luxuries: Decorated Lead-
Glazed Pottery in the South of Bilad al-Sham (Thirteenth
and Fourteenth Centuries). Muqarnas, 20, 85-111.
NOONAN, T. S., 1980. Andalusian Umayyad dirhams from
Eastern Europe. Acta numismàtica, 10, 80-91.
PASZKIEWICZ, B., 2007. The earliest Lithuanian coins:
vingt ans après. Part I: the first decade. Numizmatika, 6.
Metraštis 2005, 9-48.
REMECAS, E., 2002. Numizmatiniai radiniai iš Vilniaus
žemutinės pilies valdovų rūmų teritorijos. In: Archeologiniai
tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2001 metais. Vilnius: Diemedžio
leidykla, 261-266.
STEPONAVIČIENĖ, V., 2007. Lietuvos valdovo dvaro prabanga
XIII a. viduryje – XVI a. pradžioje. Vilnius: Versus
Aureus.
Received: 28 September 2010; Revised: 11 October 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Ieva Rėklaitytė
University of Saragossa
Department of Antiquity Studies
P. Cerbuna, 12
50009 Saragossa, Spain
E-mail: ieva@unizar.es
Bárbara Boloix-Gallardo
Washington University in St Louis
Department of History
Campus Box 1062
One Brookings Drive
St Louis, MO 63130-4899, USA
E-mail: bboloix@artsci.wustl.edu

Eglė Zaveckienė
National Museum
The Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania
Katedros Square 4, LT-01143 Vilnius, Lithuania
E-mail: e.montvilaite@valdovurumai.lt
APYRANKĖ IŠ AUKSO ORDOS
TERITORIJOS, RASTA LIETUVOS
VALDOVŲ RŪMUOSE
IEVA RĖKLAITYTĖ,
BÁRBARA BOLOIX-GALLARDO,
EGLĖ ZAVECKIENĖ
Santrauka
Straipsnio objektas – iš vario lydinio pagaminta apyrankė
su arabišku įrašu, rasta archeologinių tyrinėjimų
metu Vilniaus Žemutinės pilies Valdovų rūmų rūsyje G
1993 m. (2 pav.; V: 1–2 iliustr.).
Trapus papuošalas pagamintas iš plonos vario lydinio
skardos, jo galus puošia stilizuotos liūtų fizionomijos,
per patį arabiško įrašo vidurį įspaustas ornamentas
vadinamas „laimės mazgu“. Ilgą laiką apyrankė nesulaukė
didesnio tyrinėtojų dėmesio, nors jos nuotraukos
buvo publikuotos keletą kartų, nemėginta radinį perskaityti
ar tiksliau datuoti.
Detaliau patyrinėjus vilniškę apyrankę paaiškėjo, kad
analogiški rankų papuošalai randami visoje Aukso
ordos teritorijoje – nuo Rytų Europos iki Centrinės
Azijos, datuojami XIII–XV a., t. y. per visą Aukso
ordos gyvavimo laikotarpį (1 pav.). Apyrankės su įrašais
galėjo būti dėvimos kaip amuletai. Įrašai, linkintys
laimės ir sėkmės, – gana dažni viduramžių islamo
pasaulyje. Jais buvo išrašomi ne tik papuošalai, bet ir
namų apyvokos reikmenys: žvakidės, įvairūs indai.
Įdomu paminėti, kad Aukso ordos meistrai, gaminę
matricas apyrankėms spausti, dažnai buvo neraštingi
ir pridarydavo klaidų. Ši aplinkybė dažnai apsunkina
įrašų dešifravimą ir jų interpretacijas. Vilniaus Žemutinėje
pilyje rastos apyrankės įrašą siūloma skaityti taip:
[Al-‘izz] al-dā’im wa-l-‘umr al-[sālim] wa-l-iqbāl –
Amžina [šlovė] ir [ilgaamžis] gyvenimas ir klestėjimas.
Daiktavardis gyvenimas „al-sālim“ taip pat gali būti
verčiamas kaip sėkmingas ar ilgas. Apyrankių su tokiu
pat įrašu ir gamybai naudojant panašią matricą rasta
ir kituose Aukso ordos archeologiniuose objektuose –
gyvenvietėse ir kapinynuose.
Remiantis analogais ir kultūrinio sluoksnio stratigrafija,
Vilniuje rastą apyrankę galima datuoti XIV a.
antrąja puse – XV a. pradžia. Galima manyti, kad papuošalas
į Žemutinės pilies teritoriją pateko kartu su
variniu chano Džanibeko (1342–1357) pulu, tačiau ar
šie radiniai yra karo grobis, ar atkeliavo prekybos keliu,
telieka tik spėlioti.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
109

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
110
ORTHODOX CHURCHES IN THE CIVITAS
RUTENICA AREA OF VILNIUS:
THE QUESTION OF LOCATION
RYTIS JONAITIS
Abstract
The Orthodox community which settled in the Civitas Rutenica area in Vilnius started building their houses of worship (Orthodox
churches) as early as the first half of the 14th century. At the beginning of the 15th century, there were 12 of them
inside the quarter and two outside it. These churches, reflecting Orthodox culture and showing the usual features of their construction,
predetermined the further development of this part of the city, and the development of whole areas of Vilnius. Locating
them precisely enables us to better understand the urban development of Vilnius, and trends within this development.
Key words: Civitas Rutenica, Orthodox church, Medieval Vilnius, Medieval landscape, urbanisation.
Introduction
‘A town can be seen as a map, in which separate areas
have different and opposing social features’ (Giddens
2005, p.531). In 13th and 14th-century Vilnius, several
such areas were established: the Upper Castle on Gediminas
Hill; the low ground around the northern foot
of the hill and Altar Hills, 1 which were pagan areas;
the present-day site of the cathedral, a Catholic mission;
and the 38th to 45th quarters of the Old Town of
modern Vilnius, the Civitas Rutenica quarter. Orthodox
newcomers were likely to know the layout of the
town and the principles of urbanisation. At the end of
the 13th century 2 and the beginning of the 14th century,
Civitas Rutenica was developing in the most practical
and strategically important place around the Old Town
of modern Vilnius. This is the present-day 41st quarter
and neighbouring quarters of the Old Town. This
is also confirmed by fragments of domestic Slavic
pottery, found on present-day Latako St (Vaitkevičius
2004, p.232). The first settlements were around a corridor
between the second and the third terraces (Fig. 1)
(Valionienė 2009, p.443). This corridor was a crossroads
between major trading routes. It linked routes
leading to the east (Smolensk, Polotsk), the south (Medininkai,
Rūdininkai), the west (a part of the route to
Trakai), the north (the Upper Castle, the Lower Castle,
Altar Hills, and Livonia). Next to the crossroads, one
of the first Orthodox churches of Civitas Rutenica was
built (St Parasceve, or Piatnitskaia; in Russian Св.
Параскева, Пятницкая). The location of Civitas Rute-
1 Altar Hills, on the right bank of the River Vilnia, east of
Gediminas Hill.
2 The latest finds in Vilnius, at 6 Bokšto St, enable us to trace
the presence of the Orthodox community in Vilnius to the
mid-13th century.
nica was also good because it was a safe distance from
pagan areas.
By the beginning of the 15th century, there were already
12 Orthodox churches in the Civitas Rutenica quarter.
Research into them started in the 19th century. These
were general studies (Batiushkov 1872; Krachkovskii
1897; Vinogradov 1908). Throughout the entire 20th
century, the quantity of material for research increased.
New historic and architectural research was carried
out, and the material is now in the Vilnius Regional
Archive. The most important thing is that new archaeological
material is now available, and the opportunity
has arisen to include data from geomorphological research.
Despite this, there is still a lack of new general
studies (within the boundaries of the location). Works
that touch on the topic are based mostly on studies
from the 19th century; however, their authors lacked
modern data and were subject to the strong influence of
the political situation. Therefore, the aim of this article
is to evaluate impartially and anew the location-related
question in the Civitas Rutenica quarter, introducing
new data.
The Civitas Rutenica is based on the cultural layer and
its extent (Vaitkevičius 2010, p.62), and also on the arrangement
of churches in accordance with the Slavic
tradition. They used to be built within residential areas,
usually on small hills. Based on the concentration of
these churches, it is possible to trace a range of areas occupied
by Civitas Rutenica (Ochmanskiy 1971, p.65).
These Orthodox churches also functioned as strongholds.
This was the principle employed for the construction
of Civitas Rutenica churches. From natural
and geographical points of view, the positions selected
by the Orthodox communities corresponded with all
the requirements. Bell towers (mostly stone) in Ortho-

Fig. 1. A reconstruction of the Vilnius primary relief. The Civitas Rutenica area is indicated in grey circle
(after Valionienė 2009, Fig. 4).
dox colonies of Western Europe were also used for the
safe storage of goods. Historical sources confirm that
most bell towers in early Orthodox churches in Vilnius
were built of stone (Krachkovskii 1897, pp.223-250).
The largest expansion of Civitas Rutenica was in the
times of Grand Duke Algirdas (1345–1377). The construction
of churches was patronized particularly by
both Orthodox wives of Algirdas. They were Mariia
(Мария) of Vitebsk and Julianiia (Юлиания) of Tver.
This was one of the reasons (patronage and tolerance
by the elite) why Civitas Rutenica in Vilnius grew to
become a separate town with a typical infrastructure.
In comparison, in West European towns belonging to
the Hanseatic League, Orthodox colonies consisting
mainly of traders were limited to small quarters (or
yards) (Rybina 2009, p.37). This part of Vilnius did not
go unnoticed by the chroniclers of the Teutonic Order.
In 1383, Wigand of Marburg (1365–1409) mentions
Civitas Rutenica for the first time in his ‘Chronica
nova Prutenica’ (§ VIII.135a).
Traditionally, Orthodox houses of worship were built
on the very edges of towns. However, with the passage
of time and the growth of the towns, they ended up
inside these towns. The accurate location of Orthodox
churches, showing the distinction of Civitas Rutenica,
and an understanding of the reasons for building them
in one place or another, enables us to understand better
the urban development of Vilnius and the trends in its
development. After a reconstruction of the primary relief
and the identification of higher ground, it is possible
(with the help of archaeology and written sources)
to locate all Civitas Rutenica churches more precisely,
and to specify the range of the area it occupied.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
111

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
112
Fig. 2. Vilnius in the first half of the 14th century: A the area of the Catholic mission; B the Upper Castle on Gediminas
Hill; C the pagan areas; D the Civitas Rutenica area; 1 the Church of the Holy Mother of God; 2 the Church of St Nicholas
(Uspeniia); 3 the Church of St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia) (after Jonaitis 2009, Fig. 1).

The location of churches
in the Civitas Rutenica quarter
So far, not a single foundation of any old Russian
church has been traced in Vilnius, except, it is thought,
the stone substructure of the bell tower of the Church
of St Nicholas (Uspeniia, in Russian Св. Николая;
Успения) on the corner of Bokšto and Latako streets,
just below the present-day hall of residence of the Art
Academy (Banikonienė 1964; Dambrauskaitė 1975).
There is also another view of this substructure. After
extensive architectural and archaeological research, it
was established that it is also likely to be the base of a
tower or a similar structure (Kaplūnaitė, Tomoi 2010).
Besides, the base discovered is dated archaeologically
to the middle and the second half of the 15th century;
the process of its construction started after the destruction
of some burials (Gendrėnas 1981).
By the 15th century, there were 12 Orthodox churches
within the Civitas Rutenica quarter, and two outside it.
These were the Holy Trinity Church near the Gates of
Dawn (in Lithuanian Aušros Vartai), and the Resurrection
Church on the west side of Didžioji St. 3
As has already been mentioned, the early core of Civitas
Rutenica occupied the present-day 41st quarter of
the Old Town, forming a triangle. In the north and the
south, the quarter bordered on two ravines (present-day
Latako and Išganytojo streets). These streets are some
of the early routes in the area of the modern Old Town.
Therefore, the three earliest churches were erected in
corners of this triangle (Fig. 2).
The first Church of St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia) was
built above the southern ravine, next to the present-day
Piatnitskaia Church, which was last rebuilt in 1864. A
more accurate location of the church could be defined
by using data of the primary relief. The church was
built on a higher position (Fig. 3.1). The location of
this church is important, as the marketplace can almost
undoubtedly be located on the basis of it. In accordance
with Slavic tradition, churches dedicated to St Parasceve
in towns in Kievan Rus’ used to be built close
to marketplaces (except in Kiev itself) (Тikhomirov
1956, p.249). Naturally, we can assume that Vilnius
was no exception. This could be confirmed or denied
by archaeological research around the former church.
On a diagrammatic plan of 1672, the church is located
in front of the Church of St Il’ia (Св. Илья), which was
in the eastern part of the 41st quarter in the Old Town.
Exploratory archaeological research has been carried
out in the courtyard of the palace of the Chodkiewicz
(in Lithuanian Chodkevičiai) noble family, which is
3 The present-day names of the streets are used in this
article.
close to the Church of St Parasceve (Patkauskas 1978).
In the process of this research, ten holes were explored.
Sterile soil was not reached; instead, finds from the
16th to the 18th centuries were traced. However, there
is no dating for the cultural layer.
The Church of the Holy Mother of God (Пресвятая
Богородица, an Orthodox Cathedral since 1415) was
built in the place where it is currently standing (Fig.
3.2). Naturally, its original forms in the present-day
Orthodox Cathedral, which has experienced many
changes and reconstructions, have survived only fragmentarily.
The church was built on the right bank of
the River Vilnia (the water course was changed to the
present route in the times of Algirdas’ rule), on a small
rise (about H A 96.30 metres in height). Archaeological
investigations in the area of the Orthodox Cathedral
were performed on the other side of present-day Maironio
St. In 1990, in the backyard of the building at
Maironio 13, an area of 36.5 square metres was explored.
The maximum depth reached was 2.4 metres;
further activities were impossible due to groundwater.
A cultural layer from the end of the 16th century and
the 17th century was recorded. Its lower horizon has
not yet been identified and explored. In part of the
southwestern area, a part of a Gothic wall, probably
belonging to a defensive tower, was found. The tower
is mentioned in historical sources.
Archaeological investigations were carried out in the
cellar of the bell tower belonging to the Orthodox Cathedral
(now Maironio 13/6), and in the yard of the
same structure (Vainilaitis 1994). An area of 96 square
metres was explored in the cellar, and 19 square metres
were explored in the yard. A cultural layer of 130
centimetres, dated to the 14th to 17th centuries, was
recorded in the cellar. Due to the high groundwater,
a 50-centimetre horizon of a lower cultural layer remained
unexplored. Five stages of construction were
recorded. A destroyed burial was found in the earliest
layer, dated to the 14th or 15th century. It was destroyed
during the 14th or 15th century while digging a
well, which means that the burial must have been older.
This burial could have belonged to the churchyard of
the Orthodox Cathedral.
The Orthodox Church of St Nicholas (Uspeniia) stood
where a hall of residence of the Art Academy is now located,
on the northeast corner of the junction between
Latako and Bokšto streets (Fig. 3.3). During research
carried out in 1981, the quadrangle-shaped substructure
of a stone building was found there (Gendrėnas
1981). This probably belonged to a stone bell tower, as
the church itself was wooden. Most researchers share
this opinion, although other approaches to this substructure
also exist (Kaplūnaitė, Tomoi 2010). There
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
113

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
114
Fig. 3. The locations of the first three churches: St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia) (1), the Holy Virgin (2), St Nicholas (Uspeniia)
(3). The Church of St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia): 1a the supposed location; 1b after Krachkovskii 1897; Batiushkov 1872.
The Holy Virgin Church: 2. The Church of St Nicholas: 3a the supposed location; 3b according to Krachkovskii 1897; 3c
according to Batiushkov 1872; 3d according to the 1672 plan. The dotted line marks the former course of the River Vilnia
(drawing by O. Valionienė with R. Jonaitis’ additions).
was a large cemetery near this church. It stretched
across the left side of Latako St (Krachkovskii 1897,
p.232). The cemetery was found during archaeological
explorations (Gendrėnas 1981). The total number
of burials discovered was 141. The burials had no exceptional
abundance of grave goods, these were found
only in ten burials. There was one single temple ornament
adorned with six beads, earrings, and several
rings (sash-like with a broadened front).
The appearance in Vilnius of these first three churches,
namely those of St Nicholas, St Parasceve and the Holy
Mother of God, were no accident. St Nicholas was the
patron saint of traders, St Parasceve was particularly
worshipped by traders, craftsmen and pilgrims, and the
Holy Mother of God was treated as a patron saint of all
Russians (Jonaitis, Viazhiavichiene 2009, p.96).
The location of the churches shows that they were all
built on mounds, along the very edge of the centre of
the early part of Civitas Rutenica. In many Russian
towns, churches were surrounded by monasteries,
which were treated as defensive strongholds (Tikhomirov
1956, p.258). This tradition was also observed in
the Ruthenian part of Vilnius, although in a different
way. It was more compact: a large number of churches
were built in a small area. Besides, there were no monasteries.
The expansion of areas around Civitas Rutenica
was followed by an increasing number of churches
in it (Fig. 4). It is likely that at the time, Civitas
Rutenica was able to expand into the quarter beyond
the River Vilnia, into so-called Užupis (in Russian
Заречье) (Jonaitis, Viazhiavichiene 2009, p.96).
No serious questions arise about the locations of the
above churches. However, the remaining ones are located
differently by different authors. When locating
churches, 19th-century Russian historians referred to
the diagrammatic plan of the Orthodox metropolis of
1672, and to church visitation acts of 1619. The use of
modern archaeological investigations, a new approach
to historical and cartographic data, and the use of a reconstruction
of the primary Vilnius relief and modern
digital technology, enable us to specify the location of
other churches around the Russian town.
The Church of St Il’ia the Prophet (Св. Илья Пророк)
on the 1672 plan is positioned in the centre of the
western part (the 41st quarter), very close to Bokšto

Fig. 4. Vilnius in the second and third quarters of the 14th century: A the area of the Catholic mission; B the Upper Castle
on Gediminas Hill; C the pagan area; D the Civitas Rutenica area: 1 the Holy Virgin Church; 2 the Church of St Nicholas; 3
the Church of St Parasceve; 4 the Church of St Il’ia the Prophet; 5 the Nativity Church; 6 the Church of St Ekaterina; 7 the
Church of St Cosmas and St Damian; 8 the Church of St Peter and St Paul; 9 the Holy Trinity Church; 10 the Church of St
Michael the Archangel; 11 the Church of St John the Baptist; 12 the Church of St Nicholas (drawing by O. Valionienė, with
R. Jonaitis’ additions).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
115

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
116
St. Iulian Krachkovskii locates it at the corner of
Bokšto and Latako streets, opposite the former Orthodox
Church of Nicholas (Uspeniia) (1897, p.238). The
same location is indicated by Pompei Batiushkov (Batiushkov
1872, p.83) (Fig. 5.4). Historians in the 20th
century note that its churchyard occupied the entire
114th holding, in the northwest corner of the quarter.
However, the church itself is not located. With respect
to the reconstruction of the primary relief, it would be
appropriate to locate it in the position indicated by I.
Krachkovskii and P. Batiushkov. The eastern part of
the present-day block is the highest one. There was a
tiny hollow there. Besides, the 1672 plan also points to
this place (with regard to the Piatnitskaia Church). The
church could hardly be built in the hollow. It was probably
built in a higher place to the north of this hollow.
Archaeological research in the area of the church has
been fragmentary (Grishin 1982). In fact, it was just
the supervision of geological holes, aiming at the discovery
of a substructure and its bottom in the building
at Latako 3. In the process, a three-metre mixed layer
with finds from the 17th and 18th centuries was found.
The Nativity Church (Рождества Христова) was located
by different researchers in three different areas.
In the 1672 plan, this Orthodox Church is located on
the left side of Išganytojo St, approximately where
a house is standing now (in the eastern part of it). I.
Krachkovskii and P. Batiushkov locate it on the corner
of present-day Išganytojo and Maironio streets, in
the 41st quarter (Krachkovskii 1897, p.39; Batiushkov
1872, p.82). The groundwater is very high there, the
place itself is very damp, and not all attempts to reach
sterile soil during archaeological research were successful
(Patkauskas 1988). Therefore, it would be illogical
to build a church in such a low and damp place,
let alone perform burials in the churchyard. Sigita
Gasparavičienė locates this church in the area of the
44th quarter, in the future holding No 522, closer to
the site at Bokšto 6 (Gasparavičienė 1990). According
to the primary relief of the site and the results of the
latest archaeological research, another location for this
church can be identified (Jonaitis 2009). 4 We presume
that the church could be at Bokšto 6, where now the
northwest block is (closer to present-day Išganytojo St)
(Fig. 5.5).
Two projections (southern and northern) stand in the
place of the above block. Taking into account the
Orthodox tradition of building houses of worship on
4 In 2009, the research was continued, and it is in progress
now (R. Jonaitis is in charge of these investigations; for
this, see Jonaitis 2009, p.137ff; 2010, p.129ff). It is being
carried out in sections and in both yards of the complex.
This research will either confirm or deny the location of
the church.
higher locations along the perimeter of a residential
area, it is possible to presume that the church could
have stood on one of these projections (Jonaitis 2009,
p.424ff). The church is located by S. Gasparavičienė
somewhere around this place, on the southern projection.
In my opinion, the church stood on exactly the
northern projection, where there is now an enclosed
yard between the first and the fourth sections in the
group of buildings at Bokšto 6.
Next to the northern projection, at its northern base,
the present-day Išganytojo St makes a loop, as if circling
this rise. This could have been a junction of two
transit routes until the end of the 14th century. One of
them led to Altar Hill, the other to places in old Russia.
It would be logical to maintain that the Nativity
Church could have been built on this junction. Naturally,
the church could have stood elsewhere; however,
this could be confirmed or denied only after the completion
of research in all sections, and after exhaustive
research in the yards of the site around Bokšto 6. It is
currently still in progress.
Prior to thorough archaeological excavations in the
above site, exploratory archaeological research was
accomplished in 2005 (Sarcevičius 2006). In the western
corner of it, a 1.8 to 2.6-metre cultural layer from
the 14th to the 20th century was discovered. Fragments
of a wooden structure from the 16th and 17th centuries,
and fragments of a stone and wooden floor were
found in the central and southern parts of the yard. A
cultural layer of two to 2.75 centimetres was found in
the northern yard of the site. A stone construction from
the end of the 18th century and the 19th century was
also found there. Cultural layers from 1.8 metres (in
the western part) to 7.2 metres (in the eastern part),
dated to the rather long period from the 14th century to
the 20th century, were identified in the eastern yard of
the site. In the process of exploration, pieces of domestic
and building ceramics and pottery, coins, lead and
various metal articles were discovered. Five burials
were found in the western part of the east yard. Human
bones from destroyed graves were also found in the
eastern and northern yards. It was then discovered that
there is an old cemetery at Bokšto 6.
In 1981, a series of boreholes and sampling of cultural
layers of the Old Town were performed (Vaitkevičius
1981). In the process, it was discovered that the above
territory had been flattened, making terraces around it.
This was probably done in the times when the church
and the monastery were built. The cultural layer varies
from two metres (in the western yard) up to 7.8 metres
(in the eastern yard).
Archaeological investigations were also performed on
present-day Maironio St, which is to the east of Bokšto

Fig. 5. The locations of the Church of St Il’ia the Prophet (4); the Nativity Church (5); the Church of St Cosmas and St
Damian (6).
The Church of St Il’ia the Prophet: 4a the supposed location; 4b the location after Krachkovskii 1897; Batiushkov 1872; 4c
after the 1672 plan. The Nativity Church: 5a and 5b the supposed location sites; 5c after Krachkovskii 1897; Batiushkov
1872; 5d after the 1672 plan; 5e after research by historians in the 20th century. The Church of St Cosmas and St Damian:
6a the supposed location (according to the 1672 plan); 6b after Krachkovskii 1897; 6c after Batiushkov 1872. The dotted
line shows the former course of the River Vilnia (drawing by O. Valionienė with R. Jonaitis’ additions).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
117

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
118
Fig. 6. The locations of the Church of St Ekaterina (7); the Church of St Michael the Archangel (8); the Church of St John
the Baptist (9).
The Church of St Ekaterina: 7a the supposed location of the church; 7b after Krachkovskii 1897; 7c after Batiushkov 1872.
The Church of St Michael the Archangel: 8 the supposed location of the church; 8b after Krachkovskii 1897; Batiushkov
1872. The Church of St John the Baptist: 9a the supposed location of the church; 9b after Krachkovskii 1897; 9c after Batiushkov
1872; 9d after the 1672 plan. The dotted lines mark the courses of nameless streams (drawing by O. Valionienė with
R. Jonaitis’ additions).
6 (Patkauskas 1988). Fragments of gates from the town
wall and a part of the wall itself were found. The cultural
layer was destroyed when installing various items
of the infrastructure. The cultural layer from the 16th
to the 18th centuries survived; however, due to the
high groundwater, its lowest part was out of reach. The
quality of the exploration was undoubtedly affected by
the use of an excavator.
In the 1672 plan, the Orthodox Church of St Cosmas
and St Damian (Св. Козьма и Дамиян) is located very
close to the present-day Bokšto St. It once occupied a
plot on the corner around the present-day junction of
Bokšto and Savičiaus streets. I. Krachkovskii and P.
Batiushkov locate it closer to the junction of Savičiaus
and Augustijonų streets (Krachkovskii 1897, p.240;
Batiushkov 1872, p.83) (Fig. 5.6). A primary relief reconstruction
shows that there is no rise here. It remains
unclear why this exact place was chosen for the church.
As we know, St Cosmas and St Damian were patron
saints of smithery. Archaeological materials related to
this craft were discovered close to the place where the
church supposedly stood (Vaitkevičius 1981b).
Archaeological explorations were performed inside
the Augustinian monastery, which borders on the for-
mer Orthodox Church of St Cosmas and St Damian
(Kavaliauskas 2003). An area of 143 square metreswas
investigated by archaeologists. A horizon of cultural
layers up to 3.5 metres was located. Antanas Kavaliauskas
dates the beginning of the construction in the
Augustinian monastery to the 16th or the 17th century;
however, we know that a wooden church stood there
before (it has been known since 1503). Unfortunately,
it burned down in 1610, and was finally destroyed in
1655. The construction of the Augustinian monastery
started in 1677. The earliest cultural layer there is dated
to the 16th century.
A total of 35 boreholes were drilled in the area of the
church (the 43rd quarter of the present-day Old Town)
(Vaitkevičius 1982). An intact cultural layer was identified
only at Bokšto 11. The chronology of the layers
is not clear.
In 1992, archaeological investigations near Augustijonų
3 were performed (Vainilaitis 1992). An area of 243
square metres was explored. Cultural layers from the
mid-14th century to the 20th century were found there.
The collected archaeological data permits us to suggest
that people settled there in the middle or in the
second half of the 14th century. Probably the artefacts

Fig. 7. The location of the Church of St Nicholas (drawing
by O. Valionienė with R. Jonaitis’ additions).
Fig. 8. The location of the Church of St Peter and St Paul. 11a
the supposed location; 11b after Krachkovskii 1897; Batiushkov
1872; 11c after research by historians in the 20th century
(drawing by O. Valionienė with R. Jonaitis’ additions).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
119

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
120
Fig. 9. Vilnius at the end of the 14th century: A the German area; B the Upper Castle on Gediminas Hill; C the area of the
local Lithuanians; D the Civitas Rutenica area: 1 the Church of the Holy Virgin; 2 the Church of St Nicholas (Uspeniia);
3 the Church of St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia); 4 the Church of St Il’ia the Prophet; 5 the Nativity Church; 6 the Church of St
Ekaterina; 7 the Church of St Cosmas and St Damian; 8 the Church of St Peter and St Paul; 9 the Church of the Holy Trinity;
10 the Church of St Michael the Archangel; 11 the Church of St John the Baptist; 12 the Church of St Nicholas; 13 the
Holy Mother of God (Pokrovo) Church (drawing by O. Valionienė, with R. Jonaitis’ additions).

Fig. 10. The location of the Holy Mother of God (Pokrovo)
Church: 12a the supposed location; 12b after the 1672 plan. The
dotted lines mark the course of nameless streams (drawing
by O. Valionienė with R. Jonaitis’ additions).
most important to the chronology are the jewellery that
was worn by women. Among them, a bronze temple
adornment, typical jewellery worn by Russian women
during the 14th and 15th centuries, and a disintegrated
fragment of a hat with a brass spiral and bead-shaped
decoration should be mentioned (Vainilaitis 1992). In
2001, the exploration of the above area was still in process
(Daminaitis 2002). An area of 220 square metres
with a four-metre cultural layer, dated to the 15th to the
17th centuries, was investigated.
The Orthodox Church of St Ekaterina (Св. Екатерина)
is located on the 1672 plan to the east of the Orthodox
Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God, in the presentday
38th quarter. I. Krachkovskii and P. Batiushkov
specify its location more exactly on the site of holding
No 118, where the building at Rusų 9/2 is now
(Krachkovskii 1897, p.238; Batiushkov 1872, p.82)
(Fig. 6.7). However, geo-morphological and archaeological
data show that this site is very peaty, that is,
damp and not suitable for habitation.
Archaeological investigations around the Church of
St Ekaterina were performed at Literatų 9/2 (Zhukovskiy
2000) and Literatų 9 (Ušinskas 1985). A Gothic
cellar from the 15th century was discovered there in
2000. Single human bones from destroyed burials were
found in the filling of the cellar, which points indirectly
to the presence of a churchyard cemetery. An area of 62
square metres was explored. Sterile soil (peaty sand)
was reached at a depth of 1.2 to 3.4 metres. In 1985,
the cultural layer in the exterior and interior of the
building at Literatų 9, found during geological works,
was mostly destroyed during digs at different times.
The damp and peaty soil of the site contributed to the
survival of wood (early wooden constructions), but the
wooden construction itself was not found during these
excavations. The cultural layer came to 4.2 metres.
Twenty holes were made. The present-day shape of the
site formed in the 17th to the 19th centuries. Traces of
previous stone structures were not discovered. Therefore,
early cultural layers could have been destroyed
during later construction works.
Two mounds along the course of a supposed stream
were traced around this quarter. The first (southern)
one was in the northern part of the present-day building
at Rusų 4. The other (northern) one stood on the
site of the present-day building on A. Volano St. From
the point of view of access, the southern mound was
more important, as a transit route went past it. This
route was part of a network, which appeared on an
even incline on the slope of terrace III, and was cut off
from the abrupt slopes to the west and the east. Close
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
121

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
122
Fig. 11. The location of the Church of the Holy Trinity (designed by R. Jonaitis).

Fig. 12. The location of the Church of the Resurrection (Voskresenskaia)
(drawing by O. Valionienė with R. Jonaitis’ additions).
to it, the main routes to Trakai, Polotsk and Medininkai
crossed the routes to Livonia, Alšėnai and Rūdininkai
(Valionienė 2009). Thus, it would be logical to locate
the above church on the southern mound.
On the 1672 plan, the site of the Church of St Michael
the Archangel (Св. Михаил Архангел) is located on
the corner of present-day Pilies and Literatų streets
(Pilies 32/1) (Fig. 6.8). I. Krachkovskii and P. Batiushkov
locate the church to the south, close to Pilies St,
where buildings No 34 and No 36 now stand (Krachkovskii
1897, p.237; Batiushkov 1872, p.83). However,
in his description, I. Krachkovskii notes that the church
stood on the same side street (present-day Literatų St),
at the junction with Didžioji St (present-day Pilies St)
(Krachkovskii 1897, p.237). Researchers in the 20th
century have pointed to different locations. Marija
Banikonienė gives a vague idea about the actual location
of this church (Banikonienė 1964). She notes that
the church ‘was standing at the beginning of Literatų
St’, but later we find that ‘Pilies 38 (holding No 107)
is the address of a building standing on the former
Orthdox Church of St Michael’. Later on, Banikonienė
maintains that the church was at Literatų 5 (holding
No 111). Finally, we can conclude that the researcher
is not speaking about the church itself: she is speaking
about the boundaries of the churchyard. In the research
by Zita Zakrevskaitė (Pilies 32), we find several notes
from the 17th century about the reinforcement of its
substructure and human burials found during this work
(Zakrevskaitė 1989). After assessing all this data, it is
possible to maintain that the church stood precisely at
the junction of Latako and Pilies streets. Geomorphological
data also points to the presence of a church on
this little rise.
In the 1672 plan, the Church of St John the Baptist
(Св. Иоанн Креститель) is located just next to St
Michael’s Church, to the east of it. I. Krachkovskii
and P. Batiushkov locate it at present-day Literatų 5
(Krachkovskii 1897, p.237; Batiushkov 1872, p.82).
M. Banikonienė supports this version (Banikonienė
1964). We have to agree with I. Krachkovskii, P. Batiushkov
and M. Banikonienė about the location of the
Church of St John the Baptist (Fig. 6.9). The data about
the relief confirms this: an elevation is traced between
the present-day structures at Literatų 5 and 7.
In the 1672 plan, the site of the Orthodox Church of St
Nicholas (Св. Николай (Перенесеня мощей) borders
that of the Church of St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia) (Fig.
7). The current Church of St Nicholas was completed
in 1514. It was built to replace a former wooden one.
As reconstructed primary relief shows, a tiny rise was
located around the present-day church.
In the 1672 plan, the Church of St Peter and St Paul
(Св. Петр и Павел) was located around the presentday
Užupio St, although I. Krachkovskii and P. Ba-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
123

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
124
Fig. 13. Vilnius at the beginning of the 15th century: A the Upper Castle on Gediminas Hill; B the German area; C the area
of the local Lithuanians; D the Civitas Rutenica area: 1 the Church of the Holy Mother of God; 2 the Church of St Nicholas
(Uspeniia); 3 the Church of St Parasceve (Piatnitskaia); 4 the Church of St Il’ia the Prophet; 5 the Nativity Church; 6
the Church of St Ekaterina; 7 the Church of St Cosmas and St Damian; 8 the Church of St Peter and St Paul; 9 the Church
of the Holy Trinity; 10 the Church of St Michael the Archangel; 11 the Church of St John the Baptist; 12 the Church of
St Nicholas; 13 the Holy Mother of God (Pokrovo) Church; 14 the Resurrection (Voskresenskaia) Church (drawing by O.
Valionienė, with R. Jonaitis’ additions).

tiushkov locate it exactly where the modern sculpture
of the Angel of Užupis now stands, on the very crossroads
of the streets (Krachkovskii 1897, p.240; Batiushkov
1872, p.81) (Fig. 8). Romualdas Firkovičius
locates it at the crossroads of the present-day Malūnų,
Užupio and Paupio streets (Firkovičius 1988). Aušrelė
Racevičienė insists on the present-day houses 14 to 16
of Užupio St (Racevičienė 1989). Based on a reconstruction
of the primary relief, a terrace or rise can be
identified on the slope of the backyard at Užupio 16.
It would be logical to maintain that this could be the
place where the Church of St Peter and St Paul stood.
The time of its appearance is still unclear.
In 1990, the maintenance of test plots was performed
at Užupio 16 and 18 (Songaila 1990a; 1990b). Twentyfour
test plots (46 square metres of total area) inside
and outside the building at No 16 were explored. The
cultural layer was destroyed, and only meagre artefacts
dating from the second half of the 18th century
to the 20th century were discovered (Songaila 1990a).
Ten test plots (ten square metres of total area) were
explored inside and outside the building at No 18. Only
stray finds, dated to the late 19th century and early 20th
century, were collected (Songaila 1990b).
One more church in the area of Civitas Rutenica was
probably built at the end of the 14th century (Fig.
9). This was the Church of the Holy Mother of God
(Покрова Пресвятой Богородицы), which is located
on the above plan to the north of the Church of St
Ekaterina (Св. Екатерина), in the eastern part of the
present-day 38th quarter, on the junction between A.
Volano and Šv. Mykolo streets, on the site of the Ministry
of Education and Science (Fig. 10). I. Krachkovskii
and P. Batiushkov point to the same location (Krachkovskii
1897, p.235; Batiushkov 1872, p.83). They are
also joined by Teresė Dambrauskaitė (Dambrauskaitė
1976). The reconstruction of primary relief shows no
mound there, except an insignificant rise. Why was the
church built in this particular place? Its location is important
from the point of view of transport: next to it
is the northern branch of the Trakai–Altar Hill route.
Apart from this, another two stone churches, still
standing outside the Civitas Rutenica area, should be
mentioned. The Orthodox Church of the Holy Trinity
(Св. Троица) close to the Gates of Dawn is the older
one (Fig. 11). Its appearance there is based on a legend.
According to this legend, an oak wood used to grow in
this place. Three Lithuanians were hanged from one of
these oaks, since they had converted to the Orthodox
faith. The wooden Orthodox Church of the Holy Trinity
was built in 1374 on the site of their martyrdom (Baronas
2000, p.118). In 1514, a stone church was built
by Konstantin Ivanovich Ostrozhsky, (c.1460–1530).
The church was erected on a small mound. Therefore,
it is possible to assume that it was built in exactly this
place because it was sacred to the Orthodox community.
The three martyrs of Vilnius (Anthony, John and
Eustace) were executed there in 1347 (Baronas 2000,
p.94).
Only small-scale archaeological investigations have
been performed around the Church of the Holy Trinity
(Stankevičius 1992). They aimed at specifying some
stages in the architectural development and identification
of functional horizons in different periods. In the
process, a mass human burial was found. Carelessly
piled human bones formed a one-metre layer. Part of
an intact burial without burial items was also discovered
(mostly the bones of legs) (Stankevičius 1992).
It looks as if this burial dates from the period of construction,
when burials discovered in a foundation pit
would be piled up in the same pit. This entombment
appeared before 1514, so these burials belonged to the
older, wooden Orthodox Church of the Holy Trinity.
Another church outside the Civitas Rutenica area is
the Orthodox Resurrection Church (Восскресения
Христова), whose location is interesting: it is the
only church west of Pilies and Didžioji streets. Civitas
Rutenica never expanded to the west of this line
(Fig. 12). By 1480, the construction and renovation
of Orthodox chapels in Vilnius was already forbidden
(Kasperavičienė 1989). Presumably, this church could
have been completed in the first half or the middle of
the 15th century. It was mentioned for the first time in
1511. The history of the Russian Church hints at the
fact that in 1511 (when reconstructing the Orthodox
Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God), three churches
in Vilnius served as pillars of the Orthodox faith.
They were the Resurrection Church (Восскресения
Христова), the Church of St Yuri (Св. Юрий), and
the Church of St Cosmas and St Damian. The church
and the surrounding cemeteries were fully formed
by the second half of the 16th century. The act of its
visitation in 1619 notes that ‘... that same day we visited
the cemetery of the Resurrection Church, in the
market on Stiklių Street, before the salt parade… ’
(Kasperavičienė 1989).
At the beginning of the 15th century, the Civitas
Rutenica area covered the largest area ever in its existence.
It bordered present-day Literatų St in the south,
the River Vilnia, Bokšto St, and part of Užupis in the
east. Its northern part bordered on Šv. Kazimiero and
Subačiaus streets, its western border was the line of
Pilies and Didžioji streets (Fig. 13).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
125

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
126
Conclusions
This article has attempted to locate former Orthodox
churches more precisely. Twelve Orthodox churches
stood in the Civitas Rutenica area in Vilnius, although
the exact locations of only two of them are known.
These are the Cathedral of the Holy Mother of God and
the Church of St Nicholas. The location of the other
churches is known only approximately.
The reconstruction of the primary relief has allowed
for the clarification of the location of churches. This
way, the location of the first churches, St Parasceve and
St Nicholas (Uspeniia) was specified. These churches,
together with the Church of the Holy Mother of God,
were built in the earliest period of Civitas Rutenica, on
small hills.
The research also allowed us to specify the location of
some later churches. These churches are the churches
of St Ili’ia the Prophet, St Cosmas and St Damian, St
Ekaterina, St Michael the Archangel, St John the Baptist,
and St Peter and St Paul. Two possible places for
the location of the Nativity Church were identified.
The exact location of this church cannot be traced until
the end of archaeological surveys at Bokšto 6. The location
of the Church of the Holy Mother of God, most
likely built in the 14th century, was specified during
the research.
Apart from these 12 churches in the area of Civitas
Rutenica, two churches were built outside the area.
These were the Holy Trinity and the Resurrection
churches. They are still standing in the places where
they were built.
In identifying the sites of the locations, some main
principles become clear. For example, all the churches,
when they were built, were on the edge of the Civitas
Rutenica area. Subsequently, with the passage of time
and the growth of the area, they ended up inside it. Almost
all the churches were built on small hills, away
from the streets or set back from them.
Abbreviations
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje... metais. Vilnius
(since 1967–).
VAA – Vilnius Regional Archive.
LIIR – Lithuanian Institute of History, Archive.
References
Manuscripts
BANIKONIENĖ, M., 1964. Vilniaus senamiesčio 42 kvartalo
istoriniai tyrimai (unpublished excavation report). In:
VAA. F. 1111 corpus 11, file 4676.
DAMBRAUSKAITĖ, T., 1975. Vilnius, Gorkio – Latako
gatvių kampas. Istoriniai tyrimai. Istorinė apybraiža (unpublished
report of historical investigations). In: VAA. F.
1019. corpus 11, file 6305.
DAMBRAUSKAITĖ, T., 1976. Vilniaus senamiesčio 38
kvartalas. Istoriniai tyrimai. Istorinė apybraiža (unpublished
report of historical investigations). In: VAA. F. 1111
corpus 11, file 4669.
DAMINAITIS, V., 2002. 2001 m. Vilniuje, Augustijonų g.
No 3 vykdytų archeologijos tyrimų ataskaita (unpublished
excavation report). In: LIIR. F.1, file 3765.
FIRKOVIČIUS, R., 1988. Vilniaus senamiesčio 72 kvartalas.
Istoriniai tyrimai. In: VAA. F. 1111 corpus 11, file 4789.
GASPARAVIČIENĖ, S., 1990. Vilniaus senamiesčio 44
kvartalo istorinių tyrimų ataskaita (unpublished report of
historical investigations). In: VAA. F. 1111 corpus 11, file
4700.
GENDRĖNAS, G., 1981. Vilnius. 160 vietų Dailės instituto
bendrabutis Latako g – ėje. Archeologinė mechanizuotų
žemės darbų priežiūra. 1980–1981(unpublished excavation
report). In: LII. F 1, 606a, b, c, d.
GRIŠINAS, V., 1982. Gyvenamasis namas Latako g. No 3.
Geologinių tyrimų archeologinė priežiūra (unpublished report
of historical investigations). In: LIIR F.1, file 1039.
JONAITIS, R., 2009. Vilniaus senojo miesto vietoje
(A1610K1) sklype Bokšto g. 6, esamų pastatų vietose,
2006–2007 metais vykdytų archeologijos tyrimų ataskaita
(unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1, file 4929–
4931.
KASPERAVIČIENĖ, A., 1989. Vilniaus buvusios Prisikėlimo
cerkves (Didžioji g.17) istoriniai – menotyriniai
tyrimai (unpublished report). In: VAA. F. 1019, corpus
11, file 5497.
KAVALIAUSKAS, A., 2003. Archeologijos tyrimų atliktų
2002–2003 m., Vilniuje, Savičiaus g. No 13/2 ataskaita
(unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1, file 4117.
PATKAUSKAS, S., 1978. Archeologinės priežiūros ir fiksacijos
darbų Vilniuje, Gorkio 46 ataskaita (unpublished
excavation report). In: LIIR. F.1, file 644.
PATKAUSKAS, S., 1988. Archeologinės priežiūros darbų
vykdytų šiluminės trasos kasimo vietoje, buv. Tiesos g.,
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1,
file No. 1366.
RACEVIČIENĖ, A., 1989. Vilniaus miesto 71 kvartalo istoriniai
tyrimai (unpublished report of historical investigations).
In: VAA. F. 1111, corpus 11, file 4784.
SARCEVIČIUS, S., 2006. Archeologinių žvalgomųjų tyrimų
Vilniuje, Bokšto g. No 6 ataskaita (unpublished excavation
report). In: LIIR F.1, file 4535
SONGAILA, E., 1990a. Inžinerinių – geologinių šurfų Vilniuje,
Užupio gatvėje, archeologinės priežiūros ataskaita
(unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1 file 1688.
SONGAILA, E., 1990b. 1989-90 m. Vilniaus m. Užupio g-vė
18, inžinerinių geologinių šurfų archeologinės priežiūros
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1,
file 1687.
STANKEVIČIUS, G., 1992. Žvalgomųjų archeologinių
tyrimų Vilniuje, Aušros vartų gatvėje No 7b, Šv. Trejybės
unitų bažnyčios teritorijoje, ataskaita (unpublished excavation
report). In: LIIR, F.1, file 2024.
ŠMIDTAS, E., 1990. Vilnius, Maironio 13/6, archeologiniai
tyrimai, ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In:
LIIR F.1, file 1726.
UŠINSKAS, V., 1985. Gyv. Namo Literatų g. 9 inžinerinių
geologinių tyrimų archeologinė priežiūra ir fiksacija.

Ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1,
file 1447.
VAINILAITIS, V., 1992. Vilnius, 1992 Augustijonų g. 3. Archeologiniai
tyrimai. Ataskaita (unpublished excavation
report). In: LIIR F.1, file 1910.
VAINILAITIS, V., 1994. Archeologiniai tyrimai Vilniuje,
Maironio g. 13/6. Ataskaita (unpublished excavation report).
In: LIIR F.1, file 2150.
VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1981a. Bokšto 6 vykdytų inžinerinių –
geologinių šurfų archeologinės priežiūros ir fiksacijos
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1,
file 851.
VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1981b. 1980 m. Vilniuje Siaurosios
6–8 (A. Vienuolio v. m. priestatas) teritorijoje vykdytų
archeologinių tyrimų ataskaita (unpublished excavation
report). In: LIIR F.1, file 830 a, b.
VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 1982. 1981-1982 m. Vilniaus
senamiesčio 43-me kvartale vykdytų inžinerinių-
geologinių šurfų archeologinės priežiūros ir fiksacijos
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1,
file 944.
ZAKREVSKAITĖ, Z., 1989. Vilnius, pastatas Plies g. 32.
Istoriniai tyrimai (unpublished report of historical investigations).
In: VAA. F. 1111, corpus, 11. file 1529.
ŽUKOVSKIS, R., 2000. Žvalgomieji archeologijos
tyrinėjimai Literatų g. 9/2, Vilniuje. 1999 metais. Ataskaita
(unpublished excavation report). In: LIIR F.1, file 3323.
Published sources
MARBURGIETIS, V., 1999. Naujoji Prūsijos kronika. In:
Lituanistinė biblioteka, 30. Vilnius: Vaga.
Literature
BARONAS, D., 2000. Trys Vilniaus kankiniai: Gyvenimas
ir istorija. In: Fontes ecclesiastici historiae Lithuaniae, 2.
Vilnius.
BATIUSHKOV, P.N., 1872. Pamiatniki russkoi stariny v zapadnykh
gubernijakh Imperii, t. 5. Sankt-Peterburg: Izdanie
ministerstva vnutrennikh del.
GIDDENS, A., 2005. Sociologija. Kaunas: Poligrafija ir Informatika.
JONAITIS, R., 2009. Noveishye raskopki na territorii ‘Civitas
Rutenica’ v Vil’niuse: predvaritel’nyi analiz reultatov.
In: I.K. LABUTINA, ed. Arkheologia i istoria Pskova i
Pskovskoi zemli, 54. Pskov, 414 -425.
JONAITIS, R., VIAZHIAVICHIENE, V., 2009. «Russkii
gorod», istoricheski sformirovavshyisia v Vil’njuse v
XIV–XV v.v. In: E.N. NOSOV, ed. Arckheologia i istoria
Litvy i Severo-zapada Rossii v rannem i pozdnem
srednevekov’e. Sankt – Ptersburg, Nestor-Istoria, 94-103.
KAPLŪNAITĖ, I., TOMOI, F., 2010. Bokštiniai namai
Vilniuje. In: G. VAITKEVIČIUS, ed. Miestų praeitis, 2.
skaitmeninė versija.
KRACHKOVSKII, J.F., 1897. Pravoslavnyie sviatyni goroda
Vil’ny. In: P. UVAROVA, S.S. SLUCKII, ed. Trudy
deviatogo arkheologicheskogo s’’ezda v Vil’ne. Moskva,
tipogafia E. Lisnera i IU. Romana, 223-250
OCHMANSKI, J., 1971. Krzywy Gorod wilenski. Proba
lokalizacji. Zapiski Historyczne, 36, 57-66.
RYBINA, E.A., 2009. Novgorod i Ganza. Moskva: Rukopisnye
pamiatniki drevnei Rusi.
TIKHOMIROV, M.N., 1956. Drevnerusskie goroda. Moskva:
Gosudarstvennoe izdatel’stvo politicheskoi literatury.
VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 2004. Puodininkystės profesionalizacija
XIV–XVII a. Vilniuje. In: G. VAITKEVIČIUS, ed.
Miestų praeitis, 1, 175-276.
VAITKEVIČIUS, G., 2010. Vilniaus įkūrimas. In: Vilniaus
sąsiuviniai , I. Vilnius.
VALIONIENE, O., 2009. Prostranstvenno planovaia struktura
Vil’niusa XIV–XV v.v. na osnove analiza pervichnogo
rel‘efa. In: I.K. LABUTINA, ed. Arkheologia i istoria
Pskova i Pskovskoi zemli, 54. Pskov, 435-445.
VINOGRADOV, A. A., 1908. Putevoditel’ po gorodu Vil’ne
i ego okresnostiam. Vil’na: Izdanie knizhnago magazina
A.D. Itskovicha.
Received: 17 November 2011; Revised: 9 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Rytis Jonaitis
Klaipėda University
Department of History
Herkaus Manto St 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda, Lithuania
Lithuanian Institute of History
Kražių St 5, LT-01108 Vilnius, Lithuania
E-mail: jonaitis@istorija.lt
ORTODOKSŲ CERKVĖS
„CIVITAS RUTENICA“
TERITORIJOJE VILNIUJE.
LOKALIZACIJOS PROBLEMA
RYTIS JONAITIS
Santrauka
Šis straipsnis – tai mėginimas kuo tiksliau lokalizuoti
buvusias cerkves (1–13 pav.). Iš dvylikos „Civitas Rutenica“
teritorijoje stovėjusių cerkvių tiksli lokalizacija
žinoma tik dviejų – Skaisčiausios Dievo Motinos ir Šv.
Nikolajaus (Palaikų perkėlimo). Kitų cerkvių lokalizacijos
vietos buvo žinomos apytikriai.
Pažvelgus į pirminį reljefą pavyko patikslinti galimas
cerkvių lokalizacijos vietas. Taip buvo patikslintos
pirmųjų Šv. Paraskevos (Piatnitskos, Св. Параскева
(Пятницкая)), Šv. Nikolajaus (Uspeniia, Св. Николая
(Успения)) cerkvių lokalizacijos vietos. Kartu su
Skaisčiausios Dievo Motinos cerkve jos buvo pastatytos
ankstyviausiojo „Civitas Rutenica“ perimetru nedidelėse
aukštumėlėse.
Buvo patikslintos ir vėliau pastatytų Šv. Iljos Pranašo
(Св. Ильи Пророка), Šv. Kozmo ir Damijono (Св.
Козьмы и Дамияна), Šv. Jekaterinos (Св. Екатерины),
Šv. Michailo Arkangelo (Св. Михаила Архангела),
Šv. Jono Krikštytojo (Св. Ивана Крестителя), Šv.
Petro ir Povilo (Св. Петра и Павла) cerkvių lokalizacijos
vietos. Nustatytos dvi galimos Kristaus Gimimo
(Рождества Христова) cerkvės lokalizacijos vietos.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
127

Orthodox Churches in the Civitas
Rutenica Area of Vilnius:
the Question of Location
RYTIS
JONAITIS
128
Kol sklype Bokšto g. 6 nebaigti archeologiniai tyrinėjimai,
negalima tiksliai pasakyti, kurioje vietoje stovėjo
Kristaus Gimimo (Рождества Христова) cerkvė. Tyrinėjimų
metu patikslinta ir veikiausiai XIV a. pabaigoje
statytos Švenčiausios Dievo Motinos Užtarytojos
(Покрова Пресвятой Богородицы) cerkvės lokalizacijos
vieta.
Be šių dvylikos cerkvių, buvo dar dvi cerkvės, esančios
už „Civitas Rutenica“ teritorijos ribų – Šv. Trejybės
ir Kristaus prisikėlimo cerkvės. Jos tebestovi tose
vietose, kur ir buvo pastatytos.
Nustačius galimas cerkvių lokalizacijos vietas, pastebimi
keli dėsningumai. Visos cerkvės statybos metu
buvo „Civitas Rutenica“ teritorijos pakraščiuose. Vėliau,
plečiantis Rusų miestui, jos atsidurdavo miesto
viduje. Beveik visos cerkvės buvo pastatytos nedidelėse
aukštumėlėse, kiek toliau nuo gatvių arba prie pat jų.

LITHUANIA`S ROOTS IN THE POTTERY OF THE
WESTERN SUBURBS OF MOSCOW OF THE 17TH
AND 18TH CENTURIES
OLGA N. GLAZUNOVA
Abstract
The article looks at possible ways and origins of cultural influence by the example of the pottery production of the New Jerusalem
Monastery in the 17th and 18th centuries. It tells about the pottery of the New Jerusalem Monastery, and an attempt is
made to trace signs of the influence of different craftsmen, and the situation in general for the development of pottery production
and its special features.
Key words: New Jerusalem Monastery, pottery, tableware, thrown pottery, glaze, engobe, origin, Lithuania.
The Institute of Archaeology of the Russian Academy
of Sciences has been conducting archaeological excavations
and monitoring geological and other pits in
the New Jerusalem Monastery since 2009. The works
are pre-projective, so priority is given to the possibility
of the practical use of material from archaeological
research in the restoration of the monastery. However,
the actual results, and in particular the archaeological
collections obtained, have a much broader meaning, allowing
us to view the facts from a new point of view,
and to clarify and supplement various aspects of the
history of the monastery (and others).
A comparison of the collection of pottery with the pottery
of the western suburbs of Moscow, Belarus and
Lithuania has allowed us to make some assumptions
about the origin of its manufacturers. This work devoted
to identifying various pottery traditions may
provide additional material to reveal the origins of tile
production in the New Jerusalem Monastery.
The pottery of the Moscow region has been studied and
described by many researchers. This is primarily the
work by Rabinovich (1949; 1971), Rozenfel’dt (1968),
Koval (1999; 2001; 2004), Krenke (2004; 2011) and
Chernov (1991; 2005). They offer different results for
versions of types and development. In addition, there
is a large number of articles on local pottery assemblages
from different places near Moscow. Ceramics
are also mentioned in more general archaeological
studies. However, the Post-Medieval pottery of Istra is
practically unknown. Material on this subject can only
be found in unpublished reports of archaeological excavations,
in particular the report by Gavrilin (1983)
and some general ethnographic works on folk pottery
(Kalmykova 1976; 1995).
The monastery was founded by Patriarch Nikon
(1605–1681) in the middle of the 17th century, with
the purpose of reproducing Jerusalem’s holy sites in
Russia. While in his homeland there were no deposits
of the necessary dressed stone similar to what adorned
the temples of the Holy Land, the patriarch planned to
replace the stone decoration of the cathedrals with colourful
glazed ceramic tiles. At that time, the tradition
of decorating buildings with glazed tiles did not exist
in Russia; even the technique of producing such tiles
was unknown. To achieve his grandiose plan, Nikon
tried to gather all the tile makers he could find, and
organised the largest production of tiles in Russian history
for architectural and domestic use.
The construction, started by Nikon and interrupted by
the period of his disgrace, continued into the late 17th
century.
The history of the monastery is not easy. The collapse
in 1723 of the dome over the aedicule required considerable
work to restore it. In the 1740s and 1760s,
the large-scale restoration of the monastery buildings
was led by the architect Ivan F. Michurin (1700–1763).
Further restoration work carried out by Karl Blank
(1728–1793) and Francesco Bartolomeo Rastrelli
(1700–1771) largely destroyed the unique tiled interiors
of the monastery, replacing tiles and murals with
stucco work. The formation of the monastery buildings
was completed during the 18th century, by the construction
of the western and eastern brethren’s buildings.
In addition to these, a number of secular buildings
and structures stood in the area of the monastery at different
periods of time.
The beginning of the systematic study of the New Jerusalem
Monastery is deservedly regarded as the work
of Archimandrite Leonid Kavelin, the ‘Historical De-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
129

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
130
Fig. 1. Excavations in the New Jerusalem Monastery (map by Maksim Khodchenkov).
scription of the Stauropegial Resurrection Monastery,
Called the New Jerusalem’ (1867). It can now be used
as a source of information. Literature on the phenomenon
of the New Jerusalem Monastery is plentiful, and
will not be presented in this article, because the actual
theme of pottery (with the exception of architectural
tiles) is not addressed in the works.
Before 2009 in fact, archaeological research on the
monastery accompanied the restoration work, and it
looked like small pits. We should mention the architectural
and archaeological research by E.L. Hvorostovoy,
and the disassembly of the interior of the palace of Tatiana
Mikhailovna conducted by Ephraimov. Outside
the monastery, K.N. Gavrilin conducted excavations
near the Istra recreation centre in 1983. The finds from
these excavations are stored in the collections of the
Museum of the New Jerusalem Monastery, and were
used for comparison with those obtained during excavations
between 2009 and 2011.
During the excavations from 2009 to 2011, a total area
of 3,754.66 square metres was uncovered, and more
than 20 different buildings were discovered. A comprehensive
collection of individual finds, tiles and pottery
was accumulated. A total of 75,494 fragments of
pottery, 30,948 fragments of architectural tiles, and
22,302 fragments of stove tiles were studied.
The pottery found illustrates the entire history of the
monastery, from the mid-17th to the 20th century.
There are even some pottery assemblages from earlier
times: one contains molded pottery from the early Iron
Age, and at least another has pottery from the late 16th
to the first half of the 17th century.
The special character of the pottery assemblage from
the New Jerusalem Monastery is obvious at a glance.
The pottery differs sharply from the pottery of the surrounding
areas. Only 8% of the total amount of vessels
is local pottery typical of the western suburbs of Moscow.
As a rule, this ratio between local and imported/
atypical pottery is the contrary.
The typical and special features can also be seen most
clearly in three conditionally closed pottery assemblages:
first, from the area of the fourth excavation,
where the residence and other buildings from Nikon’s
time were founded; second, connected with an abandoned
bell-casting complex (the sixth excavation plot,
pit 4) (Fig. 1); the third one originates from the filling
of some pits of the sixth excavation plot related to the
civilian building the ‘Marble Palace’.
The stratigraphy of the fourth excavation plot contains
one layer dated to the time of Patriarch Nikon.
Above this layer, there is only a small layer of ballast;
below is the natural subsoil. Numismatic material is
represented by numerous (54 pieces) copper and silver
kopecks (made during the reign of Mikhail Fedorovich
[1613–1645] and Aleksei Mikhailovich Romanov
[1645–1676]), a Swedish shilling from the same time
(1632–1654), and a ‘golden ugric’. We found tiles from
at least four ovens. They are the earliest in this area,

and represent several different traditions: the Moscow
tile school, craftsmen from Kopys (Belarus), the Lithuanian
tradition of carpeting tiles, and a stove made in
the West European manner.
In the filling of the fourth pit of the sixth excavation
plot, above the remains of the bell-casting complex,
lay a stratum consisting of fragments of architectural
tiles from the original decor of the Resurrection Cathedral,
and fragments of three-colour roof tiles. Apparently,
these are real evidence of the collapse of the
roof of the dome.
Above this layer, another layer of dark-grey sandy loam
with construction and household refuse was located.
Within this layer, a collection of pottery was found. In
addition to the dishes, also fragments of ‘Dutch’ ornamented
pipes with a long cigarette holder and tulip
cups (12 pieces), including the stigma of Insurance under
the image of a crown (a brand owned by the craftsman
Cornelius Kwastu, dated 1730), and a few coins
from the first half of the 18th century were found. The
layer from the Michurinsky period of the reconstruction
of the cathedral is documented above. So the filling
of the pit formed after the collapse of the roof of the
dome of the cathedral in 1723, and before the erection
of a new one in 1759. We can therefore narrow the date
of the layer to the 1730s or early 1740s.
In the filling of the pits of the sixth excavation relating
to the ‘Marble Palace’, in addition to the pottery, fragments
of smooth painted oven tiles in the ‘French royal
style’ were found, dating from the third quarter of the
18th century, and a few coins from the same time.
The pottery from the layer of Nikon’s time from the
fourth excavation plot is assumed not to belong directly
to the patriarch. He organised the manufacture
of pottery not only for the needs of the monastery itself,
but also for sale and as gifts. The large number of
decorated tiles, ceramics and floor tiles found in the
excavations allow us to assume the existence a warehouse
on this site where manufactured products were
kept. The complex contains unused architectural tiles
and semi-finished ones without glaze. Moreover, there
are tiles that are unknown at present, and historically
fairly certainly the decoration of the cathedral. There
is a large number of tiles of the same type: for example,
34 identical keystones of arches. There are tiles
with cut marks used to complete some composition,
and broken at the moment of firing with trickled glaze
in the cracks. The same can be said about the pottery.
The assemblage contains a large number of identical
vessels, or vessels with a very similar design: a whole
stack of bowls, cups and miniature lamps. It consists
of ready-made products, covered with glaze, and semifinished
ones without glaze.
The most impressive alien ceramic vessel is the threelegged
pan-roaster, from the fourth excavation plot, in
the layer from Nikon’s time. It is a round (21 centimetres
in diameter) and rounded-sided vessel with low
sides, a slightly rounded (not flat) base, and the rim
is skewed inwards. The legs are round in section, and
tapering to the bottom. The vessel also has a round hollow
handle-sleeve. The pan was made from red clay,
has a sand-tempered paste and is covered inside with
green (muravlenaya) glaze. Such vessels are extremely
rare in the Moscow region; it is mostly imported dishware,
differing sharply from the local Moscow pottery
in the paste and the quality of the glaze. However, it is
an absolutely normal type for any European country.
Fig. 2 shows a similar three-legged pan from Klaipėda
(17th century) (Fig. 2).
The rest of the pottery assemblage consists of mainly
glazed tableware (this is also absolutely not the case for
the Moscow region), pots with conical sides and jars,
including one with carelessly scratched outline floral
decoration under glaze. Also, a set of fairly large (eight
to 12 centimetres in diameter) mugs with straight sides,
and straight (zoomorphic) handles (similar to modern
beer mugs) were found. Some mugs are green glazed,
some coloured glazed, and some without any glaze.
Typical of the Moscow tradition are rounded-sided
mugs-jars or tumblers with conical sides (Fig. 3).
There is some other domestic glazed pottery: a ceramic
miniature lamp and a very interesting sealed flask of
complex shape, with double sides and circular holes
in the upper surface of the vessel. This may have been
used as censer or a candle holder (Fig. 4).
In this complex we can see attempts to reproduce foreign
objects with locally available materials. The emphasis
is on physical resemblance. The paste (local red
clay with a lot of sand) is similar to the local pots of
that time. The glaze, on visual inspection, is absolutely
identical to the glaze of tiles.
The pottery assemblage from the abandoned bell-casting
complex contains 13 items. First of all there are
six medium-sized (10.5 to 15.5 centimetres in height),
thin-sided (no more than 0.4 centimetres), hard fired,
smooth egg-shaped pots on a small underpan, with a
characteristic slope of neck (a widening cone-shaped
neck) and round handle. The diameter of the necks
differs from 12 centimetres to 16 centimetres, the diameter
of the bases from eight centimetres to 11 centimetres
(the ratio of the height to the width of the neck
is respectively from 0.7 to 1.3).
The paste is untempered. Three pots are covered with
green glaze inside and engobe outside; one pot has a
turquoise glaze inside and engobe outside. The rest are
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
131

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
132
Fig. 2. Three-legged pans: 1 from Klaipėda (after Klaipėdos pilies, 2010, No. 65); 2 from the New Jerusalem Monastery,
excavation plot 4 (drawing by Aleksei Sergeev, photograph by O.N. Glazunova).
covered with engobe only on the outside. Four pots
have handles, two do not. A zoomorphic water tank,
resembling them in its shape and paste, was also found.
It had two handles and two gracefully curved spouts,
decorated with horns. This vessel is covered with green
glaze inside and with engobe outside, but it is also
decorated with an arbitrary pattern of jets of the same
green glaze over the engobe.
This material in the New Jerusalem Monastery is not
typical crockery for Moscow or the Moscow suburbs.
At the same time, if we turn to the pottery of Lithuania,
we will find that such pots, albeit slightly taller (16.6
to 19 сentimetres), existed in Lithunia during the 17th
and 18th centuries, and constituted the basic mass of
crockery (for this, see Klaipėdos pilies 2010, pp.19-25,
Nos. 21-24, 25, 49). This shape has a wide distribution,
as far back as the 14th century on Hansa territory,
and since the mid-17th century the insides of these pots
were glazed and the outside was covered with engobe
(Fig. 5).
Rough cookware includes large pots of two types presented
in the pottery assemblage of the New Jerusalem
Monastery with two integer forms, fundamentally
different in paste. The paste of the first pot contains a
large amount of grit and coarse sand, and not just on
the edge, but also on the whole surface of the vessel,
both internal and external. This can be noted as a characteristic
feature of the cooking ware of all the western
suburbs of Moscow (Istria, Mozhaisk, Zvenigorod, and
so on). The paste of the second pot is made of red clay
with inclusions of organic matter and fine sand; the
surface is smooth.
At the same time, both pots have common features,
such as the large size (18 centimetres/26 centimetres
in height), the wide neck (18 centimetres/24 centimetres),
an incomplete (three layers) firing, and heavy
sides (0.7 to one centimetre thickness), as well as an
outward folded rim and a wide base (Fig. 6).
A large pot with a drain (for curd?) can also be attributed
to the cookware, its paste being untempered and
similar to the paste of dining pots.
So we can find at least three different pottery traditions
in this pottery assemblage.
The pottery assemblage from the Marble Palace (the
third quarter of the 18th century) still kept the tendency
for the presence of forms of vessels untypical of the
Moscow region, and showed a new feature, the use of

Fig. 3. Mugs from the New Jerusalem Monastery, excavation plot 4 (drawings by Maksim Khodchenkov).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
133

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
134
Fig. 4. A lamp (1) and censer (2) from the residence of Patriarch Nikon (drawings by Aleksei Sergeev).

Fig. 5. Tableware: 1 from the New Jerusalem Monastery, excavation plot 6 (drawings by Aleksei Sergeev, photographs by O.N. Glazunova); 2 from Klaipėda
(after Klaipėdos pilies, 2010, Nos. 22-25).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
135

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
136
Fig. 6. Large vessels from the New Jerusalem Monastery, excavation plot 6: 1 with grit in the paste; 2 with organic material (?) in the paste (drawings by Aleksei Sergeev,
photographs by O.N. Glazunova).

a large variety of colourful glazes in different combinations.
So it is very similar to the Lithuanian lids of vessels,
which are different to the usual flat Moscow lids (Fig.
7).
The next category of dishes is ceramic plates. Clay
table plates appeared in Lithuania in the 16th century,
and were widely disseminated up to the 17th century.
This type is quite untypical of Moscow pottery. Tableware
was usually represented by wooden bowls, small
clay pots, or just sometimes clay bowls. In the New Jerusalem
Monastery, dining clay plates make up a large
percentage of the total amount of tableware. They are
characterised by multi-coloured underglaze painting
over the white engobe. We can find the same in Lithuanian
pottery (Fig. 8).
On the edges of several plates of the New Jerusalem
Monastery material, a pattern could be detected which
is familiar to us from painted tiles, the ‘flegnerovskie
daisies’ (Fig. 9), which confirms the assumption that
glazed pottery was made in the monastery in the same
workshops and by the same craftsmen who produced
the tiles. Another indirect proof of this is the unusually
diverse mix of different glaze and engobe on the pottery.
We had to create special separate tables of combinations
of colours of glaze and engobe to calculate and
determine the Istra pottery.
Here is an example of such a table:
outer surface (dishes - inside) inner surface (plates - external) set of number
marble painting under a colourless glaze no jar
plate
cover
7
marble painting under a colourless glaze brown glaze cover
pot
10
marble painting under a colourless glaze turquoise glaze 1
marble painting under a colourless glaze green glaze jar 2
painting under a colourless glaze green glaze jar 1
painting under a colourless glaze yellow glaze plate 3
painting under a colourless glaze turquoise glaze 1
painting under a colourless glaze no glass 1
painting under a colourless glaze yellow stripes 1
painting under a colourless glaze brown glaze 1
white glaze no plate 1
white glaze green glaze 1
engobe no mug
pot
jar
7
engobe green glaze mug
jar
12
painting over engobe brown glaze 1
painting over engobe green glaze 1
green glaze brown glaze 2
turquoise glaze yellow glaze 7
turquoise glaze green glaze plate 2
turquoise glaze turquoise glaze mug 5
no turquoise glaze 3
no brown glaze jar 7
no dark blue glaze pot 1
brown glaze no jar 1
brown glaze turquoise glaze mug 2
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
137

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
138
Fig. 7. Lids: 1 from the New Jerusalem Monastery, excavation plot 6 (drawings by Maksim Khodchenkov, photographs by O.N. Glazunova); 2 from Klaipėda
(after Klaipėdos pilies, 2010, Nos. 80, 81).

Fig. 8. Fragments of plates: 1 from the New Jerusalem Monastery, excavation plot 6; 2 from Klaipėda (after Klaipėdos pilies, 2010, Nos. 196-201).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
139

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
140
Fig. 9. A decorative border from the New Jerusalem Monastery: 1 on plates; 2 on tiles (drawings by Aleksei Sergeev,
photographs by O.N. Glazunova).

Practical economy does not usually allow such diversity
to exist in a real production process. It is possible
only if the craftsman has access to a great variety of
glazes used in large quantities for other purposes, in
our case, for the manufacture of tiles. The pottery production
used the remains of the tile production.
To sum up, it is possible to conclude that:
1. A variety of ceramic glazed products untypical of
Moscow was produced in the workshops of the New
Jerusalem Monastery in the middle of the 17th century.
Among them there are three-legged frying pans, mugs
and miniature lamps. Some of the items are similar to
Hansa pottery types.
2. Glazed dining pots covered with engobe from the
second third of the 18th century (with handles and
without) have direct analogies with the everyday pottery
of Lithuania.
3. Clay plates with underglaze painting appear in the
dining pottery of the New Jerusalem Monastery in the
third quarter of the 18th century. This type of pottery is
not conventional for Moscow, but widespread in Lithuania.
4. Lids of vessels from the 18th century are similar to
Lithuanian ones, and differ sharply from the flat Moscow
specimens.
5. Kitchen pottery in Istra from the second third of the
18th century was made from red clay and is represented
by three main types. The first type is relevant to the
western suburbs of Moscow as a whole. The origin of
the second is still unclear. The third may be associated
with Lithuanian potters.
6. The unusually large amount of glazed pottery, the
identity of the glaze and sometimes the pictures on the
tiles and pottery, and the huge variety of different combinations
of glazes, make it possible to say that tableware
was manufactured in the same workshops as tiles.
References
Manuscripts
GAVRILIN, K.N., 1983. Otchet o spasatelnikh raskopkakh
keramiheskoi masterskoi pervoi chetverti XVIII veka v g.
Istra (unpublished excavation report). In: Archive Institute
of Archaeology of Russian Academy of Sciences. Moskva.
Literature
CHERNOV, S.Z., 1991. K chronologii moskovskoi keramiki
konza XV-XVI vv. In: Moskovskaiia keramika: Novye
danniye po chronologii. Moskva, 50-55.
CHERNOV, S.Z., 2005. Domen moskovskikh kniazei v
gorodskikh stanakh. 1271–1505 гг. In: Kultura srednevekovoi
Moskvi: Istoricheskie landshafty, 2. Moskva.
KALMYKOVA, L.E., 1976. Russkoe goncharnoe isskusstvo
XIX-nachala XX veka. Katalog vystavki iz sobraniia
Zagorskogo muzeia. Moskva.
KALMYKOVA, L.E., 1995. Katalog “Narodnoiye goncharstvo
Moskovskoi oblasti XIX - nachala XX vv.”
Moskva: Soreki.
KLAIPĖDOS PILIES, 2010. Klaipėdos pilies ir senamiesčio
buitinė keramika XIV a. vid. – XIX a. Iš Mažosios Lietuvos
istorijos muziejaus rinkinių. Compilers R. Songailaitė,
L. Rutkaitienė. Klaipėda: Mažosios Lietuvos istorijos muziejus.
KOVAL, V.IU., 1999. Statisticheskaiia obrabotka arheologicheskoi
keramiki srednevekovoi Moskvi. In: Tver,
tverskaia zemlia i sopredel’niye territorii v epokhu
srednevekov’ia, 3. Tver, 123-130.
KOVAL, V.IU., 2001. Beloglinianaya keramika v srednevekovoi
Moskve. Rossiskaiia archeologiia, 1, 98-109.
KOVAL, V.IU., 2004. Issledovanie keramicheskogo materiala.
In: Srednevekovoe poselenie Nastas’ino. Trudi Podmoskovnoi
ekspeditcii IA RAN, 2. Moskva, 21-39.
KRENKE, N.A. (ed), 2004. Kul’tura srednevekovoi Moskvi.
Istoricheskie landshafty, 1. Rasselenie osvoenie zemel’ i
prirodnaiia sreda v okruge Moskvy XII–XIII vv. Moskva.
KRENKE, N.A., 2011. Drevnerusskaiia keramika moskovskogo
regiona: classifikaciia, hronologiia. In: Arkheologiia
i istoriia Pskova i Pskovskoi zemli. Materialy zasedaniia
seminara imeni academika V.V.Sedova, 56. Moskva-Pskov.
NAVIKIENĖ, V., ed. 2000. Keramika Utenos krašte. Kaunas:
Arx Baltica.
RABINOVICH, M.G., 1949. Moskovskaiia keramika. In:
MIA, 12. Moskva–Leningrad.
RABINOVICH, M.G., 1971. Kul’turnyi sloi central’nykh
raionov Moskvy. In: Drevnosti Moskovskogo Kremlia.
Moskva.
ROSENFEL’DT, R.L., 1968. Moskovskoie keramicheskoie
proisvodstvo XV– XVII vv. In: Svod arkheologicheskikh
istochnikov, vypusk E-1-39. Moskva.
Received: 17 November 2011; Revised: 9 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Olga N. Glazunova
Institute of Archaeology
Dm. Ul’anova St 19,
17036 Moscow, Russia
E-mail: olga-glazunova2007@yandex.ru
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
141

Lithuania`s Roots in
the Pottery of the Western
Suburbs of Moscow of the 17th
and 18th Centuries
OLGA N.
GLAZUNOVA
142
LIETUVIŠKOS ŠAKNYS
XVII–XVIII A. VAKARINIŲ
MASKVOS APYLINKIŲ
MIESTŲ KERAMIKOJE
OLGA N. GLAZUNOVA
Santrauka
Straipsnis yra skirtas XVII–XVIII a. keramikos, rastos
Naujosios Jeruzalės vienuolyne, kuris yra Istros
(40 km į vakarus nuo Maskvos) mieste, galimoms kultūrinės
įtakos kilmės paieškoms (1 pav.). Straipsnyje
taip pat aptariama įvairių meistrų įtaka ir bendra keramikos,
rastos Naujosios Jeruzalės vienuolyne, raida
bei jos specifiniai bruožai.
XVII–XVIII a. virtuviniai indai, rasti Istroje, yra gaminti
iš raudonojo molio ir priklauso dviem pagrindiniams
tipams. Pirmojo tipo keramika yra būdinga
vakariniams Maskvos apylinkių miestams. Antrojo
tipo virtuvinių indų kilmė iki šiol neaiški. Tačiau galima
manyti, kad šis tipas yra susijęs su regionu, kuriame
buvo įprasta keramikinius indus gaminti iš baltojo
molio.
Stalo indai, kurie yra padengti glazūra ir angobu, tokie
kaip indų dangčiai, keptuvės, dubenys, turi tiesioginių
analogijų Klaipėdos (Lietuva) miesto keramikoje
ir apskritai Hanzos miestų sąjungos keramikoje. Neįprastai
didelis kiekis glazūra dengtos keramikos, glazūros,
kuri dengia indus ir koklius, identiškumas, kaip
ir tapatus dekoras ir didelė jo įvairovė, įgalina teigti,
kad ši keramika buvo gaminta tose pačiose dirbtuvėse
(2–9 pav.).
Vertė Audronė Bliujienė

THE LUXURY LIFESTYLE
IN THE NURMUIŽA MANOR
RŪDOLFS BRŪZIS
Abstract
This paper presents briefly the history of the Nurmuiža estate and its owners, and summarises the results of the 2008 and
2009 archaeological investigations. Nurmuiža belonged to the von Fircks, one of the most influential families of the Duchy
of Courland and Semigallia. The influential positions the family held since the 16th century demanded a certain standard of
presentation. The visually impressive Nurmuiža estate served this purpose well. The family’s status was also shown by its
settled standard of living. The way of life on the estate has so far been deduced from written and iconographic sources. The
aim of this paper is to look at the 16th to 19th-century luxury lifestyle at Nurmuiža through the most interesting archaeological
finds from two seasons of excavations.
Key words: estate, von Fircks, Duchy of Courland, luxury lifestyle, artefacts.
Since the 1990s, the attention paid by Latvian archaeologists
to Post-Medieval objects has increased. However,
archaeological investigations into Post-Medieval
estates have only been carried out a few times. Until
now, a wide range of written sources, some maps and
historic images were available about the Nurmuiža estate.
The archaeological excavations held in the years
2008 and 2009 supplemented these sources in several
respects, and have provided an interesting collection
of artefacts.
The location of the Nurmuiža estate,
the history of its owners,
construction and research
The Nurmuiža estate is located near the Riga-Talsi
highway at Lauciene in the Talsi region, ten kilometres
from Talsi and 105 kilometres from Riga. It is situated
on the left bank on a bend in the River Jādekša.
The name of the village Nurme (Norme) appeared in
written sources in the 14th century. The village came
under the authority of the Kandava fort as a domain of
the Livonian Order. Its name derives from the ancient
Liv word nurm for a meadow. In the year 1387, Robin
of Elz, the Master of the Livonian Order, granted as a
feud four ploughs from the village of Nurmuiža to the
knight Hermann Rummel (Caune, Ose 2004, p.357).
However, the village was not established as an administrative
centre until the end of the 16th century.
In the first stage of the Livonian War, it was important
to the leaders of the Order to provide military and
financial support. Consequently, Gotthard Kettler, the
Master, the emerging Duke of Courland, farmed out a
large part of the former lands of the Order to his close
associates, former vassals. Also, in 1561 the village of
Nurme ceased to exist as a domain of the Order. On
24 July 1561 it was allocated to the vassal Christopher
Hoerde ‘in gratitude for his faithful service to the Order
from an early age’ (Kvaskova 2001, p.216). On 18
January 1566, Hoerde sold the village of Nurme to his
brother-in-law Georg von Fircks (d. 1600) (Caune, Ose
2004, pp.357-358). In March, von Fircks promised to
pay for it ‘via Amsterdam and Danzig’ (LVVA 1, p.1).
In April 1569, Gotthard Kettler confirmed a purchase
contract at the same time that Nurme was given as a
feud to von Fircks (LVVA 2, p.1). Nurme belonged to
the family until the land reform of the 1920s. It was
the largest property belonging to the von Fircks in the
Duchy of Courland.
The von Fircks were one of the most influential families
of Livonian knights. The ancestors of Georg von
Fircks were vassals of the King of Denmark in Estonia.
The first member of the family received the Kuldiga
region in Kurzeme as a feud in the year 1494. In 1505,
they bought the estates of Okte and Šķēde, which were
near Nurme (Kvaskova 2001, p.216). The diplomatic
career of the von Fircks family in the duke’s court began
with the first owners of Nurme. These processes
coincided with the construction of the manor house
and the whole estate at Nurme. Georg von Fircks was
an advisor to the Duke of Courland, and lord of the manor
of Kuldiga. He won these posts for service in the
Livonian War and for the transfer of large sums of money
for Gotthard Kettler’s disposal (Kvaskova 2001,
p.216). The next owner of Nurmuiza manor, Kristopher
von Fircks (d. 1649), was appointed burggraf
of the duchy; he later became chancellor (Kvaskova
2001, p.216ff). In 1620, Kristopher von Fircks applied
to the matriculation register of Courland knighthood of
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
143

The Luxury Lifestyle
in the Nurmuiža Manor
RŪDOLFS
BRŪZIS
144
the whole family ‘like all the well-known age-old aristocratic
families, some of which as long as 300 years
ago served the Crown and the King of Denmark as a
councillor in Tallinn’. Georg von Fircks (d. 1662), the
next owner of Nurmuiža, served as an extraordinary
envoy of Duke Jacob to the court of the French King
Louis XIV (Kvaskova 2001, p.216ff).
His son Kristopher von Fircks (1634–1695) ended his
life as a landmarshal of the duchy, while Carl von Fircks
(1667–1746/7) was oberburggraf of Jelgava and
the duke’s chief councillor. The particular situation of
Nurmuiža in the duchy is confirmed by the Swedish
king’s ‘Protection guarantee paper’ (Salva guardia).
This document, which threatened corporal and capital
punishment for Swedish soldiers who did any harm
to Nurmuiža, its owners or farmers, was obtained by
Kristopher von Fircks (LVVA 3, p.1). With the incorporation
of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia into
the Russian Empire in 1795, the political careers of the
Nurmuiža von Fircks ended. At the beginning of the
19th century, economic life in Nurmuiža manor flourished,
though the manor house retained its function of
presentation.
The construction of the Nurmuiža estate began with a
manor house at the end of the 16th century. The will
of Georg von Fircks from 1598 mentions that he spent
a considerable amount of money on the construction
of the stone manor house (Kvaskova 2001, p.216ff).
However, the opinions of historians about the year of
the construction of the manor house remain unclear.
Johann Gottfried Arndt considers that in 1384, the chapel
of the vassal of the Order’s castle already existed
there. Karl von Lewis of Menar, the researcher into
Livonian castles, describes Nurmuiža as the castle of
a vassal of the Order, which was built in ‘late times’.
Armin Tuulse includes Nurmuiža manor as a vassal’s
castle; however, he does not mention a specific time of
construction of the castle. He believes that the former
castle at Nurme was destroyed, and it was rebuilt as
a manor house at the end of the 16th century. Heinz
Pirang holds the view that the Order built a castle at
Nurme for ‘farm management purposes, in the decline
of the Middle Ages’ (Kvaskova 2001, pp.215-216). In
their turn, the Latvian archaeologists and castle researchers
Andris Caune and Ieva Ose note that the castle
was built in the second half of the 16th century, and
there are no other historic stone structures in which a
newly constructed building was included (Caune, Ose
2004, p.358).
We have to conclude that the Nurmuiža manor and
the whole estate were built no earlier than the second
half of the 16th century. However, judging by its geographical
location, Nurmuiža could have been both a
vassal’s castle, built as an outpost of Talsi castle, and a
manor, appearing on a crossroads in the second half of
the 16th century. The proximity of the Riga-Talsi road
was also an important factor in its development.
Between the end of the 17th century and the year 1912,
the manor house was rebuilt four times, while the
manor farm developed from the beginning of the 19th
century until the First World War. The first rebuilding
work by Carl von Fircks was carried out at the end of
the 17th century. During these works, the manor house
and the whole estate acquired the appearance in which
they were depicted in the Paulucci album in 1827 (Plate
VIII.1). The period of the first reconstruction coincided
with the zenith of the influence of the Nurmuiža branch
of the von Fircks family at the beginning of the 18th
century. In the memoirs of the nobleman Karl Johann
von Blomberg, which were published in London in
1701, Nurmuiža manor house is mentioned among palaces
where the owners lived as small rulers (Blomberg
1701, p.277).
In the first quarter of the 19th century, a tall tower was
added to the manor house by the architect Shenk. The
next alterations went on from 1873 to 1875, overseen
by the architect Theodor Zeilert. The last rebuilding,
from 1909 to 1912, was supervised by the architect
Wilhelm Bockslaff. By then, changes affected manor
house interiors, and the tower was pulled down.
The stable and the barn were built, along with the manor
house, at the end of the 16th century. The eastern
end of the stable was joined to the thoroughfare by a
gatehouse. On the south side, along the road, a cattle
shed was built, and on the opposite side a coach house
and servants’ quarters were built. These building were
grouped around the farmyard. It ended with a hedge,
thereby a quadrangular space was formed (Zilgalvis
1995, pp.24-33).
At the beginning of the 19th century, Nurmuiža started
to develop as a farm: a variety of farm buildings and a
watermill were built. A pond was made for the needs
of the watermill. It was built in the valley of the River
Jādekša, flooding it for a length of about 400 metres. A
dam on wooden piles at the northern end of the pond
was made. In the last third of the 19th century, the pond
and the dam were altered.
More extensive building work on the Nurmuiža estate
was carried out by its owners in the second half of the
19th century, when the flourishing estate increased its
revenues. From 1827 to 1923, craftsmen’s houses, a
greenhouse, a cattle shed, servants’ quarters, a gardener’s
house, an equipment shed, a stable, a granary, a
calf shed, a dairy, a carpenter’s workshop, a fire equipment
store and two grain stores were built there (Zil-

galvis 1995, p.27), so that in the second half of the 19th
century, a busy farming estate at Nurmuiža formed.
Not all of the farm buildings were arranged around just
one yard: a solitary group of buildings began to form a
short distance away. The central part of the Nurmuiža
estate was the front courtyard of the manor house.
Then the farmyard was set up; but a little further away
there was a group of buildings standing alone, which
included a brewery, a mill and the miller’s house.
The whole estate was nationalised in 1920. During the
Soviet occupation, a kolkhoz was based on the estate.
From 1991 to 2005, the owners of the Nurmuiža estate
changed several times.
Around 1827, the Nurmuiža estate was surveyed, and
a colour image of it was published in the Paulucci album.
The manor house was surveyed in 1949 by the
architect Andrejs Holcmanis. In 1986 and 1991, it was
surveyed by the architects Andris Ceļmalis and Ilmārs
Dirveiks. The castle was surveyed in 1999 by the archaeologists
Andris Caune and Ieva Ose. The history
of the Nurmuiža estate was researched by the historian
V. Kvaskova (1995, 2001).
Archaeological research
in 2008 and 2009
Since 2006, large-scale restoration work has been
carried out on the whole estate. In the course of it,
archaeological layers were also touched. The first
archaeological investigations were carried out by an
expedition from the Institute of Latvian History. The
archaeological studies covered the following areas:
in 2008 archaeological investigations were applied
during the excavation of both the manor ponds, two
trenches and one shaft. In 2009, archaeological excavations
were carried out in the castle courtyard and cellar,
and archaeological investigations were carried out
in two trenches and 14 archaeological boreholes (Plate
V.2). In all, an area of 285 square metres was studied.
In the course of archaeological investigations during
pond purification, 39,250 cubic metres of archaeological
soil was examined.
Stairs to the basement were uncovered in the foundations
of the manor house’s southern wall. In the basement
between the courtyard and a passage, two brick
arches were exposed. The exposed constructions from
the 16th century had not been used since they were
built. Also, there was no evidence of an earlier building
in the area studied, but a cultural layer which applies
to the period before the construction of the castle was
found
PFig. 1. The book binding (photograph by R. Brūzis).
In the course of the archaeological investigations, we
were able to conclude that the cultural layer in the two
ponds had been formed since the beginning of the 19th
century.
A cultural layer from the 19th century was exposed in
the course of digging trenches. Across the bridge of
the pond, there was a roadway from the second half of
the 19th century. In the archaeological boreholes, the
foundations of the gatehouse and the castle walls were
exposed. The foundations of the tower were dug to a
depth of 0.8 metres, while the manor house had 16thcentury
foundations dug to a depth of three metres. In
a borehole by the west wall of the manor house the
foundations of the stairs designed by the architect T.
Zeilert were exposed.
Finds from the archaeological investigations include
pipe stems and heads, work tools, harnesses and stove
ceramics. The artefacts found provide an insight
into the everyday life of the manor’s inhabitants, the
manor’s farm, and the history of its construction. They
dated the history of the Nurmuiža estate from the 16th
to the 20th century.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
145

The Luxury Lifestyle
in the Nurmuiža Manor
RŪDOLFS
BRŪZIS
146
Fig. 2. The escutcheon plate and the coat of arms of the von Fircks family (photograph by R. Brūzis, reconstruction after V.
Mašnovskis 2007, p.99).
Fig. 3. The segment of a gold ring (reconstruction by R. Brūzis).

Luxury lifestyle artefacts
on the Nurmuiza estate
The most interesting and historically significant finds
tell us about luxury aspects of the lifestyle on the
Nurmuiža estate. These were: a book binding, escutcheon
plate, ring segment, a rifle pull cramp and oyster
shells.
The book binding (Fig. 1) was found beside the shore
of the northern pond, which is located close to the centre
of the Nurmuiža estate. This shaped piece is made
of thin bronzed tin. A stylised apple tree is portrayed
on the surface, but in the lower part of the tree trunk
a snake is shown. In the middle of this part, along the
tree’s trunk, stylised apples are shown, but beneath
them there are lotus flowers. The sides of the part are
decorated with symbolic palm tree leaves, but in the
lower part it is decorated with rectangular decoration,
whose central part is decorated with a grid, and
the edges with inclined lines. All the edges around it
are decorated with pearl chain ornament. Judging by
the biblical motif, it is from the cover or the back of a
Bible or prayer book. This decoration of a book’s cover
fits stylistically into the transition period from Renaissance
to Mannerism, and dates from the period from
the second half of the 16th century to the beginning of
the 17th century. Although the printing of books was
possible in this period, books were still very rare. A
home library, in which a Bible was one of the most important
books, conferred aristocratic prestige in early
modern times.
The escutcheon plate (Fig. 2) was found on the bank
of the Nurmuiža estate’s northern lake. It is made from
sheet iron, and its edges are decorated with a row of
palmette ornaments, which are made from iron tin.
Although the plate has been severely damaged, it is
possible to see the remains of the coat of arms of the
von Fircks family in the lower part of it. We can make
out chequered decoration, which consists of black
and white rectangular fields. Judging from the shape
of the escutcheon plate, typologically it is similar to
the so-called ‘English shield’, which dates from the
end of the 18th to the 20th century. The Neo-Gothic
style and the area of palmette decoration proves that
this plate was made in the 19th century. Judging by its
decorative composition, it mostly resembles epitaphs
that were made from tin. These epitaphs were used in
the second half of the 19th century. After a funeral,
they were placed on the wall near the altar or in the
family vault. Often they were duplicates of the escutcheon
which were attached to the coffin.
Pictures and bas-reliefs of the coat of arms have been
preserved in the interior of the church at Nurmuiza.
Since its origin, the coat of arms has had a very deep
meaning. In Latvia, nobles and knights who adopted
coats of arms in the 13th century later become manor
owners, the owners of large areas of land. Although not
only noble families could have a coat of arms, heraldry
shows various features which pointed out the status
of its owner. For example, in 1620 the von Fircks family
became one of the immatriculated families of the
Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. A sign of this noble
status appears in the coat of arm as a crown placed
above the shield. This is the first escutcheon find in the
history of archaeology in Latvia.
A segment of a gold ring (Fig. 3) was found near the
west facade of the manor, in the place called the ‘black
yard’, inside the ruins of a precious porch and stairs
whose architect was Theodor Zeilert. The ring was
made in the ‘hollow’ technique, and was decorated
with the initials ‘FF’. An anaysis of the metal content
showed a high gold content, 80.19%. This ring belonged
to Fridrich von Fircks, who was the owner of Numuiža
manor in the second half of the 19th century.
Although the father of Fridrich von Fircks was also
called Fridrich, the manufacture technique of the ring
shows that it belonged to the younger Fridrich. The
technique of making hollow jewellery appeared in the
second half of the 19th century. This technique was
primarily used to make large jewellery, like bracelets
and brooches, where large quantities of precious metals
were needed. The technique allowed for savings on
these metals, because it used a precious metal to make
the jewellery, but inside it was hollow.
The ring is also a contextually important discovery.
It was found near the location of the manor’s former
stairs and veranda, in a very mixed cultural layer. Therefore,
we can date the dismantling of that construction
to the end of the 19th century.
A much deformed gun’s pull clamp was found (Fig. 4)
in the northern pond. The clamp was made from bronze,
in figural form, with a specially separated support
for the middle finger. It dates from the first half of the
19th century; the clamp was fixed to a hunting rifle at
the butt. Hunting has been a popular form of entertainment
for the aristocracy since antiquity. Symbolically,
it represents dominance, a manifestation of private
and public power. Hunting was also an important form
of ceremony and protocol. It allowed leading men in
society to demonstrate their leadership and courage
in a relatively safe environment, outside the military
context of armed struggle. Hunting also reflected and
highlighted the social hierarchy, as distinct activities in
hunting were assigned to different participants. Thirdly,
hunting allowed the assertion of rights to the areas
in which it occurred.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
147

The Luxury Lifestyle
in the Nurmuiža Manor
RŪDOLFS
BRŪZIS
148
Fig. 4. The gun pull clamp (photograph by R. Brūzis).
Based on the location of hunting ammunition finds,
it is possible to identify the local hunting area of the
Nurmuiža manor. Two copper chucks from a rifle were
found on the eastern slope near the bridge which is
located between the two lakes. Lead shot was found
at the southern part of the southern lake. These finds
are evidence of waterfowl hunting in the lakes of the
Nurmuiža manor.
Oyster shells (Ostrea edulis) were found by the east
and west facade of Nurmuiža castle (Plate V.3). They
were in the archaeological layers dated to the 17th
and 18th centuries. In total, 26 oyster shells, or parts
of oyster shells, were found. These species of oyster
were harvested on the North Atlantic coast and then
exported to other countries. The 17th and 18th centuries
cover the period of existence of the Duchy of
Courland. Therefore, it is believed that oysters arrived
in Nurmuiža through the port of Ventspils. Oysters as a
food contain very few calories, they should be defined
as snacks, and yet no formal banquet in the Medieval
and early modern period would be imaginable without
them. The number of oysters found at the Nurmuiža
manor, in relation to the number of animal bones (243
units), indicates the status of exotic gourmet snacks.
Conclusion
Over two seasons of archaeological research on the
Nurmuiža estate, a numerous and interesting collection
of 16th to 19th-century artefacts was found. The
artefacts provide an insight into the everyday life of the
manor’s inhabitants, the history of the manor farm, and
its construction. A very small part of the collection tells
us about the formal life of the Nurmuiža manor owners,
the von Fircks family, over the course of four centuries.
These artefacts reflect the nobility and wealth of
the family, and the desire to impress guests
The Nurmuiža manor house was built at the juncture
of two state formations: when the Medieval Livonian
Confederation was replaced by the early modern state
of the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. This is when
the von Fircks family reached its peak in wealth and
influence. Over the course of the 17th century, it became
one of the wealthiest and most powerful families
in the duchy, and these processes were followed by a
rapid diplomatic career in the duke’s court. At the end
of the 18th century, when the duchy was incorporated
into the Russian Empire, the von Fircks family lost
much of their influence. Consequently, the function
of the Nurmuiža manor changed from entertaining to
being a farming estate. The few luxury lifestyle artefacts
reflect the different standards of presentation in
those two eras.
Abbreviation
LVVA – Latvian State Historical Archive (Latvijas Valsts
vēstures arhīvs).
References
Manuscripts
LVVA 1 – Pergamenta un papīra dokumenti. Vidzeme. Livonija.
Nīderlande. Piltene. Polija. Zviedrija. Kr. Hordes
apliecinājums par Nurmižu muižas pārdošanu G. Firksam.
Oriģināls. Pergaments, piekārts zaļā vaska zīmogs. In:
LVVA, fund. 5561, description 4, file 501.
LVVA 2 – Pergamenta un papīra dokumenti. Vidzeme. Livonija.
Nīderlande. Piltene. Polija. Zviedrija. Kurzemes
un Zemgales hercoga Gotharda apstiprinājums 1566.g.
3. martā noslēgtajam līgumam par Kr. Hordes Nurmižu
muižas pārdošanu G.Firksam. Oriģināls. Pergaments,
piekārts sarkanā vaska zīmogs. In: LVVA 2, fund. 5561,
description 4, file 537.
LVVA 3 – Vidzemes, Kurzemes un Igaunijas muižu dokumenti.
Nurmuižas (Nurmhusen) muižas (Talsu apr.)
dokumenti. Ein Schvedischer Solve Garde Brief für Normhusen,
Mitau den 27 April 1707. In: LVVA, fund. 6999,
description 25, file 922.

Literature
BLOMBERG, K. J., 1701. An account of Livonia with a relation
of the rise, progress and decay of the Marian Teutonian
Order. London: Peter Buck.
CAUNE, A., OSE, I., 2004. Latvijas 12. gadsimta beigu – 17.
gadsimta vācu piļu leksikons. Rīga: LU Latvijas vēstures
institūts.
KVASKOVA, V., 2001. Nurmuižas vēsture un fon Firksu
dzimtas pārstāvju darbība hercogu dienestā. Ventspils
muzeja raksti, 1, 214-228.
MAŠNOVSKIS, V., 2007. Latvijas luterāņu baznīcas. Rīga:
SIA „DUE”.
ZILGALVIS, J., 1995. Latvijas muižu klasicisma arhitektūra.
Latvijas vēstures institūta žurnāls, 1, 24-33.
Received: 17 November 2011; Revised: 9 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Rūdolfs Brūzis
Latvijas vēstures institūts
Akadēmijas laukums 1
Rīga; LV-1050
Latvia
E-mail: semigall@hotmail.com
PRABANGUS GYVENIMAS
NURMUIŽOS DVARE
RŪDOLFS BRŪZIS
Santrauka
Nurmuižos dvaro kompleksas yra Talsių rajone, Laucienėje.
Dvaro pastatai stovi kairiajame Jādekšos upės
krante (VIII: 1–2 iliustr.). Rašytiniuose šaltiniuose
kaimo vardas Nurme ar Norme žinomas nuo XIV amžiaus.
Tačiau administracinis centras kaime nebuvo
įsteigtas iki pat XVI a. pabaigos.
Nuo 1561 m. iki pat 1920 m. Nurme priklausė didikų
Fircks šeimai, kuri buvo viena įtakingiausių šeimų
Kuršo kunigaikštystėje ir Žiemgaloje. Nurmuižos
dvaro statyba sutapo su dvaro rūmų statyba XVI a.
pabaigoje. Kartu su rūmais XIX a. buvo pastatytas visas
dvaro pastatų kompleksas. Nurmuižos dvaras tapo
gamybiniu ūkiu.
Nurmuižos dvaro komplekso archeologiniai tyrimai
buvo vykdomi 2008–2009 metais. Per tą laiką buvo ištirti
285 m 2 , rasti 102 artefaktai, datuojami XVI–XX a.
(1–4 pav.). Pagrindinę radinių dalį sudarė pypkių kandikliai
ir galvutės, darbo įrankiai, arklių pakinktų dalys
ir kokliai. Tačiau įdomiausi radiniai, kalbantys apie
Nurmuižos dvaro prabangą. Tarp tokių daiktų minėtini
XVI a. antrosios pusės – XVII a. pradžios knygų apkaustai.
Sprendžiant iš biblinių motyvų, šie apkaustai
puošė bibliją ar maldaknygę (1 pav.). Rastas geležinio
herbo skydas, kurio paviršiuje yra Fircks šeimos herbo
likučių (2 pav.). Herbas priklauso vadinamųjų angliškų
skydų tipui ir datuotinas XVIII–XX a. Tai pirmas tokio
tipo herbas, rastas Latvijos archeologinėje medžiagoje.
Tarp radinių išsiskiria auksinis žiedas su inicialais
FF, pagamintas vadinamąja tuščiavidure technologija
(3 pav.). Šis išskirtinis XIX a. antrosios pusės radinys
priklausė Fridrichui fon Firckui – Nurmuižos dvaro
savininkui. Rasta ir XIX a. pirmosios pusės figūrinė
medžioklinio šautuvo spyruoklė (4 pav.). Matyt, šiuo
šautuvu dvaro komplekso tvenkiniuose buvo medžiojami
vandens paukščiai. Tačiau labiausiai Nurmuižos
dvaro šeimininkų prabangą rodo rastos 26 austrių geldelės,
kurios į dvarą turėjo atkeliauti iš šiaurinės Atlanto
vandenyno pakrantės (VIII: 3 iliustr.). Manoma, kad
austrės buvo importuojamos per Ventspilio uostą. Aptarti
dvaro prabangą atskleidžiantys daiktai ir maistas
rodo XVI–XIX a. Nurmuižos dvaro savininkų turtingumą.
Vertė Audronė Bliujienė
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
IV
LIFESTYLE
IN TOWNS,
PALACES AND
MONASTERIES
149

V. EVERYDAY LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
151

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
152
GLASS BOTTLES FROM THE 16TH CENTURY TO
THE 19TH CENTURY IN THE OLD TOWN
OF KLAIPĖDA: DATA FROM ARCHAEOLOGICAL
EXCAVATIONS
INDRĖ ŠIMKUTĖ
Abstract
The article analyses material related to glass bottles excavated in Klaipėda (Memel) Old Town. Firstly, this is material from
Žvejų St 4 and 6, and the area around Tomo, Didžiojo Vandens, Vežėjų and Pasiuntinių streets. Early glass bottles found in
this area could even date from the 16th century, whereas the peak in the local consumption of beverages in bottles is related to
the second half of the 18th century and the 19th century. Four major types of local glass bottles are distinguished in this work.
Subtypes of extant or partly restored bottles are also introduced. Attempts are made throughout the entire research to answer
the questions how much and in what way the bottles discovered in Klaipėda Old Town reflect general patterns of lifestyle in
Western and Central Europe in the context of modern times.
Key words: Klaipėda, 16th to 19th centuries, antique bottles, beverage, Chateau Marcaux.
Introduction
Several decades of systematic archaeological excavations
in the Old Town of Klaipėda have resulted in the
collection of material-culture-related artefacts. However,
the attention of researchers to all groups of finds
throughout that period has not been equally distributed.
So far, most scientific insights have been made
while exploring materials related to domestic pottery
and tiles, found abundantly in the cultural layers. In
the meantime, groups of finds, including glass, appear
mostly in research into Klaipėda material culture in
publications of a general nature at best. On the other
hand, the increased demand among researchers for a
deeper analysis of the townspeople and their lifestyle,
and the necessity to standardise the arrangement of
the continuously growing museum collections of archaeological
material presuppose the urgency for the
exploration of other finds and their groups. This work
analyses one of the largest groups of glass artefacts
discovered, bottles, which make up about 45% of all
the glass artefacts found in the Old Town of Klaipėda
(Šimkutė 2009, p.8). So far, it is unclear how they
should be dated, and where they belong to. No less
interesting are questions related to their purpose. The
history of glass bottles, and the modification of their
shapes and separate parts, such as the neck and the
base, are closely related to the history of beverages;
whereas the latter is closely related to lifestyle, culture,
social relations, trading prosperity and decline.
Glass bottles in Klaipėda Old Town are mostly found
concentrically and as shards. Extant fragments of up-
per and under parts sometimes prevent the reconstruction
of the shape, and very often it is necessary to rely
on the experience of foreign researchers, on their collected
and published material, as well as on the developed
typology. The Klaipėda archaeologist Eugenijus
Paleckis has discussed locally discovered glass artefacts
in general terms (Paleckis 1992, pp.68-79). In
several paragraphs dedicated to glass bottles, he makes
a short introduction to the shape of locally discovered
glass bottles from the 17th to the 19th centuries. He
also attempts a preliminary dating of them. A similar
situation, in terms of the extent of their investigation,
also prevails in other regions of Lithuania.
The analysis and exploration of locally found glass
bottles employs other sources: that is, archaeological
reports of different kinds and the finds themselves.
The material for this work consists of 442 pieces of
glass bottles, and a relatively small number of intact or
partly restored bottles from 13 different objects (Fig.
1), in which the number of bottles discovered and the
pieces of them is very different. On the basis of quantitative
and qualitative material, two hoards of pieces
of glass bottle, discovered in the Old Town, can be
distinguished. They are hoards from the 16th and 17th
centuries, and the 18th and 19th centuries, discovered
in the area around Tomo, 1 Didžiojo Vandens, Vežėjų
and Pasiuntinių streets (the total number of pieces from
upper and under parts amounts to 88). Another hoard
comes from the 18th and 19th centuries (200 pieces
of glass bottle), and was found in household cellars at
Žvejų St 4 and 6. Hoards and single fragments found in
1 The present-day names of the streets are given this article.

Fig. 1. Glass bottle hoards in the Old Town of Klaipėda/sites of hoards discovered in archaeological excavations: 1 Teatro
square; 2 Sukilelių St 1, 3, 5, 7, 9; 3 Sukilelių St 11; 4 Žvejų St 4, 6; 5 Teatro St 7; 6 Kurpių St 4; 7 Jono (Kepėjų) Tiltų St
3/16/5; 8 Turgaus St 33-35; 9 St John’s Church; 10 the area around Tomo, Vežėjų, Didžiojo Vandens and Pasiuntinių streets;
11 Tomo St 20 and 22 to Didžiojo Vandens St 21; 12 Didžiojo Vandens 23 to 25; 13 the area around Didžiojo Vandens St
(drawing by I. Šimkutė).
Fig. 2. A comparative distribution
of glass bottles discovered in the
Old Town of Klaipėda
(diagram prepared by I. Šimkutė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
153

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
154
other objects mostly reflect the general tendencies, and
in this study they are used as supplementary material
only (154 pieces) (Fig. 2).
This article attempts to evaluate the above collection
on the basis of finds traced at Žvejų 4 and 6, as well as
the areas around Tomo, Didžiojo Vandens, Vežėjų and
Pasiuntinių streets, approaching them as two different
cases. In the future, the analysis of these finds could
be significant when looking for answers to questions
related to the lifestyle of citizens. It also tries to integrate
the gathered material into the general context of
the common local and entire Baltic regional lifestyle.
The historical background to bottles
and beverages in Klaipeda Old Town
The town of Klaipeda was founded in 1252, when the
Livonian Order built a castle called Memelburg. At the
beginning, the town developed close to the castle, but
in the 16th century the Old Town moved to an island
in the waters of the River Dangė. The geographical
situation of Klaipėda (the town was very close to the
Curonian Lagoon, which flows into the Baltic Sea) influenced
the life of the townspeople and their material
culture.
Using traces of the material culture in old Klaipėda,
we can discover many links between this town and
other countries of the Baltic region, and the cultures
of towns around Western Europe. Therefore, the material
artefacts in the Klaipėda archaeological environment
provoke numerous discussions about their
origin: sometimes it is complicated to compare and
distinguish artefacts typical of local manufacturers
and those brought in from elsewhere. This is why it
is necessary firstly to understand the historical context
of these artefacts, and the circumstances under
which they appeared in Klaipėda. The subject of this
research, the origin of Klaipėda glass bottles, has not
been discussed in principle. Usually, research literature
about the origin and manufacture of glassware
maintains that ‘materials about glaziers in Klaipėda
is small’ (and presumably the manufacture of glass in
Klaipėda too) (Tatoris 1994, p.39), and that ‘most glass
artefacts were imported’ (Paleckis 1992, p.68). So it is
necessary firstly to evaluate these propositions prior to
an analysis of specific bottles.
Single hints emerge in research material; however,
they evoke different ideas of the above issues. For example,
Gerhard Willoweit collected information about
the craftsmen of Klaipėda, and examined data from the
revenue registry of 1540. He found the name Glaßer,
which is ‘glassmaker’ in English. Of course, this name
did not necessarily correspond to the profession of a
person bearing this name (Willoweit 1969, p.246). The
story by Johannes Sembritzki about a young man who
managed to escape from a press gang at the beginning
of the 18th century is interesting. In a 1719 report by
the magistrate, it is said that ‘one 19-year-old glazier’s
apprentice, the only support of his 61-year-old father,
was publicly arrested in Kulių vartų Street [...] later
he escaped to Mintauja’ (Zembrickis 2002, p.182).
Speaking about assumptions for the realisation of this
craft in Klaipėda, it is necessary to mention again the
above G. Willoweit, who wrote about the growing industrialisation
in the 19th century and its side-effects
on Klaipėda, where the guild of glaziers was also
shrinking (Willoweit 1969, p.252). Besides, J. Tatoris
wrote about nine glaziers living in Klaipėda in 1862,
and eight in 1900 (Tatoris 1992, p.39). In the first half
of the 19th century, a glazier was living at Sukilėlių
St 19 (Tatoris, 1992, pp.140-141). So what were these
glaziers or related persons doing in Klaipėda at that
time? According to J. Tatoris, glaziers working there
in the second half of the 19th century and the beginning
of the 20th century were able to polish, cut and
etch glass (Tatoris 1992, p.39). This is more related to
the processing than the manufacture of glass. Nevertheless,
issues related to glassware of local origin still
remain open, as we still lack archaeological data about
the manufacture of glass in Klaipėda.
At the moment, one glass manufactory (in the Švėkšna
area in the Šilutė district), one of the closest to
Klaipėda, is better known. Archaeological explorations
have been carried out on a hillock called Stiklynė in
Lithuanian, or ‘glassy hillock’. So it is no surprise that
a manufactory was operating on that hillock in the 17th
century. Apart from other glass artefacts, it also manufactured
bottles made of thin glass. Scholars maintain
that from this place, on the frontier between the Grand
Duchy of Lithuania and East Prussia, glass artefacts
could also get to Klaipėda (Strazdas, Žulkus 1987,
p.92). According to E. Paleckis, similar glass artefacts
are rather rare in archaeological material from Klaipėda
(Paleckis 1992, p.68). On the other hand, nobody has
yet thoroughly explored and compared glass artefacts
from Klaipėda and those from the above manufactory.
We have more information about the foreign origin
of glassware. The role of Klaipėda as a seaport only
increased in the second decade of the 16th century.
However, it experienced relevant changes in the second
half of the 17th century (Groth 2001, p.5). At that
time, the bottle trade started growing. 2 Bottles were
2 Glass bottles were widespread. This is supported by
fragments of similar-shaped glass bottles from different
countries, and the interesting construction of the word
‘bottle’ itself. Probably, in most countries, a ‘bottle’ was
an imported item, so the word itself was commonly used

Fig. 3. The import of glass bottles to Klaipėda between 1664 and 1722 (after Groth 2002, with the author’s additions).
transported by traders (Jones 1986, p.17). Klaipėda
port’s 1664 to 1722 customs records provide plenty of
information about various goods, especially tobacco
and drinks (Groth 1995). They record traders from
different countries calling at the port of Klaipėda, and
merchandise with which the place was supplied in
modern times. Summarising the imports of the above
period, A. Groth noted that the imported items were
items of luxury rather than for daily consumption. He
also noticed that salt was the main imported item. In
addition, this was colonial merchandise, among which
beverages and tobacco prevailed (Groth 2001, p.5;
Glorius 1996, p.55). Beverages (firstly wines of all
kinds) came in large quantities. It was discovered that
in the above period, at least 15 sorts of wine came to
Klaipėda from 32 different ports. They were ‘French
wine’, ‘Spanish wine’, ‘Rhine wine’, ‘Alicante wine’,
‘Römer wine’, ‘sparkling wine’, ‘red wine’, ‘muscat
wines’, ‘Petercyment wine’, ‘vermouth’, ‘Gabener
wine’, ‘Vino de Tinte’, ‘Canary Islands wine’, and so
on (Groth 1995). It should be noted that some sorts of
wine were delivered in bottles: ‘red wine’ (12 bottles
from Lübeck), ‘sparkling wine’ (54 bottles), and ‘vino
de tinte rosa’ (50 bottles from Amsterdam). The book
notes that schnapps was also delivered in bottles. It
came from Lübeck and Kołobrzeg (375 bottles) (Kol-
in a wider area: in Russian Бyтыпка, in English bottle, in
French bouteille, in Italian bottiglia, in Spanish la botella,
in Latvian pudele, in German die Flasche, while northern
Germans use Buddel.
berg) (Fig. 3). O. Jones notes that bottled liquors were
shipped or sold in chests, hampers, casks and cases of
various sizes (Jones 1986, p.19). It is clear that bottled
beverages came to Klaipėda in large quantities,
because wines were mentioned in the book in the context
of these measures. Meanwhile, the import of beer
was insignificant, as local sorts satisfied the demands
of Klaipėda and the local market (Groth 2001, p.11ff).
Throughout the entire period between 1664 and 1723,
cases are mentioned when full bottles and even empty 3
bottles were delivered to Klaipėda. It should be noted
that glass bottles, probably used as containers, were
delivered to Klaipėda from Gdańsk (Danzig) for the
first time in 1671. They could have served as decanters
or flasks in which the landlords of pubs and taverns
offered wine to their visitors. The trade in glass bottles
increased sharply in the first half of the 18th century,
and it is related to the appearance of cylinder-shaped
bottles, which were more compact and handy both for
transport and keeping in wine cellars (Dumbrell 1992,
p.21).
Historical sources help us to judge the rather wide
spectrum of tastes of the local citizenry. Various rich
wines, beers, schnapps and other beverages reached
Klaipėda port in large quantities and on a regular basis.
3 Presumably, glass bottles also came to Klaipėda as
containers. The revenue book of Klaipėda defines them as
butelki, and their quantities are measured in chests, florins,
hampers, Reichstallers and pieces.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
155

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
156
However, glass bottle-related artefacts from Klaipėda
point to the fact that the beverage and the process of
its consumption were equally important, so the above
artefact should be treated as part of the ‘table culture’.
Glass bottles in the Old Town of
Klaipėda: archaeological evidence
Usually, glass bottles in Klaipėda Old Town are traced
concentrically, mostly in places for waste collection: in
household pits or drainage barrels, no longer used for
that purpose, or in ‘scrap-heaps’, which formed after
filling in damp areas. Very often, single pieces of glass
bottles emerge from cultural layers. These ‘hoards’ of
bottles are undoubtedly related to the culture of pubs,
taverns, cantinas and restaurants. The first taverns in
Klaipėda appeared in the times of the Teutonic Order.
However, it is not known how many existed then
(Žulkus 2002, p.78). Early taverns were on the main
routes connecting Klaipėda with Königsberg and Libau
(Liepāja). The German landlords of these taverns
had to keep a close watch on travellers, and inform the
authorities of their plans and aims. Innkeeping, together
with fishing and trading, was one of the main local
occupations in the late 15th century and early 16th century.
J. Tatoris notes that cantinas already existed in the
Old Town at the end of the 17th century (Tatoris 1994,
p.242). A huge number of them appeared in the town
and its suburbs in the late 18th century and the 19th
century. In the 1830s, there were 185 taverns, pubs and
inns in Klaipėda and its suburbs (Tatoris 1994, p.244).
It looks as if the earliest glass artefacts (including fragments
of glass bottles and glass dishes) discovered in
the Old Town were found in the area around Tomo,
Didžiojo Vandens, Vežėjų and Pasiuntinių streets.
The area was researched for several years, and this
resulted in 316 items of different glass artefacts being
discovered. A total of 32% of them were pieces of
glass bottles (Šimkutė 2009, p.23). Early glass finds
are recorded at the bulked layer from the second half
of the 17th century (Žulkus 1990, p.16). However, on
the basis of analogies of excavated bottles and other
glass dishes from German towns (Braumgastner, Kruegen
1988, p.432ff; Dumitrache 1990, p.52), other glass
bottles from this ‘scrap-heap’ could also be dated to
the 16th century. The total number of fragments is 47.
These are thin-glassed, transparent, greenish, square or
globular. Rectangular bottoms of a quadrangle shape,
and necks with very wide bores, should be attributed
to the 16th and 17th centuries. Other glass items are
glasses, small bottles, pipes, various glass dishes and
pieces of glazing (Žulkus 1990, p.85ff). According to
Vladas Žulkus, a tavern could have existed in this area
around 1550 (Žulkus 2002, p.79). A large number of
medicine-related bottles was discovered there, which
means that in the 16th and 17th centuries there could
have been a chemist’s shop somewhere around this
place. Fragments of bottles typical of the 18th and 19th
centuries were discovered in the above area (in household
pits and drainage barrels) (Žulkus 1990, p.8).
The area around Žvejų 4 and 6 is another important
area with a huge number of glass bottles and fragments
from the 18th and 19th centuries. It was explored in
2006. In a 1.5-metre household pit, 200 pieces of glass
bottle were found. The collection of glass bottles discovered
in this pit is the largest collection of objects
from the Old Town. Globular-shaped and cylindershaped
glass bottles of various greenish shades were
discovered. It was also full of fictile, pottery and china
fragments, pieces of glass mugs and goblets, fragments
of kaolin pipes, and a wooden dice. Presumably, the
household pit, used in the late 18th century and early
19th century, was part of a tavern or inn (Jarockis
2007, p.333). Fragments of globular-shaped and cylinder-shaped
bottles from this pit enable us to attribute it
to an earlier period, the middle or even the first half of
the 18th century.
Glass bottles of different shapes and modifications
were also discovered in wide areas of the Old Town, in
the historic part between the new and the old branches
of the River Dangė. These were another 154 fragments
from 11 surviving objects (Fig. 4).
Altogether, 38 fragments of different glass artefacts,
including 28 glass bottles, were discovered in Teatro
Square. All the pieces of bottles were discovered
in cultural layers from the 17th, 18th and 19th centuries.
These layers were used for filling in the former
island and the water around it (Žulkus 1976, p.36). J.
Tatoris notes that in the same area (the intersection of
Teatro and Žvejų streets) there were a couple of taverns
(Tatoris 1992, p.72). Archaeological surveillance
and fixation at Sukilėlių St 1, 3, 5, 7 and 9 resulted
in the discovery of 17 fragments of glass artefact, including
13 glass bottles. Pieces of bottles are treated
as stray finds. The exploration of this area showed
that the complex was built on the line of the 18th to
19th-century bulked layer (Paleckis 1980, p.26). In
the meantime, 46 fragments of different purposes, including
35 fragments of bottles, were discovered in
bulked layers from different periods (Sukilėlių St 11).
All this was supplemented with eight fragments from
subsequent excavations of bulked layers from the 18th
and 19th centuries (Paleckis 1984, p.9). Six fragments
of glass bottle were discovered during exploratory archaeological
research at Teatro St 7. Later finds from
the 17th century were discovered in an oak drainage
barrel, lying at a depth of 1.7 metres (Sprainaitis 1986,

Fig. 4. The comparative distribution of glass bottles discovered in different sites in the Old Town (diagram prepared
by I. Šimkutė).
pp.4-11). An archaeological report recorded 48 fragments
of glass artefact, including 23 glass bottles. The
total number of glass artefacts is included in the table
of the above report, whereas pieces of bottles are
generally described in the list of finds discovered in
different areas. In that case, pieces of glass bottle have
no area or inventory number. Most fragments in this
object were discovered in the period prior to the fire
of 1854, so they are dated to the late 18th century or
the mid-19th century. Two fragments of rectangular
bottle, on the basis of tiles dated to the 17th and 18th
centuries (Žulkus 1974, p.19), are also exceptional.
The research carried out at Jono (Kepėjų) and Tiltų St
3/16/5 showed that construction in this area was exceptionally
intense (Bračiulienė 2000, p.16ff). The total
number of glass fragments there was 33, including
16 pieces of glass bottle. The discovered items have
been dated to no later than 1854 (Bračiulienė 1999,
p.5). The exploration of Turgaus St 33 and 35 resulted
in 16 items of glass artefact, including eight pieces of
glass bottle. The rest were from windowpanes. The
source notes that there was likely to be a social building
standing endways on Turgaus St since the late 17th
century (Žulkus 1981, p.4). After research around the
former St John’s Church, 34 pieces of glass artefact
were found. The remaining bottles have been dated to
the 18th and 19th centuries (Sprainaitis 1995, pp.8-9).
Most different glass artefacts discovered at Tomo St 20
and 22, and Didžiojo Vandens St 21, were excavated
from a household pit. Forty fragments of glass artefact
were discovered in this site, and 15 of them were from
glass bottles. The household pit has been dated to the
18th and 19th centuries, whereas other fragments have
been dated to the 17th to 19th centuries (subject to the
circumstances of the find) (Sprainaitis 1988, p.4). Only
a few glass artefacts were found at Didžiojo Vandens
St 23-24, and six out of 12 belonged to glass bottles.
They were all discovered on the surface layer. In the
area around Didžiojo Vandens St, 19 fragments out
of 29 different glass items belonged to glass bottles.
Some of them were discovered in sandy loam with rubble
(Bračiulienė 1999, pp.3ff).
Mouth-blown bottles as artefacts
The main properties of glass that predetermine its
spread and long-term use are its clarity and its chemical
resistance, which protects it from the atmosphere and
the impact of many chemical agents (Strazdas 1998,
p.7). A glass bottle is a piece with a more or less narrow
neck and a body of a different shape (Dumitrache
1990, p.18). As an archaeological find, it is very rarely
found intact. Very often, only single pieces (the upper
and lower parts) are discovered, whereas the central
part (the thinnest part) is usually found as slivers. The
following are treated as belonging to the upper part:
the finish, which usually consists of a bore, a lip and a
collar, a neck and a shoulder. The lower part consists of
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
157

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
158
Fig. 5. Fragments and parts of glass bottles (drawing by Donata Jansonaitė).
the following: the base, in-sweep and push-up (Fig. 5).
Stopped with corks, the bottles made airtight, inert and
sturdy containers for wine, porter, ale, cider, distilled
liquors, and other products, as well as for transport and
presentation (Jones 1986, p.9). However, they had to
go through many technological stages before becoming
durable and popular with consumers.
‘Forest glass’ type utensils, including bottles and fragments,
are more frequent in early cultural layers. These
are mostly thin-glassed, clear, bright (usually greenish)
glass bottles, manufactured until the first half of
the 17th century. In the 1640s a new type of furnace,
heated by coal instead of wood, was invented. Its use in
glass manufacturing created favourable conditions for
the manufacture of ‘bottle glass’ or ‘green glass’. These
bottles were thick, the stronger and dark glass (usually
greenish) met the demands of vintners for transportation
and maturation in glass bottles (Dumbrell 1992,
p.13ff). ‘Green glass’ bottles, most frequently discovered
in the Old Town of Klaipėda, were continuously
being modified and perfected until the second half of
the 19th century.
In order to encompass the variety in bottles, whose
shape and parts were continuously changing, it is necessary
to differentiate between them and divide them
into types. On the basis of the available material, its
context and survival, researchers exploring glass bottles
employed different methods for their classification
(Dumitrache 1990, p.9ff; Kubalska 1987, p.113; Paleckis
1992, p.68ff). However, glass bottles are usually
attributed to different types in accordance with their
original shape and peculiarities in the manufacture of
their specific parts. This work uses the grouping system
employed by the German researcher R. Glatz. On
the basis of the shape, she distributes glass bottles into
four subgroups; this is bottle with globular body, bottle
with globular body and glued elements, cylindershaped
bottles and multi-angular bottles. (Glatz 1991,
p.45). Each subgroup has its own characteristic types
of bottles, which are identified only in the event of an
intact bottle, or one which could be partially restored
and reconstructed. When identifying types, it is also
important to explore specific elements (necks and
bases). The researcher distributes, describes and dates

Fig. 6. Types of glass bottles from Klaipėda: pale green glass bottle with a globular or ovoid body (A); dark green glass
globular-shaped bottle (B); dark green glass cylinder-shaped bottle (C); quadrilateral-shaped bottles (D). The typology of
glass bottles by I. Šimkutė, according to M. Dumitrache 1990.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
159

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
160
necks, whereas bases are introduced only in the catalogue
(Glatz 1991, p.45).
A similar distribution system, particularly suitable for
the fragmentary analysis of material, could also be applied
to the research into glass bottles from the Old
Town of Klaipėda. On the basis of their extant original
or suppositional shape, it is possible to distinguish four
types: pale green glass bottle with a globular or ovoid
body (A); dark green glass globular-shaped bottle (B);
dark green glass cylinder-shaped bottle (C); and quadrilateral-shaped
botlle (D) (Fig. 6). Short descriptions
of extant glass bottles, fragments of necks and bases
from the Old Town of Klaipėda are given below.
The main types of glass bottles
Pale green glass bottles with
a globular or ovoid body (A)
Fully intact bottles with a globular or ovoid body (Ballonflaschen
or Flaschen mit Wandung stark gebaucht)
were not found in the Old Town of Klaipėda. However,
on the basis of neck and base fragments and the study
of the German archaeologist M. Dumitrache (1990),
it is possible to partially reconstruct the shape of the
above bottles from Klaipėda. Bottles with a globular
or ovoid body, evocative of a bubble or a pear, are attributed
to this type.
The neck of these bottles is usually cone-shaped. The
finish has no collar under the lips. The lip itself is usually
slightly bent outwards (trumpet-mouth) (Fig. 7.1),
the angle could even reach 90° (a wide-prescription
finish) (Fig. 7.2), or it can be absolutely straight (blowover)
(Fig. 7.3). The base is circular, the push-up with
an open pontil scar is globular (dome-shaped) (Fig.
7.4), conical (Fig.7.5), or almost smooth (Fig. 7.6).
Pieces of discovered bottles are pale or bright greenish,
and the glass itself is coated with a thin layer of patina.
It is clear, with occasional gassy impurities, very often
forming specific bubbles.
All pieces of this type were traced in layers from
the 17th century around present-day Tomo, Didžiojo
Vandens, Vežėjų and Pasiuntinių streets. However,
on the basis of other glass fragments in this area, and
in accordance with dated cases of German authors
(Braumgastner, Kruegen 1988, p.432ff; Dumitrache
1990, p.52), with fragments of globular or ovoid body
bottles found in this ‘scrap-heap’, they could also be
dated to the 16th century (Dumitrache, 1990, p.52). In
other German regions, these bottles are also dated to
the 16th century and the late 17th century (Glatz 1991,
p.46). Presumably, these artefacts arrived from north-
ern Germany, a trading partner of Klaipėda in those
times. Most probably, the above bottles served as wine
decanters, since their glass was thin and very fragile,
the top of the neck was not strengthened with a collar
sustaining the cork. The above bottles in a smaller size,
particularly those with a wide prescription finish, were
likely to be designed for beverages.
Dark green glass globular-shaped
bottles (B)
The bodies of this type of bottles are spherical (Plate
VI.1), hemispherical (Plate VI.1.2), or vice-like hemispherical
(Plate VI.1.3). The most frequent in the Old
Town of Klaipėda are dark green glass globular-shaped
bottles with different-size conical necks. The finish
usually consists of two parts, the collar is glued manually.
Bottles with a very wide collar, almost covering
the entire lip, or a narrow collar glued under the lip,
should also be mentioned. The base of the above bottles
is circular and flat or oval. The push-up has several
different shapes: trapezium or bell-shaped, rounded
cone and dome-shaped. Usually there is an open pontil
scar on the bottom of the push-up. On the basis
of analogies, intact or partly restored spherical bottles
from the hoards of the Old Town (Fig. 8.1) are dated
to the first half of the 18th century, and originate from
the Netherlands (Dumbrell 1992, pp.128, 136, Plate
48; Poser 1997, p.86, Tafel 25; Dexel 1955, p.233, Fig.
280). They probably arrived in Klaipėda from Amsterdam,
Gdańsk or Lübeck. Almost intact spherical bottles
were discovered in litter bins at Žvejų St 4 and 6, and
the area around Tomo, Didžiojo Vandens, Vežėjų and
Pasiuntinių streets. Archaeologists date both hoards
to the late 18th century or early 19th century. A hemispherical
onion bottle (Plate VI.1.2) was also discovered
in an archaeological habitat of the late 18th and
19th century. It was found in the area around Tomo,
Didžiojo Vandens, Vežėjų and Pasiuntinių streets. It is
thought to have been manufactured in a Prussian factory.
A seal with an eagle and the inscription ‘BAB-
RIOM’ was glued around its shoulders. Vice-like
hemispherical (flattened oval body) bottles are also attributed
to this type of bottle (Plate VI.1.3). They are
easily recognised from a fragment of the lower part.
The base and the body are oval both in horizontal and
vertical positions. A very low, dome-shaped globular
base is typical of these bottles. All bottles of this type
were found in the Old Town archaeological context of
the age from the second half of the 17th century to the
first half of the 19th century.

Fig. 7. The 16th-century type of pale green glass bottle with a globular or ovoid body (A): 1 lip Ø 3.5 cm; 2 lip Ø 3.6 cm; 3
lip Ø 3 cm; 4 base Ø 7.7 cm; 5 base Ø 10 cm; 6 base Ø 10.6 cm (photograph by I. Šimkutė).
Dark green glass cylinder-shaped
bottles (C)
Cylinder-shaped bottles are the most frequently discovered
glass bottles in Klaipėda, and they have to be
reviewed more broadly. The cylinder shape appeared
in the history of bottles no earlier than the second quarter
of the 18th century (Dumbrell 1983, p.100; Jones
1986, p.73). At that time, the use of a special wooden
or metal mould for the manufacture of bottles started.
It was used in the formation of a cylinder-shaped body.
This technical solution could not be applied to any
other previous manufacture of globular-shaped bottles
(Jones 1986, p.84). The cylinder shape was more convenient
for the storage of glass bottles in wine cellars
for a long period of time, laying them one on top of the
other, whereas bottles with globular bodies required
specially designed racks. Manufacturers of glass bottles
were continuously searching for a one ‘look’ bottle
formula (Jones 1986, p.73), trying to reduce the asymmetry
of the bottle itself and employing new technical
opportunities (a dip mould, a three-piece mould,
the finish-forming tool and base-forming moulds). All
of this accelerated the qualitative and quantitative increase
in production (Jones 1986, p. 73, 131). However,
O. Jones, who researched English wine and beer
bottles, noticed that ‘there was more than one “ideal”
style’ (Jones 1986, p.73). Different nuances, distinguishing
one bottle from another, one neck or one base
from another, or one element from corresponding elements
of other bottles, characterise the hoard of glass
bottles from the Old Town of Klaipėda. Although in
very fragmentary local material, cylinder-shaped bottles
are easily recognisable, by the cylindrical, bulging
or tapered neck, or the two-piece finish, consisting of a
lip and a collar. The bases are different in their width,
but always cylinder-shaped, the in-sweep is rounded,
bulging or abrupt, and the push-up has a sand pontil
mark. Early subtypes are also equipped with a open
pontil scar. Cylinder-shaped bottles make up around
74% of all bottles examined. Subject to quality, the
quantity of material available and the aim, researchers
into these bottles, or those discussing them more
widely, attempt to develop an application of different
rules and regulations related to grouping the above
bottles. For example, on the basis of the characteristic
shape of all sealed bottles, R. Dumbrell divided ‘antique
wine bottles’ into groups. One of them was entitled
‘cylinder-shaped bottles’, and he divided it into
eight further segments. He characterised single bottles
in accordance with intervals in different periods. Later
O. Jones, after an analysis of the dimensions of sealed
bottles and the calculation of their capacities, noticed
a tendency in the alteration of cylinder-shaped bottles,
which led to their division into four types: ‘Beer-Style
Quarts’, ‘Wine-Style Quarts’, ‘Undersized Beer-Style
Quarts’ and ‘Imperial Wine-Style Quarts’ (Jones 1986,
p.73ff). Below is a characterisation of pieces (exam-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
161

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
162
Fig. 8. The type of dark green glass cylinder-shaped bottle (C) from the 18th and 19th centuries: 1 H 23 cm, lip Ø 3.1 cm; 2
lip Ø 3.7 cm; 3 H 23.6 cm, lip Ø 3.5 cm; 4 lip Ø 3.9 cm, base 9.8 cm (photograph by I. Šimkutė).
ples of necks and bases) discovered in the Old Town of
Klaipėda. Presumably, cylinder-shaped bottles arrived
in Klaipėda mostly from England and France. They are
found in almost all explored sites from the mid-18th
century to the late 19th century.
Different bottles of this subtype are often discovered
in the Old Town. A flared cylinder-shaped subtype of
bottle should be mentioned (Fig. 8.1). On the basis of
analogies and the patterns of the finish, these bottles
are dated to the last decade of the 18th century (Jones
1986, p.59, Fig. 35). This bottle was discovered in an
archaeological habitat from the late 18th century and
early 19th century. Cylinder-shaped bottles with an
elongated neck and body (Fig. 8.2), as well as cylindershaped
bottles with a short neck, also belong to this
type (Fig. 8.3). The finish of cylinder-shaped bottles,
like that of a dark green glass globular-shaped bottle,
consists of two parts; however, they were not manufactured
manually. A special device is employed for
the purpose. Therefore, a distinction should be made
between three types of finishes.
1) The string rim is placed very close to the lip. The
lip itself is slightly thicker than the original surface
of the neck. The collar is usually sloping downwards,
flat-topped and V-shaped, flattened and up-tooled to
the flattened side. Such a finish is usually dated to the
second half of the 18th century or the first decade of
the 19th century (Jones 1986, p.54). Fragments of the
upper part with such finishes were discovered in the
areas around Tomo St, Turgaus St, Didžiojo Vandens,
Vežėjų, Pasiuntinių streets and Žvejų St 4 and 6.
2) The lip dominates the finish. The lips of these finishes
are usually down-tooled or flattened. These are
the most frequent finishes in fragments from the Old
Town. In accordance with foreign researchers, bottles
with this type of finish are dated to the 1780s to the
mid-19th century (Jones 1986, p.61ff). They were discovered
during archaeological excavations in Turgaus
St, Sukilėlių St 11, and the area around Tomo, Didžiojo
Vandens, Vežėjų, Pasiuntinių streets and Žvejų St 4
and 6.
3) Well-formed finishes are undoubtedly shaped by
employing a special device, and are dated to the 1820s
to 1860s (Jones 1986, p.69). Fragments of this type
were discovered in the area around Tomo, Didžiojo
Vandens, Vežėjų and Pasiuntinių streets.
Necks of cylinder-shaped bottles can be bulging. The
finishes of such necks are usually very large. The lip
is very thick; however, it almost equals the collar. The
collar itself is wide and flattened. The collars of most
discovered fragments are provided with inscriptions,
like ‘Zirke ¾ Mo’ and ‘M 3/4 Q’. Bottles with such
necks are found in archaeological sites from the 19th
century. Foreign researchers date them to the end of

Fig. 9. The 18th or 19th-century seal from a wine bottle with the inscription ‘Chateau Marcaux’ (photograph by I. Šimkutė).
the 19th century (Dumbrell 1983, p.149). Elongated,
thin necks with a flattened collar at the top of the neck
are typical of cylinder-shaped bottles. The lips of such
necks are usually tapered, whereas the collar is thin
and flattened. Necks of this shape are typical of cylinder-shaped
bottles with thin-glassed bodies. The neck
is elongated, and it is hard to say where the neck ends
and where the sloping shoulders start. Such bottles are
also called champagne bottles in research literature.
They originate from the late 18th century and the early
19th century. A green glass neck (probably of a thin
cylinder-shaped bottle) was found at Tomo St 20-22.
The shoulders were sealed with the inscription ‘Chateau
Marcaux’ (Fig. 9) and decorated with a bunch of
grapes and two leaves. This piece is likely to be related
to the old French vineyard Château Margaux.
Bottles with a wide base are often decorated with
prominently printed letters and dots. On the basis of
analogies, it is possible to reconstruct the rest of these
bottles. Such a cylinder-shaped bottle is easily inclined
to a cone-shaped appearance (Laggin 2002, p.51ff, Fig.
9.2). Similar bottles from Lübeck are dated to the late
18th century and early 19th century (Dumitrache 1990,
p.68).
Quadrilateral-shaped bottles (D)
Quadrilateral bottles (Vierkantflaschen, kantige
Bouteillen, Kantinenflaschen) are defined in research
literature as utensils for the storage and transportation
of something (brandy, Dutch gin, or other spirits)
(Hannig 2009, pp.105-241). It also notes that quadrilateral
(large size) bottles were employed as intermediate
utensils for filling decanters with wine to be stored
in pipes down in the cellar. Prior to the appearance of
collars (before the 17th century), these bottles used to
be stopped with material, and later with cork (Henkes
1994, p.241).
Quadrilateral bottles are easily recognisable: an elongated
bottle with a body of four upright and slightly
rounded sides, a short neck, very often with a wide
bore. The base is slightly globular, or there is none
whatsoever. The push-up can be with an extant open
pontil scar. These bottles are usually greenish. On the
basis of fragments of upper and lower parts discovered
in the Old Town of Klaipėda, it is possible to distinguish
several subtypes of these bottles. To one of them
could belong quadrilateral-shaped bottles with a thread
(Plate VI.2.1). Bottles of this subtype differ from other
ones by their finish (lead or tin) (Lüdecke 2002, p.50),
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
163

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
164
by their technique and by their shape. Two pieces of
an upper part with thread heads were discovered in the
17th-century bulked layer of the area around Tomo,
Didžiojo Vandens, Pasiuntinių and Vežėjų streets.
Round shoulders and a short but relatively wide neck
are typical of these bottles. German archaeologists date
bottles of this type differently. M. Dumitrache dates
them to the 16th and 17th centuries (Dumitrache 1990,
p.55), Robert H. McNulty and Poser to the 17th century
(Poser 1997, p.41). A. Falk spins out the period
up to the second half of the 18th century (Falk 1987,
p.53). These bottles were most widespread in the Netherlands
(Lüdecke 2002, p.50). They were used for the
storage of wine, although they could also be used for
pouring distilled beverages with little lees into a bottle
of a small bore (Lüdecke 2002, p.50).
Fragments of upper parts with very wide bores (which
are typical among quadrilateral-shaped bottles) were
found in the same area. Usually, a wide bore immediately
conjoins with the shoulders. The colour of these
bottles varies from bright greenish to yellowish-greenish.
Fragments of these bottles were discovered in the
bulked stratum of the 18th century. However, these
bottles were also used in the 19th century (Dumitrache
1990, p.43).
A square-shaped base is typical of the lower part of
these bottles. It is very thin, and the push-up is with an
open pontil scar. This subtype is dated to the beginning
of the 17th century. Other researchers date it to the 16th
and 17th centuries (Dumitrache 1990, p.55), whereas
bottles with a rectangular base were in use until the
18th century (Dumitrache 1990, p.43). Some square
or rectangular-shaped bottles have contoured sides. It
is possible to distinguish quadrilateral upwardly flaring
bottles (one was found intact in Klaipėda), defined by
some foreign researchers as ‘Dutch gin bottles’. The
shoulders of these bottles were sealed with an image of
the Star of David (Plate VI.2.2).
Most quadrilateral bottles from the Old Town were discovered
in the area around Tomo, Didžiojo Vandens,
Pasiuntinių and Vežėjų streets, a smaller number of
them at Sukilėlių St 1, 3, 5, 7 and 9, Kurpių St 4, Jono
(Kepėjų) Tiltų St 3/16/5 and around St John’s Church.
Several fragments were traced around Teatro Square,
at Teatro Square 7, Tomo St 20 and 22, Didžiojo Vandens
St 21, and the area around Didžiojo Vandens St.
The development of glass bottles in
Klaipėda
The first glass bottles in the Old Town of Klaipėda
dated from the 16th century. Until this century neither
in an archaeological nor in a historical context can we
trace any information about these hollow utensils. Pale
green glass with a globular or ovoid bottle (A) are attributed
to glass bottles of the 16th century, whereas
quadrilateral bottles with a thread finish and a square
base (D) are attributed to the 16th and 17th centuries.
These bottles are thin and fragile. Fragments of them
are not frequent in the Old Town, and they are concentrated
mainly in the area around Tomo, Didžiojo
Vandens, Pasiuntinių and Vežėjų streets; whereas
quadrilateral bottles were found at Jono (Kepėjų) Tiltų
St 3/16/5 and in the area around St John’s Church. It is
presumed that bottles with a globular or ovoid body are
designed for wine, whereas bottles with a thread finish
were also meant for spirits. They could have arrived in
Klaipėda from parts of northern Germany. From this
area, which was very influential in those days, bottles
with wide bores and square bases (D) could also have
been imported. They were probably employed in taverns
as utensils for bringing wine or other beverages up
from the cellar.
At the end of the 17th century, the ‘dark green glass’
bottles appeared in Klaipėda. Their manufacture in
Europe continued until the very end of the 19th century.
A rich colour spectrum and a variety of forms and
shapes are typical of these bottles. The appearance of
early ‘green glass’ bottles in Klaipėda at the end of the
17th century is also justified by historic materials. In
accordance with the revenue book of Klaipėda port,
the bottles, coming in 1692 from Amsterdam together
with wine, could be manufactured from ‘dark green
glass’, glass collar and cork, that is, dark green glass
globular-shaped bottles (B), which became widespread
at the beginning of the 18th century. These bottles are
globular, hemispherical or vice-like hemispherical
with a conical neck and a finish of a different shape.
Globular-shaped bottles were widespread across Europe;
however, they are mostly recognised as Dutch
bottles, and are discovered even from the second half
of the 18th century.
Cylinder-shaped bottles (C) appeared in Klaipėda no
later than the middle of the 18th century. They were
likely to arrive from Britain and France. This is the
richest type of glass bottle discovered in the Old Town
of Klaipėda. These bottles differ from previous ones by

their vertical shape. Cylinder-shaped bottles were wine
containers (sometimes even beer containers). Bottles
of this shape are traced in Klaipėda up to the end of the
19th century.
Conclusions
An analysis of glass bottles discovered in the Old
Town of Klaipėda revealed that the townspeople could
hardly have been involved in the manufacture of these
utensils, which were designed for the transportation
and maturation of beverages. However, the favourable
geographical position of Klaipėda, which was on the
border with Prussia, provided the local population with
opportunities for understanding better the ‘table culture’
of Western Europe. Throughout the entire period
examined, townspeople were putting on the tables of
their dining-rooms glass bottles brought from Lübeck,
Amsterdam, Gdańsk and Kołobrzeg. Later, they started
using glass bottles shipped from Britain and France.
The analysis of these bottles is based on stratigraphy
and typology methods, and its results reflect the general
tendencies in the manufacture and trade related to
these artefacts in the Baltic Sea region and all of Western
Europe.
The first glass utensils in Klaipėda, serving visually as
a bottle and used as a decanter, are dated to the 16th
and 17th centuries. Their origin is German. Almost
all the fragments discovered (necks of bottles with a
globular body [A], wide bores of quadrilateral bottles,
rectangular and square bases [D]) have analogies with
the archaeological context of Lübeck. In the late 17th
century and early 18th century, globular-shaped bottles
(B) received much recognition in Europe. Presumably,
they make up most of the bottles recorded in the revenue
books of Klaipėda in the period 1664 to 1722.
They come from Amsterdam, Lübeck or Dańzig. Cylinder-shaped
bottles (C) make up the largest part of all
glass bottles discovered in the Old Town of Klaipėda.
They appeared in the second half of the 17th century,
and survived until the very end of the 19th century.
This chronological framework also includes cylindershaped
bottles, which are mostly dated to the late 18th
century and mid-19th century. It is believed that these
bottles came to Klaipėda mainly from Britain and
France.
Glass bottles and the continuous growth of their use
is undoubtedly related to technological and cultural
changes in the lives of local people. Beverages kept in
barrels used to be available to the majority of the local
population, whereas by the middle of the 18th century
beverages in glass bottles were undoubtedly treated as
a luxury. The emergence of exceptionally high demand
for glass bottles led to mechanised methods for their
manufacture. Due to the constant development of glass
manufacturing machines, bottles have remained in
widespread use in daily life in modern times.
Abbreviations
AHUK – Acta Historica Universitatis Klaipedensis
(Klaipėda, since 1993).
LSAK – Lübecker Schriften zur Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte.
MLIM – History Museum of Lithuania Minor.
References
Manuscripts
BRAČIULIENĖ, R., 1999. Vandens gatvė Nr. 23-25
Klaipėdoje. Žvalgomųjų archeologinių tyrinėjimų 1998
m. ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: MLIM,
AS 245, Pg. m. 8166. Klaipėda.
BRAČIULIENĖ, R., 2000. Jono/Kepėjų/Tiltų g. Nr. 3/16/5
Klaipėdoje. Žvalgomųjų archeologinių tyrinėjimų 1999-
2000 m. ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In:
MLIM, AS 254, Pg. m. 8245. Klaipėda.
PALECKIS, E., 1980. Gyvenamųjų pastatų kompleksas
Klaipėdoje [Pilies] Sukilėlių 1, 3, 5, 7, 9. Archeologinės
priežiūros ir fiksacijos 1979-1980 m. ataskaita (unpublished
excavation report). In: MLIM, AS 42, Pg. m. 7930.
Klaipėda.
PALECKIS, E., 1984. LIMTI Klaipėdos filialas, Klaipėdoje
Sukilėlių 11 [Pilies]. Žemės darbų, kasant duobę pamatams,
archeologinės priežiūros ir fiksacijos 1984 m. ataskaita
(unpublished excavation report). In: MLIM, AS 45,
Pg. m. 7933. Klaipėda.
SPRAINAITIS, R., 1995. Buvusi Šv. Jono bažnyčia tarp
Turgaus ir Pakalnės g-vių Klaipėdoje. Žvalgomųjų
archeologinių tyrimų 1995 m. ataskaita (I etapas) (unpublished
excavation report). In: MLIM, AS, Pg. m. 8038.
Klaipėda.
SPRAINAITIS, R., 1986. Gyvenamasis namas Klaipėdoje
Teatro g. 7. Sklypo archeologinės priežiūros 1986 m.
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: MLIM, AS
148, Pg. m. 8039. Klaipėda.
SPRAINAITIS, R., 1988. Kastyčio 20, 22 ir D. Vandens 21
Klaipėdoje. Žvalgomųjų archeologinių tyrimų 1988 m.
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: MLIM, AS
84, Pg. m. 7972. Klaipėda.
SPRAINAITIS, R., 1995. Senkapio ribų nustatymas prie buv.
Šv. Jono bažnyčios Klaipėdoje. Žvalgomųjų archeologinių
tyrimų 1995 m. ataskaita (unpublished excavation report).
In: MLIM, AS 150, Pg. m. 8041. Klaipėda.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
165

Glass Bottles from the 16th
Century to the 19th Century in the
Old Town of Klaipėda: Data from
Archaeological Excavations
INDRĖ
ŠIMKUTĖ
166
SPRAINAITIS, R., 1996. Buvusi Šv. Jono bažnyčia tarp
Turgaus ir Pylimo (buv. Pakalnės) g-vių Klaipėdoje.
Žvalgomųjų archeologinių tyrimų 1996 m. ataskaita (II
etapas) (unpublished excavation report). In: MLIM, AS
165, Pg. m. 8086. Klaipėda.
SPRAINAITIS, R., 1986. Gyvenamas namas Teatro g. Nr. 7.
Žvalgomųjų tyrimų 1982 m. ataskaita (unpublished excavation
report). In: MLIM, AS 52, Pg. m. 7940. Klaipėda.
ŠIMKUTĖ, I., 2009. XVI–XIX amžių Klaipėdos senamiesčio
stiklo buteliai. Bakalaurinis darbas (rankraštis) (unpublished
bachelor work). Klaipėda: Klaipėdos universitetas
Istorijos katedra.
ŽULKUS, V., 1974. Gyvenamasis namas Kurpių g. 4
Klaipėdoje. Archeologinių tyrimų 1974 m. ataskaita (unpublished
excavation report). In: MLIM, AS 240, Pg. m.
8161. Klaipėda.
ŽULKUS, V., 1976. Klaipėdos dramos teatras. Priešprojektinių
darbų, archeologinių tyrimo darbų 1975-1976 m.
ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In: MLIM, AS
268, Pg. m. 8259. Klaipėda.
ŽULKUS, V., 1981. Cvirkos g. 33-35 Klaipėdoje. Archeologinių
tyrimų 1981 m. ataskaita (unpublished excavation
report). In: MLIM, AS 59, Pg. m. 7947. Klaipėda.
ŽULKUS, V., 1990. Sklypas tarp Tomo, D. Vandens, Vežėjų
ir Pasiuntinių gatvių Klaipėdoje. Archeologinių kasinėjimų
1989 m. ataskaita (unpublished excavation report). In:
MLIM, AS 10, Pg. M. 7898. Klaipėda.
Published sources
GLORIUS, M., 1996. Memeler Handel im späten 17. Jahrhundert
anhand des Pfundzollregisters von 1676 (Schriftliche
Hausarbeit im Rahmen der Ersten Staatsprüfung für
das Lehrant für die Sekundarstufe II/I). St. Augustin.
Literature
BRAUMGARTNER, E., KRUEGER, I., 1988. Phönix
aus Sand und Asche, Glas des Mittelalters. München:
Klinkhardt & Biermann.
DEXEL, TH., 1995. Gebrauchsglas. Gläser der Alltags vom
Spätmittelalter bis zum beginnenden 20. Jahrhundert.
München: Klinkhardt & Biermann.
DUMBRELL, R., 1992. Understanding Antique Wine Bottles.
Woodbridge, Suffolk, England: Antique Collectors’
Club in association with Christie’s Wine Publications.
DUMITRACHE, M., 1990. Glasfunde des 13.-18. Jahrhunderts
aus Lübecker Innenstadt Grabungen 1948-1973. In:
von G.P. FEHRLING, ed. LSAK, Bd. 19. Bonn: Dr. Rudolf
Habelt.
FALK, A., 1987. Archäologische Funde und Befunde des
späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit aus Lübeck,
Materialvorlage und erste Auswertungsergebnisse der
Fundstellen Schüsselbuden 16/Fischstaße 1-3 und Holstenstraße
6. In: G.P. FEHRLING, M. GLÄSER, eds.
Archäologische und schriftliche Quellen zur spätmittelalterlich
– neuzeitlichen Geschichte der Hansestadt
Lübeck. Materialien und Methoden einer archäologischßhistorischen
Auswertung, LSAK, Bd. 10, 9-84.
GLATZ, R., 1991. Hohlglasfunde der Region Biel, Zur
Glasproduktion im Jura. Bern: Staatlicher Lehrmittelverlag.
GROTH, A., 2001. Klaipėdos uostas XVII–XVIII a. In:
A. NIKŽENTAITIS, ed. Klaipėdos ir Karaliaučiaus
kraštų XVI–XIX a. istorijos problemos, AHUK, VIII, 5-16.
GROTH, A., 1996. Żegluga i handel morski Kłajpedy w latach
1664-1722. Statystyka obrotu towarowego. Gdańsk:
Vyd. UG.
HANNIG, R., 2009. Glaschronologie Nordostbayerns vom
14. bis zum frühen 17. Jahrhundert. Remshalden: Greiner.
HENKES, H.E., 1994. Glas zonder glans: Vijf eeuwen gebruiksglas
uit de bodem van de Lage Landen 1300-1800
= Glass without gloss: utility glass from five centuries
excavated in the Low Countries, 1300-1800. Rotterdam:
Coordinatie Commissie van Advies inzake Archeologisch
Onderzoek binnen het Ressort Rotterdam.
JAROCKIS, R., 2007. Tyrinėjimai Žvejų g. 4, 6. In: Archeologiniai
tyrimai Lietuvoje 2006 metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos
archeologijos draugija, 332-334.
JONES, O. R., 1986. Cylindrical English wine and beer bottles
1735-1850. Ottawa: Environment Canada-Parks.
KUBALSKA, S.C.Z., 1987. Banań nad XVIII-wiecznymi
szklanymi naczyniami gospodarczymi. Acta Universitatis
Nicolai Copernici, Archeologia, 12, 111-121.
LAGGIN, D., 2002. Die Funde aus der Grabung Jakobikirchhof
2-4. In: M. GLÄSER, ed. Archäologische Untersuchungen
auf dem Lübecker Stadthügel: Befunde und
Funde, LSAK, Bd. 26, 33-60.
PALECKIS, E., 1992. XVII–XIX a. Klaipėdos stiklo radiniai.
In: V. ŽULKUS, ed. Vakarų baltų istorija ir kultūra,
I, 68-79.
POSER, K.H., 1981. Alte Trinkgläser in Schleswig-Holstein.
Neumünster: Selbstverlag.
STRAZDAS, K. 1997. Lietuvos stiklas nuo 1940 metų. Vilnius:
Mokslo ir enciklopedijų leidykla.
STRAZDAS, K., 1998. Stiklo ir jo gaminių cheminė technologija.
Kaunas: Technologija.
STRAZDAS, K., ŽULKUS, V., 1987. Švėkšnos XVII a. stiklo
manufaktūra. Muziejai ir paminklai, 8, 89-93.
TATORIS, J., 1994. Senoji Klaipėda. Urbanistinė raida
ir architektūra iki 1939 metų. Vilnius: Mokslo ir enciklopedijų
leidykla.
WILLOWEIT, G., 1969. Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Memelgebiets,
I. Marburg/Lahn.
ZEMBRICKIS, J., 2002. Klaipėdos karališkojo Prūsijos jūrų
ir prekybos miesto istorija, I. Klaipėda: Libra Memelensis.
ŽULKUS, V., 2002. Viduramžių Klaipėda. Miestas ir pilis.
Archeologija ir istorija. Vilnius: Žara.
Received: 2 November 2011; Revised: 15 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Indrė Šimkutė, postgraduate student
Klaipėda University Department of History
Herkaus Manto St 84
LT-92294 Klaipėda
Lithuania
E-mail: simkute.indre@gmail.com

XVI–XIX A. KLAIPĖDOS
SENAMIESTYJE RASTI
BUTELIAI ARCHEOLOGINIŲ
TYRINĖJIMŲ DUOMENIMIS
INDRĖ ŠIMKUTĖ
Santrauka
Straipsnyje analizuojama Klaipėdos senamiesčio teritorijoje
archeologinių tyrinėjimų metu surinkta stiklinių
butelių medžiaga – visų pirma, Žvejų g. 4, 6 ir
sklypo tarp Tomo, Didžiosios Vandens, Vežėjų, Pasiuntinių
gatvių atvejai (1–9 pav., VI iliustr.). Šiame
darbe išskiriami keturi stiklinių butelių Klaipėdoje tipai:
buteliai išgaubtu korpusu (A), pūstasieniai buteliai
(B), cilindriniai buteliai (C), ketursieniai buteliai (D).
Klaipėdos senamiestyje surinktų stiklinių butelių raidos
modelis, paremtas stratigrafiniu ir tipologiniu metodais,
rodo bendrąsias butelių gamybos ir prekybos
Europoje tendencijas šiais atžvilgiais: 1. Pirmieji stikliniai
buteliai Klaipėdos senamiestyje atsiranda XVI a.;
2. Žalios spalvos stiklo buteliai Klaipėdos senamiesčio
archeologinėje aplinkoje išnyra XVII a. antrojoje pusėje
ir iki XVIII a. vidurio naudojami labiau prabangai;
3. XVIII a. antrosios pusės – XIX a. pirmosios pusės
laikotarpiu gerokai išauga šių dirbinių paklausa.
Stiklo buteliai ir jų naudojimo masto nuolatinis augimas
neabejotinai yra susijęs ne tik su technologiniais,
bet ir su klaipėdiečių kultūrinio gyvenimo pokyčiais.
Statinėse laikomi svaigieji gėrimai anksčiau buvo
prieinami didžiajai daliai Klaipėdos miestiečių, tuo tarpu
stikliniuose buteliuose laikomi gėrimai iki XVIII a.
vidurio neabejotinai buvo prabangos prekė. Atsiradus
itin dideliam stiklo butelių poreikiui, XIX a. pabaigoje
buteliai buvo pradėti gaminti mechanizuotu būdu;
tokiu pačiu būdu, nuolat tobulėjant stiklo gaminimo
mašinoms, buteliai gaminami iki šiol ir yra plačiai naudojami
kasdieniniame gyvenime.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
167

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
168
ANIMAL BREEDING AND BUTCHERING:
A GLIMPSE FROM OLD KLAIPĖDA
GIEDRĖ PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, IEVA MASIULIENĖ
Abstract
Archaeological excavations in one of the Old Town areas around Kurpių Street have provided new and valuable information
for research related to urban development in the 16th and 17th centuries. Previously accomplished complex research into
archaeological, historical, palaeobotanical and zooarchaeological material enabled us to go deeper into both the constructional
development of the area and the daily life of the citizens. This article presents up-to-date results from research into
zooarchaeological material from one plot on Kurpių Street from the mid-16th century to the second half of the 17th century.
On the basis of this data and published historical sources, an analysis is made of some unexplored aspects relating to features
of animal breeding and butchering among the local population in the 16th and 17th centuries. It also includes an evaluation
of animal osteometric data. The results are compared with data from other Lithuanian records. The insights presented add to
our slender knowledge about the nutrition of locals at that time and their daily life.
Key words: Klaipėda, 16th and 17th centuries, zooarchaeology, animal, osteometry, breeding, butchering, nutrition.
Introduction
Zooarchaeological material and archaeological data
are exceptionally important in research into the lifestyles
of people in different periods and in different
cultural regions. They assist in the accurate identification
of nutritional habits and diet, animal breeding,
butchering and hunting. They also help to reconstruct
specific morphological attributes of animals.
Osteological material in Lithuanian archaeological
investigations has been collected over a long period
of time, and has resulted in a huge collection of zooarchaeological
material. Despite this, the primary results
of zooarchaeological analyses often remain as
supplements to reports about archaeological research.
Some are presented briefly in the annual publication
Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje (Archaeological
Investigations in Lithuania). However, exhaustive
studies, generalising and summarising zooarchaeological
material, particularly that related to cities in historical
times, are still missing (Pičiauskienė 2008a). Some
can still be mentioned. In recent years, the bones of
animals collected in Vilnius’ Lower Castle and dated
to the 14th to the 17th centuries have been thoroughly
investigated (Daugnora, Piličiauskienė 2004;
Piličiauskienė 2008a; Piličiauskienė 2008b). Zooarchaeological
material from Klaipėda Castle from the
14th to the 17th centuries is analysed in publications
about the nutrition of its residents (Žulkus, Daugnora
2009). The results of research into zooarchaeological
material from Rotušės Square in Vilnius have been
presented briefly in several publications (Kundraitė,
Daugnora et al. 2006). An analysis has also been made
of cattle metacarpals (found in different areas of Lithuania)
and their osteometry (Daugnora 2002).
Exhaustive archaeological excavations in the Old
Town of Klaipėda (the area around present-day Kurpių
St 3) were implemented in two stages. In 2007 and
2008, the cellar of the larger building was investigated
first, followed by the excavations of the interior and
the backyard of the smaller building (Masiulienė 2008;
2009a). The investigated complex occupies three plots
of a historically formed block, bordering on Kurpių,
Mėsininkų, Kalvių and Pasiuntinių 1 streets (Fig. 1).
The archaeological excavations have provided valuable
information on urban topography and urbanisation-related
issues, and assisted in the reconstruction of several
aspects of the lifestyle of the citizens (Masiulienė
2009b; 2009c). Attempts were made in this work to
trace the nutrition of the local population on the basis
of data from palaeobotanical and zooarchaeological
research, supporting them with already published historical
sources. The article only reviewed a part of the
zooarchaeological material discovered in sections two
and three of the block at Kurpių St (Masiulienė 2008). 2
This article presents data from osteological research
material collected in the first plot during the second
stage of the archaeological investigations (Masiulienė
2009a). 3 The aim of the work is to review the nutrition
and features of local animal husbandry and butchering
in the 16th and 17th centuries on the basis of zoo-
1 The present-day street names are given in this paper.
2 The analysis of zooarchaeological material discovered
in 2007 and 2008 was performed by Professor Linas
Daugnora.
3 The analysis of zooarchaeological material discovered in
2008 was performed by Dr Giedrė Piličiauskienė.

Fig. 1. Klaipėda Old town, Kurpių St 3 excavation site, 2007 to 2008 (drawing by I. Masiulienė).
archaeological material and historical sources, and to
estimate osteometric data for animals bred.
The archaeological background
The topography of Klaipėda changed radically at the
beginning of the 16th century. It started with a reconstruction
of the castle, the excavation of the New Danė
River as a defensive ditch, and the formation of an island
on to which the town was resettled from the area
around the castle (Žulkus 1991, pp.43-52). The town
island was initially filled with the blocks around Tiltų
and Turgaus streets, whereas the area in the northwest
part of the island was populated later (from the mid-
16th century). Archaeological, palaeobotanical, carto-
graphic and historical material suggests that there was
a rather large pond in the western part of the town,
which determined the process of settlement in the
block at Kurpių St 3 (Masiulienė 2009b, p.242ff, Fig.
2). In the first stage in the mid-16th century, attention
focused on the second plot of the block; whereas in the
second stage around the end of the 16th century and the
beginning of the 17th century, plots one and three were
built up (Fig. 2).
On the basis of dendrochronological research, the a
house with an annex in the second plot were built in
1542 and 1554 (Masiulienė 2008, p.351). The house
along Kurpių St was eight metres wide and nine to ten
metres long. The interior was divided into two or three
rooms. The kitchen had a hearth connected to a tile
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
169

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
170
Fig. 2. Buildings on previous structures in plots of the block in the mid-16th and 17th centuries. Plot 1: storehouse I and a
lean-to, preliminarily dated to the late 16th and early 17th century; storehouse II, dated to the 17th century up to 1678. Plot
2: a house with an annex, dated to 1542/1554 to 1678. Plot 3: a storehouse, preliminarily dated to the late 16th and early
17th century up to 1678 (drawing by I. Masiulienė).
stove in the living-room. The floors of the rooms were
wooden, brick, or stone in some areas. The construction
of the house and the interior arrangement point to
a high quality of life, which was alien to buildings in
Klaipėda at that time. This kind of interior is characteristic
of the interiors of buildings in cities of Central
and Western Europe in the 16th to the 18th centuries
(Masiulienė 2009c, p.97ff). A five-by-six-metre annex
was built beside the house, probably designed for
storage. This is pointed to by the arrangement of the
interior and the results of palaeobotanical research:
macrofossils of figs and copious shells of walnuts
and nuts were found in samples from the interior of
the building (Masiulienė 2009c, p.107). In the 16th to
the 18th centuries, figs, walnuts and other provisions,
drinks and consumer goods were shipped from other
Baltic ports, and sold in local markets (Sembritzki
1926; Willoweit 1969; Groth 1995).
In the meantime, until the end of the 16th century, the
neighbouring plots were not built up. The cultural layer,
including animal bones, was forming in them. The
remains of development in the third plot of the excavated
block are rather fragmentary. There was a backyard
behind the building in Kurpių St, and the results
of palaeobotanical research of samples of the layer in it
show that pollen from rye, hemp and buckwheat, prob-

ably ending up there in the process of storage, prevail
in the area (Masiulienė 2009c, p.103). Undoubtedly,
the annex was designed as an outhouse for the storage
of grain, other provisions and merchandise. On the basis
of layer stratigraphy, it is possible to maintain that
the building could have been built in the late 16th or
the early 17th century.
In the first plot on the corner of Kalvių and Pasiuntinių
streets, buildings from two different periods were discovered
(Masiulienė 2009c, p.99ff). The arrangement
of a previously erected five-by-5.5-metre building enables
us to maintain that it could have been used for the
storage of different kinds of merchandise. On the basis
of archaeological finds, the building is dated to the late
16th or early 17th century (Masiulienė 2009a, p.349ff).
A 2.5-by-two-metre lean-to was attached to the storage
in the backyard (Plate VII.1). An intensely trampled
organic layer (wood chips, moss, straw, acorns,
the remains of excrement, and so on) was fixed inside
the structure and around it. This points to the fact that
domestic animals used to be kept there. The interior
of the subsequent building was divided into two equal
3.5-by-5.5-metre parts, with a floor of coniferous
planks (Plate VII. 2). The building itself was 5.5-byseven
metres in size, and the finds show that it could
have been built at the beginning of the 17th century
(Masiulienė 2009a, p.350). The remains of several barrels
found inside enable us to maintain that provisions
and other goods could have been stored there.
The development of the first and the second plots
shows that the house with an annex and a storage area
with a lean-to were owned by the same person, since
similar duplicate sites have also been discovered in
other blocks in the Old Town (Žulkus 2002, p.48). A
warehouse in the third plot was also built at Kalvių
St, whereas a rather large household yard stood between
the building and Kurpių St. The orientation of
the buildings and the planning of the block show that
present-day Kalvių St rather than Kurpių St was more
important in the 16th and 17th centuries. The growing
port on the New Danė River was very important
for the development of the area from the mid-16th
century, as a certain infrastructure was necessary for
it (Masiulienė 2009b, p.246ff). Different structures for
storage stood on the plots of the block investigated. Archaeological
and palaeobotanical material justifies the
links between owners and their involvement in trading
activities (Masiulienė 2009c). Archaeological finds
also show that the owners of sites from the second plot
were rich citizens (Masiulienė 2008; 2009a).
The fire of 1678 had a negative impact on the development
of the area, as it started in the suburbs of Vitė
and Krūmamiestis and reached the Old Town. All the
buildings in the block went up in flames. There is no
accurate data about when it was fully restored; however,
it could have been at the beginning of the 18th
century.
Material and methods
The analysed zooarchaeological material was collected
in 2008 during the second stage of archaeological investigations
inside of the present-day small house and
its backyard. It occupied one historically shaped plot
of the block, conditionally entitled the first plot (Figs.
1; 2). Archaeological investigations resulted in the discovery
of about 2,280 bones and fragments of bones,
although only osteological material from ‘clean’ cultural
layers is discussed in this article. In some places,
the cultural layers were destroyed by the routes of different
modern utilities, or during the reconstruction of
existing structures. Besides, devastating fires in 1678
and 1854 also impaired the survival of cultural layers.
In the process of archaeological research, two major
cultural layers were investigated, grounding their chronology
on archaeological finds, since dendrochronological
research of the buildings found in the site are
still in process. 4 On the basis of the finds, the latest
layer is dated to the late 16th and early 17th centuries.
Unfortunately, in many places this layer has been
destroyed by fires and subsequent digs. Accordingly,
suitable zooarchaeological material for research is not
numerous: only 165 bones and pieces of bones were
selected for analysis. They were attributed to Group
I. The earliest layer is preliminarily dated to the mid/
late 16th century or the early 17th century. A total of
1,305 bones and fragments of bones were collected in
this layer. They make up Group II. The results of the
research into the osteological material are presented
according to the separate groups.
Bones collected during archaeological investigations
were measured on the basis of the methodology introduced
by A. von den Driesch (1976). The minimal
number of individuals (MNI) was defined on the basis
of the method offered by T. White (1953). The employment
of methodologies and indexes described by
V. Calkin (1960; 1962), P. Jewell (1963), M. Howard
(1963) and R. Thomas (1988), and the application of
the discriminant function suggested by E. Kobrynczuk
and H. Kobryn (1993), helped to identify the sex of
animals on the basis of metacarpal lengths and the co-
4 The dendrochronological research was carried out by Dr
M. Brazauskas.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
171

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
172
efficients of V. Calkin (1962). The epiphyseal fusion
of animal bones is defined on the basis of the method
introduced by E. Schmid (1972). The wither height of
pigs is calculated by talus length, using the coefficient
of M. Teichert (1969), the wither height of dogs on the
basis of the method and coefficients introduced by F.
Koudelka (Driesh, Boessneck 1974). Tooth eruption
time was defined on the basis of schemes developed
by S. Silver (1969). The age of cattle was estimated on
the basis of M 1 height using the coefficient introduced
by S. Sten (2003).
Results
A total of 1,470 bones and fragments of bones of animals
belonging to at least 76 individuals (MNI) were
selected for analysis. The bone fragments were rather
large and well preserved, so bones and animal species
of 1,352 (92%) cases were successfully identified.
Unfortunately, most of the bones had been gnawed by
dogs, pigs and other animals, so they were not suitable
for osteometric analysis. The bones were divided into
two groups for further research, and analysed separately,
making calculations on the basis of the numbers of
identified bones. The general results are presented in
the tables (Tables 1 and 2). 5
Group I (late 16th century/17th century, up to 1678). A
total of 165 bones belong to this group (11.2% of all investigated
bones). The identification of 151 (91.5%) of
them was successful. These bones belonged to at least
14 individuals (Table 1). Almost all the bones (98.4%,
MNI 13) (92.9%) belonged to domestic animals, except
for two bones of a hare.
A total of 55 bones (44.7%) were attributed to cattle
(MNI 4). On the basis of tooth eruption and epiphyseal
fusion, it was defined that the bones belonged to
animals of one to 1.5, and six to seven years, and two
individuals two to 2.5 years old.
Six bones were those of sheep/goats (MNI 1). The
mandible and several other bones show that they could
have belonged to an animal older than 1.5 years old.
There were only 17 bones of pigs, and they belonged
to at least four animals, including a small piglet, a
1.5-year-old pig, and a 2.5-to-three-year-old individual.
The calculated height of one pig was 63 centimetres.
Bones of dogs were exceptionally abundant, 43
(34.4%, excluding ribs) of them belonging to at least
5 The number of bones in Group I is very small, so it was
not expedient to make a broader analysis and generalise
findings due to unreliable results.
three animals were found. A large part of the skeleton
of one dog, including most of the ribs, vertebrae, both
scapula, humerus, and some bones of the hind leg, was
discovered. All the discovered bones of dogs belonged
to animals older than six to eight months, including one
younger than 1.5 years old, and two dogs older than
1.5 years. A mandible with all the permanent teeth and
without any signs of attrition belonged to a young dog.
The height of the dogs was about 28 centimetres, 50 to
52 centimetres, and 55 to 56 centimetres. However, the
skulls of these animals did not survive (except one ear
pyramid), so a more accurate characterisation of their
shape and appearance is not possible. Two bones of a
cat were also found in the layer from this period.
Group II (middle to late 16th century/early 17th century).
A total of 1,305 bones in this group were analysed.
Skeleton bones and animal species were identified in
1,201 (92.0%) of them. The bones belonged to at least
62 animals (Table 2; Fig. 3). A total of 1,196 bones
and fragments of bones (95.6%, MNI 61) belonged to
domestic animals. The bones of a hare (five pieces),
belonging to at least one animal, were the only ones of
a wild animal.
A total of 902 cattle bones 6 and fragments of bones belonged
to at least 31 animals (Table 2; Fig. 3), which
makes up 75.1% (MNI - 50.0%) of all the explored material.
Unbroken bones were not numerous, and these
were mostly phalanxes, talus and metapodias (Table 3;
Fig. 4). These bones (particularly phalanxes) usually
remained uncut during butchering. The most frequent
were vertebrae and fragments of vertebrae (19% of all
animal bones) and phalanxes (13.5%) (Table 2). This
is due to the huge number of these bones in skeletons;
besides, the bones of the lower limbs are very compact,
and they survive in larger numbers.
Animal sex was identified on the basis of 12 metacarpal
bones. To bulls were attributed six (50%), and to
cows and steers three (25%) metacarpal bones. The
bulls were 101 to 111 centimetres in height (an average
of 106 centimetres), cows 99 to 115 centimetres (average
108), and steers 101 to 114 centimetres (average
106). Another two bones of limbs belonged to young
calves (aged less than one year). On the basis of tooth
eruption in 21 mandibles and fragments of mandibles,
it was discovered that 12 (57%) of them belonged to
calves under the age of five or six months. All of them
except one were with an erupted tooth M 1 (it takes five
to six months). The remaining nine mandibles (43%)
belonged to adult animals, aged three years or more
(Fig. 5). On the basis of M 1 tooth height, it was defined
6 Bone measurements are presented in Table 3.

Table 1. The identified bone fragments from group I
(analysed by G. Piličiauskienė)
Bone/animal
Cattle
Sheep/goat
Pig
Cranium 2 5 1 8
Mandible 2 1 1 1 1 6
Teeth 1 1
Vertebra 18 1 27 46
Scapula 3 1 1 3 8
Humerus 4 3 7
Radius + ulna 9 2 1 12
Carpi 0
Metacarpus 1 1
Os coxae 1 1
Femur 3 1 2 1 7
Tibia + fibula 5 1 4 4 14
Calcaneus 2 2
Talus 1 1 1 1 4
Tarsi 1 1
Metatarsus 2 2 4
Phalanx 2 1 3
Total 55 6 17 43 2 2 125
% 44 4.8 13.6 34.4 1.6 1.6 100
MNI 4 1 4 3 1 1 14
% MNI 28.6 7.1 28.6 21.4 7.1 7.1 100
Unidentified fragments 14
Total 165
Fig. 3. Species-based composition of animal bones from groups I and II, on the basis of identified numbers of specimens
and minimal number of individuals (analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
Dog
Cat
Hare
In total
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
173

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
174
Table 2. The identified bone fragments from group II
(analysed by G. Piličiauskienė)
Bone/animal
Cattle
Sheep/goat
Horncore 13 3 16
Cranium 71 12 27 1 111
Mandible 38 15 30 1 84
Teeth 14 1 6 1 22
Vertebra 171 19 4 194
Scapula 50 21 19 1 91
Humerus 47 10 13 1 1 72
Radius+ulna 56 7 12 75
Carpi 13 13
Metacarpus 73 6 4 2 85
Os coxae 33 10 11 1 55
Femur 43 7 15 65
Tibia 59 14 8 81
Calcaneus 16 1 2 19
Talus 19 1 1 21
Tarsi 7 7
Metatarsus 57 5 62
Phalanx 122 5 127
In total 902 132 157 1 1 3 5 1201
% 75.1 11.0 13.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.4 100
MNI 31 10 17 1 1 1 1 62
% MNI 50.0 16.1 27.4 1.6 1.6 1.6 1.6 100
Unidentified fragments 104
Total 1305
Fig. 4. The fragmentary character of Group II cattle bones and traces of cuts (dark colour: the most frequent parts of bones)
(analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
Pig
Horse
Dog
Cat
Hare
In total

Table 3. Measurements of cattle and pig bones in group II
(analysed by G. Piličiauskienė)
Cattle
Pig
Bone n
min-max mean SD n min-max mean SD
GLP 4 54.0-60.0 57.0 2.6 4 31.0-38.5 35.2 3.8
Scapula
BG
LG
4
4
37.0-43.0
46.0-48.0
39.7
47.1
2.7
0.8
4 22.0-26.1 23.6 3.0
SLC 4 42.0-47.0 43.8 2.4 4 20.0-28.5 24.5 4.3
Humerus Bd 3 66.0-70.0 68.0 3.4 3 30.0-43.0 37.7 7
Radius Bp 7 65.0-81.0 72.5 5.3 4 21.0-30.0 27.0 4.1
Bp 12 38.0-54.0 50.8 4.2
Metacarpus
SD
Bd
11
28
23.0-31.0
41.0-58.0
28.6
53.1
2.6
4.0
GL 14 161.0-192.0 173.4 9.4
Tibia Bd 4 51.0-60.0 55.5 4.6 2 27.0-32.0 29.0 3.5
Calcaneus GL 1 120.0
GLl 11 54.0-62.0 56.8 3.1 1 42.0
Talus
GLm 11 49.0-55.0 51.5 1.9 1 40.0
Bd 11 35.0-44.0 38.4 2.8 1 24.5
Bp 5 40.0-47.0 43.4 3.0
Metatarsus
SD
Bd
5
19
20.0-25.0
42.0-54.0
23.2
47.3
2.0
4.0
GL 6 189.0-213.0 201.1 9.1
Fig. 5. The age structure of cattle (Group II) on the basis of tooth eruption. For comparison: material from the Lower Castle
of Vilnius (analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
175

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
176
Fig. 6. A fractured and recovered cattle metatarsal bone.
Traces of skinning in the lower part of the diaphysis (photograph
by G. Piličiauskienė).
that the age of four adult animals ranged from 5.4 to
7.9 years. The average age of animals, defined on the
basis of M 1 height, was 6.9 years.
A cattle metatarsus recovered after fracture was discovered
in the material from this period (Fig. 6). Such
recovered bones are very rare, as injured or ailing animals
were butchered immediately. Presumably, this
injured animal remained unnoticed: probably it was
turned out to summer pasture for a long period of time,
and stayed there unnoticed until recovery; perhaps the
broken bone was attended to. It was most likely a fractured
bone of a young animal, and it limped for the rest
of its life.
Sheep/goats. Altogether, 132 (11%) bones and fragments
of bones belonging to these domestic animals
were discovered. They can be attributed to at least ten
(16.1%) animals (Table 2). Most of them are likely to
have belonged to sheep, as six mandibles were attributed
to young lambs. A fragment of a pelvic bone and
a metacarpus could also be attributed to adult sheep.
One horncore was attributed to a young goat. On the
basis of tooth eruption, 64.3% of mandibles belonged
to offspring under the age of three months (cutting
M 1 tooth), 14.3% of mandibles belonged to ten-to-18month-old
sheep and goats (M 3 was not yet cutting),
whereas 21.4% of mandibles were attributed to animals
over two years old (Fig. 7).
Pigs. A total of 157 (13.1%) bones and fragments of
bones belonging to at least 17 (27.4%) animals were
discovered (Table 2, 3). On the basis of tooth eruption,
18% of mandibles belonged to piglets under the age of
four to six months (M 1 tooth not yet cutting). Most of
them (41%) were slaughtered after 17 to 22 months of
maturation (M 3 tooth cutting). Another 9% of mandibles
belonged to animals of 12 to 16 months (mature
tooth M 2 , M 3 tooth not yet cutting). Two-year-old and
older animals made up 32% (Fig. 8). The estimated
wither height of one pig was 75 centimetres.
Discussion
Summarising the results of the above research, it is
possible to maintain that all the bones in the material
of both groups belonged to domestic animals, except
for several bones of hares. Material from previous research
(by L. Daugnora) provides us with several fragments
of bones of red deer, moose, roe deer, hare and
wild boar (Masiulienė 2009c, p.102ff). In the 16th and
17th centuries, the bones of domestic animals usually
make up more than 95% of all the material collected in
European and local urban areas (Piličiauskienė 2008a).
Hunting restrictions, remote woods, increasingly centralised
meat (mostly beef) and supply appear to be
the main reasons for this phenomenon (Bartosiewicz
1995). On the other hand, the bones of wild animals are
more frequently discovered in the houses and castles
of the nobility (Piličiauskienė 2008a, p.65ff; Žulkus
2002, p.91). The specific structure of domestic animals
(Table 2) is slightly different, when analysing it according
to the number of identified specimens (NISP) and
the minimal number of individuals (MNI). On the basis
of NISP, most bones (75.1%) are attributed to cattle;
whereas on the basis of MNI, this figure decreases to
50%. On the basis of this parameter, the percentage of
pigs increases to 27.4%, and of sheep/goats to 16.1%.
These proportions of domestic animals differ from
material from the 16th and 17th centuries in Vilnius’
Lower Castle (p

Fig. 7. The age structure of sheep/goats (Group II) on the basis of tooth eruption. For comparison: material from the Lower
Castle of Vilnius (analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
Fig. 8. The age structure of pigs (Group II) on the basis of tooth eruption. For comparison: material from the Lower Castle
of Vilnius (analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
sheep, goat or pig, should be evaluated. Small, slightly
higher than 100-centimetre cattle, provided 50 to 130
kilograms of meat, sheep 20 to 30 kilograms, pigs 70
kilograms (Calkin 1956; Shcheglova 1993). Therefore,
veal and beef were the most frequently found kinds of
meat on tables at that time. Similar results of specific
analyses were also obtained during previous research
on the plot at Kurpių St 3 (Masiulienė 2009c, p.102ff,
Diagram 1). 7
7 On the basis of L. Daugnora’s zooarchaeological material,
501 bones and fragments of bones were identified out of
988, collected from layers of the second and third plots. A
total of 288 of them belonged to cattle, 27 to calves, 57 to
sheep/goats, and 65 to pigs.
The material from the investigated site was exceptional,
with a particularly large share of young calves.
Tooth eruption shows that 57% of these animals were
butchered at younger than five or six months old (Fig.
5). Fragments of eight skulls also belonged to small
calves. Some calves could be butchered in their very
early days, for stomach rennet, employed in the manufacture
of cheese. The remaining 43% of lower jawbones
belonged to older animals (over three years old).
This data is supplemented by information about the
time of epiphyseal fusion. This indicator shows that the
age of 30% of butchered animals varied from two to
four years. It is to be remembered that half of the metacarpal
bones could be attributed to bulls. They could be
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
177

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
178
related to the group of two-to-four-year-old cattle. This
is precisely the age, that is, the passage from juvenile
to sub-adult, that is treated as most suitable and economically
advantageous for butchering. At that stage
the weight of animals stops increasing so much, and
further rearing becomes pointless (Uerpmann 1973). A
large group of cattle from this age group was also identified
in the material from Vilnius’ Lower Castle from
the 14th to the 15th, and the 16th to the 17th centuries
(Piličiauskienė 2008b, p.131). On the basis of M 1 tooth
height, it was defined that the age of matured cattle
(over three years old) varied from 5.4 to 7.9 years, and
was 6.9 years on average. The average age of the cattle
discovered in the Lower Castle of Vilnius was six
years in the 14th and 15th, and 6.1 years in the 16th
and 17th centuries (Piličiauskienė 2008a, pp. 47ff). On
the basis of this parameter, it was discovered that the
age of cattle from the 11th to the 18th centuries discovered
in different areas of Sweden was 6.7 years (Sten
2004). This age of cattle seems to be modest; however,
even contemporary cattle (particularly cows) are usually
butchered at the age of six to eight years. Written
sources show that in the Middle Ages, cattle were valued
mostly until eight years of age (R.T. Lie, R.W. Lie
1990, p.43; Piličiauskienė 2008b, p.131; Sten 2004).
The average identified age of adult cattle in the examined
material is similar to other cases from the same
period, but it is exceptional in the general structure of
butchered cattle with a particularly large number of
calves. Besides, it should be taken into account that
bones of young animals survive less well than those
of adult animals, which means that the share of young
bones could be larger.
The butchering of calves and young cattle was typical
in rural areas, where people bred animals and supplied
themselves with meat. Young cattle under the age of
two years were most frequently butchered, whereas
older ones used to be sold in urban areas. Archaeological
material shows that cattle bones of the same age
are found mostly in urban areas. Calves of an early
age used to be butchered on dairy farms, as they consumed
large quantities of milk, which was not plentiful
in cows in the 16th and 17th centuries (Maltby 1989;
Crabtree 1984, p.225; 1989, p.207; Uerpmann 1973;
Piličiauskienė 2008a, p.76). Different authors emphasise
that cattle in urban areas were reared for dairy
products, but not for reproduction or meat. The meat of
butchered calves was a supplementary product (Maltby
1989; Antipina 2005). However, dairy farming should
not be given prominence, as it was not developed and
important in Lithuania until the end of the 17th cen-
tury. Neither milkers nor their product were numerous
(Merkienė 1989, p.81; Piličiauskienė 2008a). In the
mid-19th century, Lithuanian farmers received about
360 litres of milk from each cow (Mulevičius 2003,
p.78); whereas in Hungary, where cattle breeding was
highly developed, specialised dairy farming started at
the end of the 17th century, after the arrival of pedigree
cattle from Switzerland (Bartosiewicz 1995, p.49). In
Finland and Sweden, it was noticed that the yield of
imported pedigree cattle at that time decreased, since
they were reared and fed like local cattle (Tourunen
2008, p.29).
The structure of cattle and animal bones in the investigated
site shows that they used to be locally bred and
butchered. It should be noted that animals were treated
as an ordinary phenomenon in daily life in Medieval
and post-Medieval times. In Turku, a slightly smaller
town than Klaipėda, the number of cattle at the end
of the 17th century varied at different times from 96
to 408 (Tourunen 2008, p.36). Some of these animals
could have been on neighbouring country estates
which were owned by rich citizens. Animals used to
be delivered to their urban owners and butchered there.
This was common practice in Sweden, and possibly
Finland (Tourunen 2008, p.37).
Such country estates on the outskirts of Klaipėda started
developing from the beginning of the 16th century.
They were basically involved in stockbreeding (Sembritzki
1926; Willoweit 1969). Historical sources note
that there were 11 in the Klaipėda area in the 16th and
18th centuries. They either exported meat or sold it locally
(Sembritzki 1926; Willoweit 1969; Groth 1995).
Data from archaeological research also points to animal
breeding in the first plot of Kurpių St. This is justified
by the remains of the lean-to and the neighbouring
layer, with chips, moss, straw, acorns, the remains of
excrement, and so on (Masiulienė 2009a, p.349). Such
structures were also discovered in other investigated
areas of Klaipėda (Žulkus 2002, p.48ff). Citizens’ animals
grazed in nearby grasslands. Historical sources
from the 16th century mention these pastures on the
right bank of the New Danė River (Sembritzki 1926,
p.101).
Zooarchaeological material collected in the plot makes
no indication of attributes characteristic of a centralised
supply of meat (such as bones of adult animals of
the same age) (Bartosiewicz 1995, p.26). Typical urban
area-related material with such attributes is analysed
in relation to the area of the Lower Castle in Vilnius,
where two evident groups of two-to-four-year-old and

six-to-eight-year-old cattle were traced. Mandibles of
only a few calves were discovered in this area. This
enables us to maintain that cattle were not bred locally
(Piličiauskienė 2008b). Material from Trondheim
(Norway) from the 15th century, and from Russian
towns (Moscow, Novgorod, Pskov) from the same
period, points to the fact that most cattle bones also
belonged to mature adult animals (R.T. Lie, R.W. Lie
1990; Calkin 1956).
H. Uerpmann’s (1973) meat value classification (A category,
top value; C, lowest value) shows that the examined
material is full of different parts of skeletons: top
value (such as vertebrae, humerus, scapula), middle
(such as tibia, radius) and lowest (such as phalangs,
metatarsal, metacarpal bones) (Table 2, Fig. 4, 13). It
also shows that the animals were butchered locally.
The remains (the lower parts of limbs and skulls) used
to be thrown away in the neighbourhood and picked
up by domestic animals. Gnawed bones confirm this
assumption.
In the analysis of zooarchaeological material, it is very
difficult to distinguish between sheep and goat bones,
or pieces of them, so they are presented together. Only
a few of these bones are attributed without any doubt
to a specific group. Most of these accurately identified
bones, metapodias, mandibles with dP4, horncores
from this material, belonged to sheep (ratio 8:1);
whereas the inventory books of Klaipėda Castle from
the first half of the 15th century and the first half of
the 16th century point to a 2:1 and 3:1 quantitative
ratio of sheep and goats (Willoweit 1969, p118ff).
This significantly high number of goats in the castle
is rather unusual, in Lithuania and all of Europe. The
numbers of bred sheep in Europe, including rural areas
of Lithuania, always exceeded that of goats (Bartosiewicz
1995; Tourunen 2008). On country estates,
sheep would make up about 29% of the entire animal
flock, and goats just 6% (Merkienė 1989). These tendencies
are also reflected in zooarchaeological material,
where sheep bones are more frequent than those
of goats (Calkin 1962; Wiig 1981; Shcheglova 2001,
Piličiauskienė 2008a). Sheep, their pastures and sheepfolds
around Klaipėda are mentioned many times in
different documents describing the life of citizens from
the 14th century (Sembritzki 1926). The description of
a sheepfold (in German Althof), in which separately
milked cows and ewes were kept, and in another one
dry cows and rams, is very interesting (Sembritzki
1926, p.79). Documents also hint at goats in relation
to the export of their wool and hides: 234 dozens of
hides and 90 dozens of wool were exported in 1671.
Similar quantities are mentioned in reports from 1677
and 1682 (Sembritzki 1926, p.159). The hides of goats
(particularly those of billy goats) were valued for their
quality, since they were suitable for manufacturing
chamois leather (Tourunen 2008, p.42).
An analysis of bone structure among sheep and goats
shows that the ages of the butchered animals are different:
over 60% of jawbones belonged to very young
animals aged three months or less (mostly lambs) (Fig.
11). Whereas offspring of a similar age from Vilnius’
Lower Castle from the 14th and 15th centuries made
up about 20% of all animals, in the 16th and 17th
centuries it made up only 14%. In both periods, the
number of mature sheep/goats (over two years old) in
Vilnius’ Lower Castle was larger and made up more
than 30% (Piličiauskienė 2008a, p.34ff). The huge
amount of exceptionally young animals in the plot of
Kurpių St is rather unusual. When sheep are bred for
milk, the lamb is usually butchered slightly later at the
age of six to nine months, whereas those bred for meat
are best at the age of two to three years. Animals that
were bred for wool were usually butchered even later
(Payne 1973). Presumably, the main aim of breeding
these sheep was milk and milk products. Historical
sources mention sheep in the 17th century. They could
provide half a quart (about 600 millilitres) of milk
for 26 weeks per year (Merkienė 1989). Farmers in
Lithuania stopped milking sheep in the 19th century.
To keep goats was cheap, and their milk was always
treated as having medicinal properties. Besides, goats
were also bred for their smell, which was supposed to
protect other animals from disease. Due to their undemanding
temper, usually poor people kept them, so
goats were also called poor man’s cows. At the same
time, several confessional communities formed a negative
attitude towards goats: the Jesuits prohibited the
breeding of goats, and the Orthodox Church prohibited
the consumption of goat meat (Tourunen 2008, p.41;
Merkienė 1989).
The plot examined provided sheep/goat bones of different
nutritional values, including butcher’s waste,
the most valuable parts (these were the most numerous)
(Tables 1; 2; Figs. 9; 10). Less nutritionally valued
waste was found in smaller numbers. However, it
should be noted that these bones of sheep and goats
are small, hardly survive, and are rarely found in the
process of investigations.
The survival of analysed pigs’ bones is less successful
compared to those of other animals. This is common to
all the bones of these animals found, and it is explained
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
179

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
180
by the young age of butchered animals, being smaller
and more fragile. A comparison of bones and the number
of individuals point to a higher MNI. The main
reason for this are the mandibles, which survive better
than other bones. The proportion of pigs in the investigated
material is similar to that in other cases from this
period. The age-related structure is also rather typical
of most explored finds (Fig. 8) (Piličiauskienė 2008a).
Pigs of a similar age were butchered in many places,
as they were bred for meat only, which preconditions a
similar time of butchering (Bartosiewicz 1995). A large
number of piglets (18%) were butchered in their early
months, and their bones could hardly survive. Pigs that
were 1.5 to two years old, butchered during the second
autumn-winter of their life, make up the largest part
(about half). This age is optimal for butchering (Uerpmann
1973), and it was common practice at that time.
As omnivorous and productive animals, pigs had to be
bred in the investigated site, which is justified by the
large number of butchered piglets. Bones of pigs of
high and average nutritional value were most frequent
(Figs. 9; 11). Five mandibles had longitudinal cuts in
their underparts: they were opened to extract the bone
marrows, a nutritional part of bones.
The breeding of pigs in urban areas and the approach
to them were different with every region. They used
to be bred in many urban areas, as their excrement is
found in cultural layers. Pig excrement was examined
in Gdansk. It was rich in millet, corn, horsetails, blackberries,
different kinds of bark, corn husks, animal
bones, fish waste, horsehair, bristle and sheep’s wool
(Krysiak 1967). This means that pigs strolled around
dwellings freely and fed on anything they could find.
For example, in the 16th and 17th centuries, unattended
pigs and dogs in Turku grazed a cemetery in a
churchyard (Tourunen 2008, p.29). Pigs could not be
reared in Frankfurt am Main from 1481, as they were
unsuitable for a big city (Pounds 1974, p.278). Historical
sources from the 17th century in Klaipėda point to
the fact that keeping pigs in the street was forbidden,
since it threatened the health of the citizens (Sembritzki
1926, p.114). In that sense, Klaipėda could be treated
as a clean and progressive town.
In the 16th and 17th centuries, a tendency towards decreased
numbers of pigs reared in the largest European
cities becomes evident. This phenomenon is explained
by the increasing urban areas and remote woods (acorns
used to be the main alimentary source for pigs in winter)
(Crabtree 1984; 1989; Reitz, Wing 1999). In the
16th century, a family in Vác (Hungary) bred on average
five pigs, whereas in the 18th century it was only
0.23 of a pig (Bartosiewicz 1995, pp.7ff). The growth
of the cities, the remoteness of pastures, the centralised
supply of cattle and other animals, butchering and city
markets, resulted in a decreasing amount of other domestic
animals (Bartosiewicz 1995, p.91). On the basis
of osteometrical data, the height of a pig from Group
II was calculated: it amounted to 75 centimetres, and
could be treated as large. Also similar was the height
of a pig from Group I (63 centimetres), whereas that of
pigs in Vilnius Lower Castle from the 14th to the 17th
centuries amounted to 58 to 68 centimetres.
One single molar, belonging to a horse and probably
lost while it was still alive, was found in the investigated
site. The tooth is worn thin, so it must have belonged
to an old animal. It was the only horse bone in the plot,
and it is possible to maintain that it was not reared and
consumed in this place. Horse meat was prohibited by
the Pope for consumption by Christians in 732 (Bartosiewicz
2003, p.187). Despite this prohibition, the
tradition still continued in Catholic European areas
(Bartosiewicz 1995, p.55ff). In local material dating
from before the 20th century, horse bones with chop
and cutting traces were discovered, which points to
the consumption of horse meat (Piličiauskienė 2008a,
p.68ff; Piličiauskienė, Veličkaitė et al. 2006).
When were different animals butchered? Usually
calves were butchered in spring, followed by lambs
in June to August, providing families with their meat
in the summer period. In addition, the butchering of
offspring would match the appropriate number of animals
in a household. Mature sheep were usually butchered
between August and November, that is, after their
lambs and prior to the main butchering of cattle and
pigs. Large animals were usually butchered in October
to February, in the cold period, thus preventing large
pieces of meat from rotting. Some piglets were slaughtered
in July, although most pigs were slaughtered in
November to February (Clark 1992, p.78). The age
structure of cattle, pigs and sheep from the investigated
site in Klaipėda corresponds to the analysed pattern of
butchering. In large cities, the butchering of large animals
continued all the year round, as demand for meat
was high (Landon 1993).
From the beginning of the 17th century, the butchering
of animals in Klaipėda was the privilege of regular
butchers, who established their own guild in 1627
(Sembritzki 1926, p.166). The prices for their services
were registered in newly approved regulations of 1681,
governing prices, servants, clothes, weddings, christenings
and inhumations. The document was based
on the previous 1666 regulations for the town and the

Fig. 9. The distribution of bones in groups I and II on the basis of the nutritional value (according to Uerpmann 1973).
Fig. 10. The fragmentary character of Group II sheep/goat bones and traces of cuts (dark colour: the most frequent parts of
bones) (analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
Fig. 11. The fragmentary character of Group II pig bones and traces of cuts (dark colour: the most frequent parts of bones)
(analysed by G. Piličiauskienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
181

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
182
region. It shows that butchers would get 15 mites for
butchering a pig and sausage-making, whereas for
calves and sheep they would earn six and four mites
respectively (Sembritzki 1926, p.146). The slaughterhouse
in Klaipėda was built only in 1769, close to the
Tilto gates (the present-day area between the River
Danė and Herkaus Manto St). The entire complex consisted
of the slaughterhouse itself, a pen and a structure
for the treatment of entrails. From June 1777 to June
1778, 2,491 bulls and 80 small animals were butchered
in it (Sembritzki 1926, p.238). After the appearance of
the slaughterhouse, the residents of neighbouring areas
had rather unfavourable living conditions (the smell,
loud and continuous noise). On the other hand, in those
times people treated this as a normal feature of urban
life (Bartosiewicz 2003).
One single bone of a dog (a humerus) was identified
in the material of the second group. It belonged to an
animal 38 centimetres in height, whereas in the material
of the first group (posterior) these bones are abundant.
Some of them belonged to a single skeleton. All
the dogs from the layer of this period could have died
in a fire. As was previously mentioned, the buildings
of the block burned down during the fire of 1678, and
its layers are recorded in the excavated plot. This is
pointed to by the fact that no marks of skinning were
traced on these bones. Like other animals, dogs would
be skinned and their skins would be used in daily life.
The bones of dog extremities with cuts after skinning
in the 16th and 17th centuries were discovered in Vilnius
(the plot at Klaipėda St 7), in Senieji Trakai and on
the Anykščiai estate. 8 The heights of the dogs discovered
in the plot in Kurpių St varied from 28 to 56 centimetres.
Material from the Medieval and post-Medieval
ages usually provides bones of similar-size dogs. Dogs
under 30 centimetres and over 60 centimetres in height
are rarely found. For example, the height of dogs
traced in the Lower Castle of Vilnius was about 40 to
56 centimetres, and in the plot in Klaipėda St about
48 to 64 centimetres. The rarely found bones of small
or very tall dogs are associated with breeds. Very often
during archaeological investigations, almost intact
skeletons 9 are another specific feature of dog skeletons.
Dead dogs used to be buried in the area, or thrown into
household pits or abandoned cellars (Tourunen 2008,
p.58). Very often, this was done after skinning.
8 The examination of zooarchaeological material from
Vilnius’ Lower Castle, the plot at Klaipėda St 7 (Vilnius),
Senieji Trakai and Anykščiai country estate was
implemented by G. Piličiauskienė.
9 Almost intact skeletons of dogs were found in Vilnius’
Lower Castle, the plot at Klaipėda St 7, and Anykščiai
country estate.
Single bones of cats were also identified in the material
from both periods. Marks of skinning were not found,
although this used to be common practice (Bartosiewicz
1995, p.73; Noddle 1974, p.333). The bones of
cats are rare in Lithuanian archaeological records. One
reason for this is that the small bones of these animals
are not found and collected during archaeological investigations.
The analysis of the zooarchaeological material resulted
in the measurement of only some of these bones (Table
3). After a comparison of the material with that from
Vilnius’ Lower Castle (Piličiauskienė 2008a, Tables
18-33), it is possible to maintain that the average measurements
of animal bones discovered in Klaipėda are
higher. However, these results could be influenced by
the ratio of different sexes of cattle, that is, a large number
of bull bones, which are larger than those of cows.
It should be noted that in the 16th and 17th centuries,
cattle were smaller (by 20 to 30 centimetres) than those
nowadays of old breeds (ashy, white-backed). These,
like most old breeds, are small (~128 centimetres)
compared with animals of new breeds (Tušas 2001).
At the moment, we still lack data to enable us to reconstruct
morphological changes in animals in the period
from the 16th and 17th centuries to the 20th century.
The available data shows that these morphological
changes took place in Lithuania in the second half of
the 19th century, and were related to the appearance of
new breeds, and the improvement of feed and keeping
conditions (Piličiauskienė 2008b). The economy of
Klaipėda was mostly affected by Western Europe, so it
is possible to maintain that the above processes started
earlier in this region.
Conclusions
Archaeological and zooarchaeological investigations
relating to the plot in Kurpių Street and historical
data enable us to summarise some aspects of life in
Klaipėda in the mid-16th and 17th centuries in relation
to animal rearing, butchering and nutrition.
In the investigated site, more than 95% of bones discovered
from the 16th to the 17th centuries belonged
to domestic animals, of which most were cattle. They
were the main source of meat for families living here.
The second place in meat consumed was taken by pigs.
Mutton formed a negligible part of the diet, as did goat
meat; whereas horse meat was not consumed at all.
Osteological material from cattle and sheep from the
above plot was exceptional by its amount of butchered
offspring. This means that cattle were an important
source of meat and milk, whereas sheep were basi-

cally bred for milk and milk products. The structure
of animal age and the anatomical distribution of bones
show no centralised supply of meat, and all animals, or
the majority of them, were bred and butchered locally.
This pattern of economic activity is typical of rural areas
and small urban zones. Some of these animals could
have been bred on neighbouring estates.
On the basis of the zooarchaeological material, it was
discovered that most butchered animals were young.
No bones of very old animals were identified, so it is
possible to maintain that the local population consumed
good meat. This zooarchaeological data points to rich
citizens residing in the area. Archaeological finds and
extant constructions of buildings also point to this fact.
Osteometrical data shows that the measurements of
cattle and pig bones from this plot were slightly larger
than those from the Lower Castle in Vilnius. Due to
the small numbers of compared bones from Kurpių St,
these results are to be treated carefully.
Abbreviations
AB – Archeologia Baltica (since 1995 Vilnius, since 2006
Klaipėda).
ATL – Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje ... metais. Vilnius
(since 1967– ).
J Archaeol Sci – Journal of Archaeological Science (since
1974– ).
FN – Fauna Norvegica. Trondheim (since 1979– ).
LA – Lietuvos archeologija. Vilnius (since 1979– ).
MNI – minimal number of individuals.
NISP – number of identified specimen.
Vet Med Zoot – Veterinarija ir zootechnika. Kaunas (since
1994– ).
VLC – Vilnius Lower Castle.
References
Manuscripts
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, G., 2008a. Galvijų kaulų iš Vilniaus
žemutinės pilies teritorijos osteologinė analizė ir amžiaus
nustatymas pagal dantų struktūrą. Daktaro disertacija.
Kaunas (unpublished doctoral theses).
TOURUNEN, A., 2008. A Zooarchaeological study of Medieval
and Post-Medieval town of Turku. Academic dissertation,
Turku university (unpublished doctoral theses)..
TUŠAS, S., 2001. Lietuvos vietinių galvijų genetinės
įvairovės tyrimas ir jų genofondo išsaugojimo priemonės.
Daktaro disertacija. Kaunas (unpublished doctoral theses).
Literature
АNTIPINA, Е.Е., 2005. Miasnye produkty v srednevekovom
gorode – proizvodstvo ili potreblenie? In: E.N.
ČERNYCH, V.I. ZAV’JALOV, eds. Archeologia i estestvennonauchnye
metody. Moskva: Jazyki slavjanskoi
kul’tury, 181-190.
BARTOSIEWICZ, L., 1995. Animals in the Urban Landscape
in the Wake of the Middle Ages. BAR, International
series, Oxford, 609.
BARTOSIEWICZ, L., 2003. „There‘s something rotten in
the state…”: bad smels in Antiquity. European Journal of
archaeology, 6(2), 175-195.
CALKIN, V.I., 1956. Materialy dlia istorii skotovotsva i
ochoty v drevnei Rusi. Materialy instituta archeologii, 51,
3-184.
CALKIN, V.I., 1960. Izmenchivost metapodii i ee znachenie
dlia izuchenija krupnogo rogatogo skota drevnosti. Biuleten’
moskovskogo obshchestva ispitatelei prirody, otdel
biologicheskii, 1, 109-125.
CALKIN, V.I., 1962. K istorii zhivotnovodstva i ochoty v
vostochnoi Evrope. In: Materialy i isledovanija po archeologii
SSSR, 107. Moskva, 1-180.
CLARK, G., 1992. Town and countryside in medieval Italy:
a critical evaluation of the sources for understanding the
mechanisms of supply and demand. Anthropozoologica,
16, 75-82.
CRABTREE, P., 1984. The archaeozoology of the Anglo-
Saxon site at West-Stow, Suffolk. In: K. BIDDICK, ed.
Archaeological approaches to Medieval Europe. Kalamazoo:
Medieval Institute Publications, 223-235.
CRABTREE, P., 1989. Zooarchaeology at Early Anglo-
Saxon West Stow. In: C.L. REDMAN, ed. Medieval Archaeology.
Bringhamton: State University of New York,
203-213.
DAUGNORA, L., 2002. Galvijo plaštakos kaulų, datuojamų
XIII–XVII a., analizė. Vet Med Zoot, 18(40), 22-28.
DAUGNORA, L., PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, G., 2005. XIV–
XVII a. osteologinės medžiagos, 1988–1990 m. iškastos
Vilniaus žemutinės pilies teritorijoje, analizė. LA, 28, 207-
216.
DRIESCH, A., VON DEN, 1976. A guide to the measurement
of animal bones from archeological sites. In:
Peabody Museum Bulletin, I. Cambridge Mass. Harvard
University, Bull. 1.
Von den DRIESCH, A., BOESSNECK, J., 1974. Kritische
anmerkungen zur widerristhohenberechnung aus Langenmassen
vorund fruhgeschichtlicher Tierknochen. Saugetierkundliche
Mitteilungen, 22, 325-48.
GROTH, A., 1995. Żegluga i handel morski Kłajpedy w latach
1664-1722. Statystyka obrotu towarowego. Gdańsk:
Institut Bałtycki.
JEWELL, P., 1963. Cattle from British Archaeological Sites.
Man and cattle, 18, 80-101.
KOBRYŃCZUK, F., KOBRYŃ, H., 1993. Sexing of domestic
cattle from the early ages on the basis of osteometry
of metapodia. Annals of Warsaw Agricultural University,
17, 11-18.
KRYSIAK, K., 1967. Szątki zwierzęce z wykopalisk w
Gdańsku. Gdańsk Wzesnośredniowieczny, VI, 7-52.
KUNDRAITĖ, J., DAUGNORA, L., PUŠKORIUS, A.,
2006. Vilniaus Rotušės aikštė osteoarcheologijos duomenimis.
In: Archeologiniai tyrinėjimai Lietuvoje 2005 metais.
Vilnius: Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, 464-469.
LANDON, B.D., 1993. Testing a seasonal slaughter model
for colonial New England using tooth cementum increment
anglysis. J Archaeol Sci, 20, 439-455.
LIE, R.T., LIE, R.W., 1990. Changes in survival of Cattle
Bos taurus in Trondheim during the Medieval period. FN,
11, 43-49.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
183

Animal Breeding and
Butchering: a Glimpse
From Old Klaipėda
GIEDRĖ
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
184
MALTBY, J., 1989. Urban rural variations in the butchering
of cattle in Romano-British Hampshire. In: D. SER-
JEANTSON and T. WALDRON, eds. Diet and crafts in
towns: the evidence of animal remains from the Roman to
the post-medieval periods. BAR, British Series, Oxford,
199, 75-106.
MASIULIENĖ, I., 2008. Tyrinėjimai Kurpių g. 3, Klaipėdos
senojo miesto teritorijoje. In: ATL 2007 metais. Vilnius:
Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, 341-354.
MASIULIENĖ, I., 2009a. Sklypas Kurpių g. 3. In: ATL 2008
metais. Vilnius: Lietuvos archeologijos draugija, 345-353.
MASIULIENĖ, I., 2009b. Klaipėdos senamiesčio šiaurės vakarinės
dalies raida XVI–XVII amžiais. LA, 35, 241-258
MASIULIENĖ, I., 2009c. 16th–17th cen. Klaipėda town
residents’ lifestyle (by archaeological, palaeobotanical and
zooarchaeological data of Kurpių street plots). AB, 12, 95-
111.
MERKIENĖ, R., 1989. Gyvulių ūkis XVI a.–XX a. pirmojoje
pusėje. Vilnius: Mokslas.
MULEVIČIUS, A., 2003. Kaimas ir dvaras Lietuvoje XIX a.
Vilnius: Lietuvos istorijos institutas.
NODDLE, B., 1974. Ages of epiphyseal closure in feral and
domestic goats and ages of dental eruption. J Archaeol Sci,
1, 195-204.
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, G., 2008b. Galvijų bandos struktūros
pokyčiai XIV–XVII a. LA, 33, 123-136.
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, G., BAUBLIENĖ, J., DAUGNORA,
L., 2006. Galvijų lyties nustatymas (pagal XIV–XVII a.
plaštakų osteometrinę medžiagą). Vet Med Zoot, 34(56),
40-45.
PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, G., VELIČKAITĖ, S., DAUGNORA,
L., 2006. VII–XVII a. Lietuvos arkliai (pagal plaštakų ir
pėdų kaulų osteometrinę analizę). Vet Med Zoot, 33 (55),
8-15.
POUNDS, N., 1974. An economic history of medieval Europe.
London: Longman.
REITZ, E.J., WING, E.S., 1999. Zooarchaeology. Cambridge
University Press.
SCHMID, E., 1972. Atlas of animal Bones for prehistorians,
archaeologists, and Quaternary geologists. Amsterdam:
Elsevier Science Publishers.
SEMBRITZKI, J., 1926. Geschichte der Königlich Preussischen
See- und Handelsstadt Memel. Memel: Druck und
Verlag, F.W. Siebert Memeler Dampfboot Akt.-Ges.
SILVER, I., 1969. The ageing of domestic animals. In: D.
BROTWEL and E. HIGGS, eds. Science in archaeology.
Bristol: Thames and Hudson, 283-309.
PAYNE, S., 1973. Kill-off patterns in sheep and goats: the
mandibles Asvan Kale. Anatolian Studies, 23; 281-303.
STEN, S., 2004. Bovine Teeth In Age Assessment, from Medieval
Cattle to Belgian Blue Methodology, Possibilities and
Limitations. Akademisk Avhadling. Stockholm.
SHCHEGLOVA V.V., 1993. Rol’ ochoty i snabzhenie miasom
naselenie na teritorii Belarusii v X-XIV vv. In: Sredniavekovyja
starazhytnasci Belarusi. Minsk, 74-82.
TATORIS, J., 1994. Senoji Klaipėda, Urbanistinė raida
ir architektūra iki 1939 metų. Vilnius: Mokslo ir
enciklopedijų leidykla.
TEICHERT, M., 1969. Osteometrische Untersuchungen zur
Berechnung der Widerristhöhe bei vor- und frügeschitlichen
Schweinen. Kühn-Archiv, 83(3), 237-292.
THOMAS, R.W., 1988. A statistical evaluation of criteria
used in sexing cattle metapodials. Archaeozoologia, 2,
8-92.
UERPMANN, H., 1973. Animal bone finds and economic
archaeology: a critical study of „osteo-archaeological“
method. World Archaeology, 4(3), 307-22.
WHITE, T.E., 1953. A method of calculating the dietary percentage
of various food animals utilized by aboriginal people.
American Antiquity, 18(4), 396-398.
WIIG, Q., 1981. Faunal remains from Mediaeval Bergen.
FN, 2, 34-40.
WIIG, Q., 1985. Sexing of Subfossil Cattle Metacarpals.
Acta Theriologica, 30, 495–503.
WILLOWEIT, G., 1969. Die Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Memellandes,
I-II. Marburg, Lahn.
ŽULKUS, V., 1991. Klaipėdos senojo miesto raidos modelis.
Vilnius: Spauda
ŽULKUS, V., 2002. Viduramžių Klaipėda, miestas ir pilis,
archeologija ir istorija. Vilnius: Žara.
ŽULKUS, V., DAUGNORA, L., 2009. What did the Order‘s
brothers eat in the Klaipėda castle? (The Historical and zooarchaeological
data). AB, 12, 74-87.
Received: 19 October 2011; Revised: 16 December 2011;
Accepted: 20 December 2011.
Giedrė Piličiauskienė
National Museum of Lithuania
T. Kosciuškos St 3
LT-01100 Vilnius
Lithuania
E-mail: giedrepils@gmail.com
Ieva Masiulienė
Klaipėda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region History
and Archaeology
Herkaus Manto St 84
LT-92294 Klaipėda
Lithuania
E-mail: ieva.masiuliene@gmail.com

GYVULIŲ AUGINIMAS IR
SKERDIMAS SENOJOJE
KLAIPĖDOJE
GIEDRĖ PILIČIAUSKIENĖ,
IEVA MASIULIENĖ
Santrauka
Archeologiniai kasinėjimai, vykdyti 2007–2008 m.
viename iš Klaipėdos senamiesčio kvartalų, prie Kurpių
gatvės, suteikė naujų ir vertingų duomenų miesto
raidai XVI–XVII a. tyrinėti (1–2 pav.; VII iliustr.).
Šiame straipsnyje pristatomi XVI a. vidurio – XVII a.
antrosios pusės naujausi zooarcheologinės medžiagos
tyrimų rezultatai. Kompleksiškai analizuojama Kurpių
gatvės zooarcheologinė medžiaga ir publikuoti istoriniai
šaltiniai leidžia daryti tam tikras išvadas apie XVI
a. vidurio – XVII a. antrosios pusės Klaipėdos miestiečių
mitybą, gyvulių auginimo, skerdimo ypatumus,
įvertinti augintų gyvulių osteometrinius duomenis (3–
11 pav.; 1–3 lent.).
Zooarcheologinės medžiagos analizės metu buvo ištirti
1470 gyvūnų kaulai ir jų fragmentai, priklausę mažiausiai
76 individams. Tolesnei analizei kaulai padalinti
į dvi grupes. I grupei (XVI a. pabaiga / XVII a. pradžia
– 1678 m.) priklausė 165 (11,2 %) visų tirtų kaulų,
identifikuoti pavyko 151 (91,5 %), kaulai priskirti
mažiausiai 14 individų (1 lentelė). II grupėje (XVI a.
vidurys – XVI a. pabaiga / XVII a. pradžia) ištirti 1305
kaulai, iš kurių 1201 (92,0 %) pavyko identifikuoti, jie
priklausė mažiausiai 62 individams (2 lentelė, 5 pav.).
Tyrinėtame sklype daugiau kaip 95 % rastų XVI–
XVII a. gyvūnų kaulų priklausė naminiams gyvuliams,
tarp kurių dominavo galvijai. Šiame sklype gyvenusios
šeimos pagrindinis mėsos šaltinis buvo galvijai. Antrąją
vietą pagal suvartotos mėsos kiekį turėjo užimti
kiaulės. Aviena sudarė tik nedidelę raciono dalį. Ožkų
vaidmuo šios šeimos mityboje buvo menkas, o arkliai
maistui nevartoti.
Sklypo Kurpių g. 3 tyrinėta galvijų ir avių osteologinė
medžiaga išsiskyrė neįprastai didele paskerstų
jauniklių dalimi. Tai rodo, kad galvijai buvo svarbus
ne tik mėsos, bet ir pieno šaltinis, o pagrindinis avių
auginimo tikslas buvo pienas ir jo produktai. Gyvulių
amžiaus struktūra, anatominis kaulų pasiskirstymas
nerodo centralizuoto mėsos tiekimo, visi gyvuliai (ar
jų dauguma) buvo auginti, veisti ir skersti vietoje. Toks
ūkinės veiklos modelis būdingas kaimo vietovėms ir
nedideliems miestams. Dalis gyvulių galėjo būti užauginti
greta miesto buvusiuose dvaruose.
Remiantis zooarcheologinės medžiagos analize, didžioji
dalis gyvulių buvo skersti jauni, labai senų gyvulių
kaulų nenustatyta, todėl galima teigti, kad šioje
vietoje gyvenę žmonės maitinosi kokybiška mėsa. Tokie
zooarcheologiniai duomenys patvirtina čia gyvenus
turtingus miestiečius. Buvus aukštesniojo sluoksnio
sklypo gyventojų liudija aptikti archeologiniai radiniai
ir išlikusios pastatų konstrukcijos.
Osteometriniai duomenys rodo, kad galvijų ir kiaulių
kaulų iš sklypo Kurpių g. 3 matmenys buvo šiek tiek
didesni negu rastieji Vilniaus Žemutinės pilies teritorijoje.
Šiuos rezultatus reikia vertinti atsargiai dėl nedidelio
lyginamų kaulų iš Kurpių g. kiekio.
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
185

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
186
THE FOOTWEAR OF KLAIPĖDA DWELLERS
IN THE 16TH AND 17TH CENTURIES
RAMUNĖ BRAČIULIENĖ
Abstract
This report reviews leather footwear discovered during the latest archaeological research in Klaipėda, in investigations carried
out at 3 Kurpių St in 2007 and 2008, and at 10 Žvejų St in 2006 (headed by R. Bračiulienė). Another aim is to present
examples of the footwear of Klaipėda dwellers in the 16th and 17th centuries which are of interest in terms of their shape and
style, and which are typical of the shoes of the West European Renaissance and of the townsfolk of the Early Modern Period.
The following types of footwear are presented: primitive shoes, low-cut shoes, mules and children’s shoes. The report describes
the parts of the footwear, joining methods, seams and decorative components. It discusses differences between the
footwear of the 16th and the 17th centuries, and refers to morphological studies and microchemical analyses of archaeological
leather and thread fibre conducted by other experts.
Key words: archaeology, footwear, shoes, primitive shoe, low-cut shoe.
Introduction
Samples of old leather footwear are interesting archaeological
finds, which can tell us a lot about the owner’s
status, sex, occupation or hobby, or reveal traits of his
or her character, or even the orthopaedic peculiarities
of the wearer based on the pattern of wear.
Remains of interesting types of shoes, pieces of leather
and leather artefacts have been found in various places
in the old part of Klaipėda. This claim is supported by
the fact that one of the streets is named Kurpių Street,
as it is the street where in the 16th century shoemakers
used to work.
The object of this report is to review the leather material
found during the latest archaeological investigations
conducted at 3 Kurpių St in 2007 and 2008 (headed
by I. Masiulienė), and at 10 Žvejų St in 2006 (headed
by R. Bračiulienė), as well as to present, on the basis
of the results of these investigations, examples of the
footwear of Klaipėda dwellers of the 16th and 17th
centuries that are interesting in terms of their shape
and cut, and which are typical of the shoes of the West
European Renaissance and those of townsfolk in the
Early Modern Period.
The significance of the samples of footwear discussed
here lies in the fact that in Klaipėda, up to 2006, only
two whole samples of footwear had been found: a
child’s low-cut shoe found at 4 Kurpių St in 1980 (Genys
1981), and dated to the first half of the 16th century;
and another, presumably a child’s, low-cut shoe
dated to the early 17th century and found in Sukilėlių
St in 1996 (Genys 1997). The latter is now on display
in the Castle Museum.
However, in 2006 as many as 14 whole shoes were
found at 10 Žvejų St. These have been conserved and
restored. In 2007 and 2008, three nearly whole low-cut
shoes and one primitive shoe were found at 3 Kurpių
St. In other shoes, some parts are missing. With the
restoration of the other examples too, we will have a
total of 19 whole pieces of footwear at the History Museum
of Lithuania Minor, and this will enable us to
show the development of Klaipėda footwear from the
first half of the 16th century to the late 17th century,
that is, from the primitive shoe to shoes of complex
construction.
The terms used to describe old leather footwear, as
well as the methods employed for joining shoe parts
and their graphic marking, are based on Olaf Goubitz’s
methodology, as supplemented by Arūnas Puškorius
(Puškorius 2007).
Leather footwear from 3 Kurpių St
During the investigations at 3 Kurpių St, a total 2,710
finds were made, including 134 leather artefacts: cutoffs,
individual shoe parts, and sets of shoe parts (the
collected sets of parts were counted as one unit). All
of them, except for a few, came from a brown peaty
layer dated to the middle or the second half of the 16th
century.
The leather artefacts discovered were washed with running
water and moistened with a solution of alcohol,
distilled water and glycerin, mixed at a ratio of 1:1:1/3
respectively, and then treated with the antiseptic agent
P3 triquart. The parts of footwear described in the arti-

cle were additionally saturated with oiling emulsions,
that is, their full primary conservation was carried out.
The oldest footwear type, the primitive shoe, is presented
first.
Primitive shoes: mid-16th century
All the primitive shoes found are primitive-wrinkled
one-piece primitive shoes. They were wrinkled from a
single quadrangular piece of leather by wrinkling the
edges with twine, that is, a leather string.
Inventory Number 1059 (Fig.1)
Dimensions of the piece of leather: 235 by 120 millimetres.
Leather thickness: 1.5 millimetres. String
thickness: eight millimetres. In the lower part, at the
toe and the heel part, they have two cut holes: apparently,
the edges of the primitive shoes were wrinkled
at their ends.
Inventory Number 2588
Dimensions of the piece of leather: 275 by 145 millimetres.
The edges were also wrinkled with twine. The
string twine is missing, it was pulled out. The primitive
shoe was straightened, and a piece of leather of an irregular
quadrangular shape was cut out at its centre.
The dimensions of the cut-out: 100 by 40 millimetres.
It is probable that the worn-out primitive shoe was
used for patches.
Inventory Number 2678
This is a fragment of a one-piece primitive-wrinkled
leather primitive shoe. The dimensions of the leather
piece: 300 by 160 millimetres. At the edges of the
piece there are incisions for twine; however, the string
twine is missing, it was pulled out and the primitive
shoe was straightened. There is a cut-out along nearly
the whole length of the part; its dimensions are 205 by
90 millimetres. This primitive shoe, just like the last
one described, was used for patches or for other needs.
Fig. 1. A primitive shoe. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 1059, mid-16th century (photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
187

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
188
Low-cut shoes: mid-16th century
Inventory Number 2405 (Fig. 2a; 2b)
A leather closed-type low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 1.1
2. Insert 1.1
3. Welt fragment
4. Heel stiffener for the inner
counter
1
5. Shoe-string 1
6. Insole fragments 2
The entire upper (the vamp) is made of a single piece
of leather (1). It covers the entire upper part and the
sides of the foot, with the exception of the sole. There
is a quadrangular insert sewn into one side (2). A butted
seam was used to sew the insert in. The height of the
insert and the quarter is 46 millimetres.
In the upper part of the vamp, at the instep, there is
an incision 50 millimetres long, with two small holes
on either side, through which a leather strap (a shoestring)
five millimetres wide is passed (5). There is
a knot on the inner side of the upper; apparently, the
strap had broken, and it was then knotted to extend its
service time.
On the inner side of the upper, around the aforementioned
incision, very vague traces of a hidden seam
can be seen. There might have been another inner part,
most likely a quarter facing, but it is missing.
The stitching method used for joining the vamp to the
treadsole is a welt stitched with a closed seam. Between
the vamp and the treadsole layers, a tiny fragment
of the welt (3) approximately ten millimetres
wide was found.
The remaining insole (6) is badly worn and in pieces.
The heel part and the toe are worn away. Inside the
low-cut shoe, next to the insole fragments, the remains
of wood fibre were found; apparently, one of the midsole
layers was made of wood fibre.
The heel stiffener for the inner counter (4) is halfrounded.
Between the heel stiffener and the layers of
the counter, very fragmentary remains of wood fibre
can be seen. The heel stiffener was stitched to the counter
part of the vamp with an overlap-whipped seam.
Inventory Number 2675 (Fig. 3a; 3b)
A closed-type leather low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 1
2. Insert 1
3. Heel stiffener for the inner
counter
1
4. Welt 1
5. Insole 1
6. Side reinforcement 0.8
7. Quarter 1
8. Shoe-string 0.8
The vamp covers the entire upper part of the foot, and
one side and part of the counter (1). The contour at
the instep is cut evenly, and the toe of the upper is
rounded. A single separate quarter (7) was made for
this low-cut shoe. Between the quarter and the main
part of the vamp, a triangular insert (2) is inserted. The
lengths of the insert sides are: 60, 47 and 70 millimetres.
The insert is stitched to other parts with a butted
seam. The same type of seam is used for stitching the
parts together at the counter. The vamp has an incision
45 millimetres long at the instep. There are two small
holes on either side of the incision. One of the holes is
inside the insert. A leather strap (a shoe-string) (8) is
passed through the small holes. The strap is made from
a leather band 17 millimetres wide, cut lengthwise in
two. This way, two bands were obtained seven to eight
millimetres wide and tapered at the ends. One of the
ends of the band is not cut, that is, the band was not
cut in two to the very end. The length of the band is
approximately 158 millimetres.
Another part, a heel stiffener for the inner counter (3),
is a low trapezium in shape. Its dimensions are 43 by
90 millimetres. In addition, it is evident that a certain
part of the inner counter is missing, because there
are obvious traces of stitching along the edges of the
counter, as well as a tunnel-stitched sole seam running
along the middle line of the part. However, no traces
of stitching can be seen on the inner side of the vamp
quarters at the counter.
The side reinforcement (6) is an irregular trapezium in
shape. The dimensions of the part are 62 by 40 millimetres.
It is stitched to the vamp quarter with an overlap-whipped
seam.

Fig. 2a. A low-cut shoe before conservation. Klaipėda,
3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 2405, mid-16th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 2b. A low-cut shoe: 1 vamp; 2 insert; 3 welt fragment; 4 heel stiffener for the inner counter; 5 shoe-string; 6 insole fragments;
7 a reconstruction. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 2405, mid-16th century (drawing by J. Mažeikaitė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
189

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
190
Fig. 3a. A low-cut shoe before conservation.
Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number
2675, mid-16th century (photograph by R.
Bračiulienė).
Fig. 3b. A low-cut shoe: 1 vamp; 2 insert; 3 heel stiffener for the inner counter; 4 welt, insole; 6 one side reinforcement; 7
quarter; 8 shoe-string; 9 a reconstruction. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 2675, mid-16th century (drawing by J.
Mažeikaitė).

The welt (4) is ten to 12 millimetres wide, continuous,
and with clear traces of stitching made with an awl.
The welt was stitched to one layer of the treadsole with
a closed seam.
One layer of the insole (5) is 178 millimetres long, its
width in the fore part of the foot is 52 millimetres, in
the middle 23 millimetres, and at the heel 32 millimetres.
The treadsole is quite graceful in shape, profiled,
and with a rounded toe part.
Fibre was taken for analysis from the welt seam of this
low-cut shoe. A microchemical analysis was carried
out by Jolanta Mažeikaitė, a restoration expert at the
History Museum of Lithuania Minor. The conclusion
was that the fibre is of plant origin, and it is non-stem
fibre (it might be bast).
Inventory Number 378 (Fig. 4)
Set of parts of a closed-type leather low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 1.3
2. Two parts of the counter 1.8
3. Side insert 1–1.3
4. Heel stiffener for the inner
counter
1
5. Treadsole lift 1
6. Fragment of the rand 2
7. Insole 1.5
The vamp covers the fore upper part of the foot (1).
The contour at the instep is cut evenly, and there is a
short incision of 22 millimetres in the middle, so that
the foot could be put into the shoe more conveniently.
One side of this part is worn away, the quarters are
missing, and the toe is rounded. The vamp was attached
to the treadsole with a closed seam; no welt or
pieces of it were found. The parts of the counter were
cut out separately from the vamp. Only part of one side
has remained, the other side is whole; its height is 36
millimetres. The parts were attached to the treadsole
with a closed seam, and stitched to each other with a
butted seam.
The side insert (3) is quadrangular, and one side is cut
aslant. The dimensions of the insert are 62 by 30 millimetres.
It was attached to the counter and the vamp
quarter (which is missing) with a butted seam, too.
The heel stiffener for the inner counter (4) is halfrounded.
It was attached to the counter parts (2) with
an overlapped seam, and in the lower part, at the treadsole,
it was attached (together with other parts of the
counter) with a closed seam. On the inner side of the
part, there are the remnants of wood fibre. This indicates
that one layer of the inner counter was made of
wood fibre.
There is a tiny fragment of a rand (6) made of a hard
leather band approximately four millimetres wide and
two millimetres thick; this fragment belongs to the heel
part of the treadsole.
The treadsole lift (5) is semi-circular in shape and
heavily worn. The present dimensions are 40 by 55
millimetres.
The insole (7) is profiled and made of hard leather.
Its length is 186 millimetres, the width at the flexible
part of the foot is 73 millimetres, at the narrowing 47
millimetres, and at the heel part 58 millimetres. At the
edges of the insole, there are distinct round holes, approximately
2.5 millimetres in diameter, made with an
awl. The insole is worn through at the toes. The toe is
slightly rounded.
Inventory Number 2198 (Fig. 5)
A man’s closed-type leather low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item No. Part description Leather thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 1.8–2
2. Counter 2
3. Quarter-shape heel
stiffener
1-1.8
4. Two parts of the insole 1–1.3
5. Parts of the midsole 1
6. Treadsole 1.3
The vamp covers the fore upper part of the foot (1).
The vamp passes into the quarters. One quarter is
shorter, at 18 millimetres long, and the other longer, at
50 millimetres.
The contour of the upper at the instep is evenly cut,
and forms a near right angle with the quarters. At the
instep, the upper has a deep slanting incision; its length
is 75 millimetres. The incision was made inaccurately,
and the edges of the cut are uneven.
The height of the quarters is 59 millimetres. The upper
and the treadsole are attached to each other with a
closed seam. The quarters are attached to the counter
with a butted seam.
The counter (2) is quadrangular in shape, and corresponds
to the height of the quarters. The dimensions
of the part are 140 by 59 millimetres. The part was attached
to the inner counter in the lower area with an
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
191

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
192
Fig. 4. A low-cut shoe: 1 vamp; 2 two parts of the counter; 3 side insert; 4 heel stiffener for the inner counter; 5 treadsole
lift; 6 rand fragment; 7 insole; 8 a reconstruction. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 378, mid-16th century (drawing
by J. Mažeikaitė).
overlapped seam, and in the upper area with an overlap-whipped
seam and a hidden seam.
The quarter-shape heel stiffener for the inner counter
(3) is an extended quadrangle in shape. It corresponds
to the height of the quarters and the counter, and is
longer than the counter. The ends of the heel stiffener
slip under the quarters and thus ensure the strength of
the quarters of the low-cut shoe. The dimensions of the
part are 240 by 59 millimetres.
Parts of the insole (4) are in poor condition and worn
here and there. The total length of the treadsole is 253
millimetres. Its width at the flexible part of the foot is
99 millimetres, at the narrowing 50 millimetres, and at
the heel 60 millimetres. One layer of the insole is very
thin, and it might be a fragment of the slipsole. Only
the fore foot part of this piece has survived.
The other layer of the insole is made of thicker leather;
part of this is worn away at the side and the heel.
There are a total of four parts of the midsole (5). One
of them is inserted at the treadsole toe, another two
at the treadsole side, and the fourth at the heel. They
might have been needed for correcting irregularities of
the treadsole, that is, for achieving uniform thickness
of the treadsole. This sample of a low-cut shoe indicates
that its wearer had some orthopaedic problems.
The slanting incision at the instep also might have been
made due to peculiarities of the foot.
The treadsole (6) is profiled, and the toe is rounded.
No welt was found. The layers of the treadsole and the
intermediate parts are stitched together with an overlapped
seam.
The length of the whole low-cut shoe is 265 millimetres.
Fibre from the seam of the vamp bottom of this low-cut
shoe was taken for analysis. The analysis was carried
out by J. Mažeikaitė of the History Museum of Lithuania
Minor. The conclusion is that the fibre is of plant
origin, and it is non-stem fibre (it might be bast).

Fig. 5. A low-cut shoe: 1 vamp; 2 counter; 3 quarter-shape heel stiffener; 4 two parts of the insole; 5 midsole parts; 6 treadsole;
7 a reconstruction. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 2198, mid-16th century (drawing by J. Mažeikaitė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
193

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
194
When describing this type of footwear, it should be
noted that these are examples of footwear of a simple
construction that covers the foot up to the ankle.
In most cases, their upper was made of a single piece
of leather. If this piece was not large enough, an insert
would be sewn in. It should be noted that these shoes
do not have a heel, but one or a few treadsole lifts at
the heel part of the treadsole (low-cut shoes, but not all
of them, have such lifts). The characteristic features of
men’s and women’s shoes are not very distinct either,
and this applies to both primitive shoes and low-cut
shoes. Out of the low-cut shoes, Inventory Number
2198 is undoubtedly a man’s low-cut shoe; whereas
the remaining ones are quite small in terms of their
size (approximately 158 to 200 millimetres). These are
shoes designed either for teenagers or for women. It
goes without saying that these are not luxury shoes, but
ones to be worn by ordinary townsfolk.
Inventory Number 2384 (Fig. 6)
A leather mule with a cork platform.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 1
2. Insole with an insert (the insert is
missing)
1.2
3. Cork platform
4. Treadsole filling cover 0.3
5. Treadsole
6. Wooden nails
The vamp covers the fore upper part of the foot only; it
is wrinkled at the toe, and a trapezium-shaped toe has
been formed.
A single part of the insole, the fore part, has survived;
as there are traces of stitching, there must have been an
insert for the heel part too.
The height of the cork platform is 26 millimetres. Only
the heel part has survived, the rest of the platform has
crumbled away. The platform consists of two layers of
cork, which are nailed together with the leather treadsole
with wooden nails. It is covered in leather.
The leather treadsole is in poor condition, and the fore
part is worn away. It is attached at the edges to the platform
cover with an overlapped seam. As has already
been mentioned, it is nailed together with wooden nails
at the heel.
The total length of the mule is 200 millimetres.
Decoration (Fig. 7)
Townsfolk also enjoyed wearing decorated shoes. This
applies especially to summer shoes. The parts that
were decorated were usually the top of the vamp or the
tongue. The methods of leather decoration were perforation
or tracery cutting. Regrettably, only fragments
of individual parts of decorated shoes have been found.
Due to the fact that the leather of summer shoes is very
thin, the condition of the finds is very poor.
Fig. 6. A mule. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, Inventory Number 2384 (photograph by R. Bračiulienė).

Fig. 7. Decorated shoe parts. Klaipėda, 3 Kurpių St, mid-16th century (photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
195

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
196
Shoes found at 10 Žvejų St:
second half of the 17th century
Due to the fact that the samples described below have
already been conserved and restored (the conservation
and restoration work was carried out by Sandra
Garšvienė, a senior restoration expert at the P. Gudynas
Restoration Centre of the Lithuanian Art Museum),
certain inner and intermediate shoe parts will not be
described, as it was not considered desirable to take
the exhibits apart.
The samples were found in the cultural layer from the
late 17th century.
Shoes from the second half of the 17th century can be
clearly divided into men’s and women’s shoes.
Men’s shoes
Inventory Number 807 (Fig. 8)
A man’s closed-type low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1 Vamp-tongue 1.2
2 Quarter-strap 1–1.8 (at the
strap)
3 Quarter 1
4 Strap 1.3
5 Insole
6 Treadsole with an insert (the
insert is missing)
2
7 Sidestray
8 Strap reinforcements 1.3
9 Heel stiffener for the inner
counter
10. Side reinforcements, 2 pieces 0.5
The vamp-tongue covers the upper fore part of the foot
and the fore part of the sides. The toe is rounded and
tapered. The contour of the tongue is rounded. There
are two openings in the tongue that correspond to the
openings in the straps.
The vamp and the quarters are stitched together with an
overlapped seam.
The height of the quarter is 55 millimetres. In the heel
part, the quarters are joined with a butted seam.
The quarter of one side is joined to the strap with a
butted seam, while the other strap and the quarter are
made from one piece.
Both straps have reinforcements of an identical shape
on their inner side. The straps are triangular in shape.
Their length is 47 millimetres. The width at the wide
end is 41 millimetres, and 12 millimetres at the narrow
end. The reinforcements are attached with a hiddenwhipped
seam.
The side reinforcements are wide bands in shape. They
are placed inside the shoe at the quarters and attached
with an overlap-whipped seam and a hidden seam. The
width of the band is 26 millimetres.
The heel stiffener is half-rounded.
The sidestray is sewn in the heel part at the top from
the inner side. It is band-shaped, its width is eight millimetres,
and it is sewn on with an overlap-whipped
seam and a hidden seam.
The insole and the treadsole are not profiled, and have
a rounded tapered toe part. The length of the treadsole
is 245 millimetres. The width of the treadsole at the
flexible part of the foot is 90 millimetres, and 55 millimetres
at its narrow part. The insert of the treadsole,
its heel part, is missing. No welt was found.
The shoe upper parts are joined to the bottom with an
overlapped seam and a closed seam.
The total length of the low-cut shoe is 270 millimetres.
This shoe is of a simple construction, and is designed
for everyday wear by ordinary townsfolk.
Inventory Number 652 (Fig. 9)
A teenager’s closed-type leather low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 2
2. Tongue 1.5
3. Quarter-straps, 2 pieces 0.8–1
4. Insole 3
5. Fragments of intermediate
treadsole layers
1–2
6. Fragments of the decorative
welt
7. Wooden nails
The vamp covers the whole upper part of the foot. The
toe is an indistinct trapezium in shape, and rounded
due to wear. At the instep, the contour is cut evenly. Attached
to it with a butted seam there is a quadrangular
tongue of 58 by 84 millimetres in size. The thickness
of the leather is 1.8 millimetres.

Fig. 8. A man’s low-cut shoe. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory Number 807, second half of the 17th century (photograph by
R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 9. A teenager’s low-cut shoe. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory Number 652, second half of the 17th century (photograph
by R. Bračiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
197

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
198
The height of the quarters is 49 millimetres, and 66
millimetres at the heel part. The quarters are joined together
at the counter with a butted seam.
At the top, the quarter is lengthened forwards and
forms a fastening strip. The straps are knotted at the
foot instep with shoe-strings, or possibly with a smart
textile ribbon. The straps have incisions at their ends
for shoe-strings. The width of the straps is 17 millimetres.
In the lower part of the low-cut shoe, we can see that
the shoe treadsole bottom part set, beside the insole,
consists of at least six inner and intermediate treadsole
layers (at least, that is the number of layers that could
be counted). Only the heel part has survived. It is not
leather layer separation, as indicated by the fact that
the layers are neatly placed above the heel and bear
traces of stitching.
The toe of the surviving insole is trapezium-shaped. Its
width at the flexible part of the foot is 64 millimetres,
and 41 millimetres at its narrowing. The insole is profiled,
and the treadsole must have been profiled, too.
The welt is 14 millimetres in width. It has survived at
the heel part. The bottom parts of the shoe are joined to
the vamp and the quarters with a closed stitch.
The heel is multi-layered, and consists of a number
of heel lifts nailed together with wooden nails. A total
of seven wooden nails can be seen. The heel lifts are
placed in descending order downwards. Therefore, the
heel cross-section is trapezium-shaped. The height of
the heel is 38 millimetres. The dimensions of the lift
are 62 by 68 millimetres at the top, and 57 by 49 millimetres
at the bottom.
Morphological research into the leather of this low-cut
shoe and a microchemical analysis of the thread fibre
taken from the low-cut shoe toe were carried out. 1 The
conclusions are that the thread fibre is of plant origin.
The low-cut shoe is made of cattle leather (here and
there, the surface of the leather is worn away and no
grain pattern can be seen).
The vamp covers the upper fore part of the foot and
part of the sides. The vamp toe is slightly angular and
rounded due to wear. A quadrangular-shaped tongue
flared upwards is sewn to the vamp at the instep with a
butted seam. Its dimensions are 60 by 127 millimetres.
1 The research was carried out at the P. Gudynas Restoration
Centre by the researchers L. Grabauskaitė and S.
Garšvienė.
Inventory Numbers 650 and 653
(Fig. 10, 10a, 10b)
A pair of man’s closed-type low-cut shoes.
The available parts:
Item No. Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 3
2. Tongue 1.3
3. Quarter-straps 1.8
4. Decorative part, a strap 2
5. Insole
6. Welt 0.3
7. Decorative welt
8. Treadsole 5
9. Layered heel
10. Wooden nails
At the top, the quarters are lengthened forwards and
form a fastening strip. The straps join each other at
the instep. The straps were supported with a metal
buckle, which is missing. However, its imprint in the
leather can still be seen. A decorative strap was passed
through this buckle. Its function is purely decorative.
The length of the strap is 148 millimetres, its ends are
flared. The width in the centre is 20 millimetres, and 36
millimetres at the ends.
In the heel part, the quarters are joined with a butted
seam. The height of the quarters in the heel part is 77
millimetres, and 59 millimetres at the ankle. The quarters
are attached to the vamp with a butted seam.
A fragment of a decorative welt has survived (it is
missing in the fore part of the foot).
The treadsole is profiled, with a rounded toe part. Its
length is 260 millimetres (the length of the foot must
have been approximately 270 millimetres). The width
at the flexible part of the foot is 90 millimetres, 55
millimetres at its narrowing, and 73 millimetres at the
heel.
The heel is multi-layered, its height is 30 millimetres,
and its cross-section is trapezium-shaped. The heel was
formed out of a number of heel lifts placed in descending
order. The lifts are nailed together with wooden
nails. There are nine surviving nails (Fig. 10c).
The total length of the low-cut shoe is 275 millimetres.
Judging by the treadsole length and the model, these
shoes belong to the same pair. However, there are certain
differences between them too. The toe of shoe
Inventory Number 653 is covered with a patch, and a
similar patch is attached at the inner counter. The treadsole
of this low-cut shoe is compounded (the treadsole

Fig. 10 A pair of men’s low-cut shoes in
situ. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory
Numbers 650 and 653, second half of the
17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 10a. A pair of man’s closed-type
low-cut shoes. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St,
Inventory Numbers 650 and 653, second
half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 10b. A man’s low-cut shoe heel.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory Number
650, second half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
199

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
200
of shoe Inventory Number 650 is one-piece). Besides,
not a single strap has survived. The other strap of this
low-cut shoe is continuous with a quarter (the quarterstraps
of the other low-cut shoe are identical). As for
this low-cut shoe (Inventory Number 653), one strap
had been sewn on, but it broke off and is missing.
Furthermore, we can see that shoe Inventory Number
653 is more worn, and its vamp is torn.
Judging by the wear of the heel and the direction of
the treadsole, we can see that shoe Inventory Number
653 was worn on the left foot, and Inventory Number
650 on the right foot. It looks as if these low-cut shoes
belonged to the same pair.
Inventory Number 647 (Fig. 11.1-2)
A man’s closed-type low-cut shoe
Item Part description Leather thickness,
No.
millimetres
1. Vamp-tongue 1.8
2. Quarter-strap 1.1
3. Quarter 1
4. Strap 0.8
5. Insole
6. Side reinforcements
7. Sidestray (in the toe)
8. Compounded treadsole 3
9. Decorative welt
10. Layered heel
11. Wooden nails
The vamp covers the entire fore part of the foot and
part of the sides. At the instep, the vamp passes into a
wide tongue, flared at the top. Its width here is 210 millimetres.
At the top, its contour is cut slightly rounded.
In the vamp at the instep, there are two openings four
to five millimetres in diameter, through which a decorative
detail, a ribbon, was passed. The toe is distinctly
angular, and the corners are open. The width of the toe
is 67 millimetres.
The height of the quarters (at the ankle) is 66 millimetres,
and 94 millimetres at the heel part.
The quarters are stitched to the vamp with a butted
seam. The same kind of seam was used to stitch them
at the heel part.
One quarter is continuous with the strap; the other
quarter has a strap sewn on. The length of the strap is
65 millimetres; the straps also have openings, through
which a ribbon was passed, just as through the openings
in the vamp.
The joining method of the upper and lower parts is a
welt. Everything is stitched with a closed seam.
The treadsole was compounded. The fore part of the
treadsole is missing.
The heel is multi-layered, and consists of a number
of lifts nailed together with wooden nails. The crosssection
of the heel is a trapezium in shape. The height
of the heel is 37 millimetres. The direction of the treadsole
indicates that it was a low-cut shoe worn on the
right foot.
The total length of the low-cut shoe is 300 millimetres.
Judging from paintings by Dutch painters of the late
17th century, low-cut shoes of this type were worn by
townsfolk belonging to the richer section of the population
(Fig. 11.2).
Inventory Number 309 (Fig. 12)
A (man’s?) mule.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 0.3
2. Welt fragment
3. Insole 1
4. Two parts of the treadsole 1
The vamp covers the upper fore part of the foot and
part of the sides. The vamp leather at the part where
the foot is put into the shoe is flapped, and the edge is
finished with an overlap-whipped seam and a hidden
seam. The toe is rounded and tapered.
At the very tip of the toe part, there is a horizontal incision
33 millimetres long.
The welt is made of a folded 12-millimetre-wide leather
band. The welt has survived at the heel only.
The length of the treadsole is 245 millimetres. The toe
part of the treadsole is rounded and slightly pointed.
The width at the flexible part of the foot is 82 millimetres,
63 millimetres at its narrowing, and 82 millimetres
at the heel. The treadsole parts were joined with an
overlapped seam.
The vamp was joined to the treadsole layers with a
closed seam.
The treadsole consists of two parts, the fore part of the
foot underside and the heel part. These parts are not
joined, as the treadsole has no middle part. The treadsole
is badly worn through, especially at the flexible
part of the foot.
The total length of the mule is 254 millimetres.

Fig. 11.1-2. A man’s low-cut shoe. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory Number 647, second half of the 17th century (photograph
by R. Bračiulienė). 2 Detail of Gerard ter Borch’s painting ‘The Suitor’s Visit’, 1658 (oil on canvas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
201

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
202
Fig. 12. A man’s mule. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory Number 309, second half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Women’s shoes
Inventory Number 651 (Fig. 13)
A woman’s closed-type low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Compounded vamp 1
2. Shoe-string 2
3. Insole
4. Welt 1
5. Treadsole lift 3.8
6. Treadsole with an insert (the
fore foot part of the insert is
missing)
1.4
7. Top lift 4.5
8. Quarter facing
9. Heel stiffener for the inner
counter
10. Metal nails
The entire vamp of the upper consists of three parts:
one part covers the toes, the second part covers the
middle top part of the foot at the instep, and the third
one covers the top part of the instep, and passes into the
quarters, which join each other at the heel part. All the
parts are stitched together with a closed seam.
One side is patched. The patch is semi-circular in
shape. Its dimensions are 112 by 43 millimetres. The
patch is sewn on with an overlapped seam. The patch
leather thickness is 1.1 millimetres.
The height of the quarter is 72 millimetres. The vamp
contour is flapped inwards at the top and stitched with
a hidden-whipped seam.
The heel part is stitched with a closed seam.
The upper has an incision 76 millimetres long at the
instep. On either side of the incision there are four
holes, through which a shoe-string made of a four-tofive-millimetre-wide
leather band tapered to three millimetres
at the ends is passed. From the inner side of
the upper at the incision, there is a quarter facing. The
quarter facing is stitched to the vamp with an overlapped
seam and a hidden-whipped seam.
The insole, just like the treadsole, is profiled with a
pointed toe part. The insole width at the flexible part of
the foot is 64 millimetres.
The length of the treadsole is 243 millimetres.
The welt is continuous. Its width is seven millimetres.
The only surviving part of the treadsole is the insert
of the middle and the heel parts. The treadsole width
at the narrowing is 51 millimetres, and 69 millimetres
at the heel.
The top lift is nailed with metal nails, the total number
of which is 22. Judging by the direction of wear, this
low-cut shoe was worn on the left foot.
The heel lift for the inner counter is semi-circular in
shape. It is attached to the vamp quarters with an overlap-whipped
seam and a hidden seam.
The total length of the low-cut shoe is 250 millimetres.

Fig. 13. A woman’s low-cut shoe.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St,
Inventory Number 651,
second half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 14a. A pair of woman’s shoes.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St,
Inventory Number 656 and 657,
second half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 14b. A woman’s shoe heel.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, Inventory
Number 656 and 657, second half
of the 17th century (photograph
by R. Bračiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
203

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
204
Inventory Numbers 656 and 657
(Fig. 14a; 14b)
A pair of women’s shoes.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp toe 1
2. Toe cap 1
3. Quarters 1
4. Textile lining of the quarters
5. Slipsole fragment
6. Insole
7. Decorative welt
8. Treadsole with an insert 1.5–3
9. Layered heel
10. Wooden nails
The vamp toe has only survived in one (left-foot) shoe,
Inventory Number 656. Both toe caps have survived.
The toes are pointed.
The quarters are flapped outwards nearly horizontally
due to wear. They do not join each other at the heel.
The height of the quarters is 17 to 25 millimetres.
The left shoe also has surviving fragments of the quarter
lining, and a fragment of the treadsole slipsole.
The width of the lining bands is ten to 14 millimetres.
One band is made of a thicker fabric (apparently felt),
the other is made of a thinner textile fabric of thinner
weaving.
A slipsole fragment has survived in the fore part of the
foot. This one is also made of a bright fabric of thin
weaving. The insole is profiled, with a pointed toe part.
Its length at the flexible part of the foot is 65 millimetres,
37 millimetres at the narrowing, and 47 millimetres
at the heel.
The welt is continuous.
The treadsole has a pointed toe part, and is profiled. It
is joined from two parts in the middle. Its length is 235
millimetres, its width at the flexible part of the foot is
77 millimetres, at the narrowing 49 millimetres, and at
the heel part 57 millimetres.
The heel is multi-layered and made up of a number of
heel lifts placed in descending order. The cross-section
of the heel is a trapezium shape. The lifts are nailed together
with wooden nails. There were six wooden nails
in total, but only four have survived. The dimensions
of the top lift are 64 by 52 millimetres. Those of the
bottom lift 33 by 32 millimetres. The height of the heel
is 39 millimetres.
The shoe bottom set parts were stitched together with
an overlapped seam. The quarters and the treadsole
parts were stitched together with a closed seam. The toe
cap was joined to the vamp with an overlap-whipped
seam and a hidden seam.
The total length of the shoe is 240 millimetres.
It can be assumed that part of the vamp of these shoes
was made of textile: silk (if they were summer shoes),
or felt (if they were winter shoes). However, the textile
has not survived, and it is not clear what kind of upper
it was. It is only certain that the quarters bear vague
traces of stitching, which indicates that something was
sewn on to them.
Inventory Number 648 (Fig. 15, 15a)
A woman’s mule.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 1.5
2. Insole 0.8
3. Treadsole lift 0.5
4. Heel cover 0.3
5. Wooden heel
6. Flapped treadsole
7. Top lift 3.5
8. Decorative welt (a fragment)
9. Wooden nails
The vamp covers the fore upper part of the foot. The
toe is pointed. The width of the vamp at its widest point
is 115 millimetres.
The vamp is decorated with bands cut in the leather
and grouped by two bands. In total, there are three such
groups of bands. The edge of the vamp at the instep
is flapped inwards and stitched with a hidden-whipped
seam.
The heel was wooden. It was covered with a leather
cover and stitched together with a butted seam at the
rear.
The top lift is semi-circular in shape and nailed to the
heel with wooden nails.
The joining method of the top and bottom part sets is
a welt.
The width of the decorative welt is nine millimetres.
The treadsole and the insoles are profiled, with a pointed
toe part. The treadsole is flapped. The width of the
treadsole is 84 millimetres, 54 millimetres.

The height of the heel is 32 millimetres. It is made of
wood.
The total length of the mule is 270 millimetres.
Children’s shoes
Inventory Number 654 (Fig. 16)
A children’s closed-type low-cut shoe.
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp-tongue 1.3
2. Quarter-straps, 2 pieces 1.3
3. Heel stiffener for the inner counter 0.8
4. Fragment of the decorative welt 1
The vamp-tongue covers the entire upper part of the
foot, and its reinforcements cover part of the sides. The
toe is vague, because the toe part was cut through in a
Fig. 15. A woman’s mule in situ.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St,
Inventory Number 648, second
half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
Fig. 15a. A woman’s mule.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St,
Inventory Number 648, second
half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
half-rounded line as the child’s foot grew and the life
of the shoe was extended. Judging by the shape of the
insole toe part, it must have been trapezium-shaped.
The tongue is quadrangular and flared at the top. Its
length is 54 millimetres, and the width at the top is 62
millimetres. The tongue, just like the straps, has two
round openings for shoe-strings, most likely a smart
textile ribbon.
The height of the quarters is 41 millimetres, and 52
millimetres at the heel part. At the counter, the quarters
are joined together with a closed seam. The same
type of seam was used to join them to the vamp. The
seams are distinct. They might have served decorative
purposes too.
The welt is nine to 14 millimetres wide.
The parts that have not survived are the treadsole and
the heel. The fact that there must have been a heel is
attested to by traces of nailing in the heel part of the
insole.
At the top, the quarters are lengthened forwards and
form a fastening strip. The straps at the foot instep are
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
205

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
206
knotted with a ribbon. At their ends, the straps have
oval-shaped holes seven by five millimetres in diameter,
which correspond to the position of the holes in
the tongue. This indicates that a ribbon was used to
attach the straps to the tongue. The length of the strap
is 39 millimetres, it is trapezium-shaped, and its width
at the narrow end is 18 millimetres.
The total length of the low-cut shoe is 145 millimetres.
The vamp and the quarters are attached to the insole at
the bottom with a closed seam.
Morphological research into the leather of this low-cut
shoe and a microchemical analysis of the thread fibre
taken from the treadsole seam of the low-cut shoe toe
were carried out.¹ The conclusions are that the thread
fibre is of plant origin. The low-cut shoe is made of cattle
leather (here and there, the surface of the leather is
worn away, and no grain pattern can be seen).
¹ The research was carried out at the P. Gudynas Restoration
Centre by the researchers L. Grabauskaitė and
S. Garšvienė.
Remakes of children’s low-cut shoes
(mules) (Fig. 17.1-3)
Inventory Number 655
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1. Vamp 2–2.1
2. Quarters (trimmed) 2
3. Heel stiffener for the inner counter
(trimmed)
2
4. Insole 2.1
5. Heel lifts, 4 pieces 0.5–1.5
Fig. 16. A child’s low-cut shoe.
Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St,
Inventory Number 654,
second half of the 17th century
(photograph by R. Bračiulienė).
The vamp covers the fore upper part of the foot. It is
made of rather thick (two to 2.1-millimetre) leather.
The vamp is decorated at the instep with oval-shaped
holes. The dimensions of a hole are five by three millimetres.
There are ten such holes in total. They are
arranged irregularly.
The contour of the vamp has oval-shaped depressions
at the instep. The low-cut shoe was of an open type,
worn in summer.
It is evident that there was a tongue sewn on to the
vamp, because traces of stitching can still be seen.
When the low-cut shoe was being remade into a mule,
the tongue was removed.
The quarters and the heel stiffener for the inner counter,
the shape of which corresponds to the shape of the
quarters, were cut off too. The line of the cut-off is uneven.
The length of the insole is 159 millimetres. Its toe part
is rounded and tapered. The width at the flexible part
of the foot is 64 millimetres, 43 millimetres at its narrowing,
and 47 millimetres at the heel. The insole is
profiled.
There are four surviving heel lifts, which are stitched
together with an overlapped seam. In the middle of the
heel lift, two tiny holes used for nailing the lift to each
other can be seen.
The upper and bottom sets of this shoe are joined to
each other with a closed seam. No welt was found.
The total length of the shoe is 170 millimetres.

Fig. 17. Remakes of children’s low-cut shoes (mules): 1 Inventory Number 649; 2 Inventory Number 655; 3 Inventory
Number 853. Klaipėda, 10 Žvejų St, second half of the 17th century (photographs by R. Bračiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
207

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
208
Inventory Number 649
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1 Vamp 0.5
2 Quarters (trimmed) 1
3 Inner counter (trimmed) 3
4 Compounded insole 1.1
5 Compounded treadsole 3
6 Heel lift 3
This is a double or even a triple vamp, or a vamp on
to which a toe cap is placed, which covers more than
half of the fore part of the foot. It is probably a multilayered
compounded decorative vamp, because a third
layer can be seen. However, the third layer was cut off
when the low-cut shoe was being remade into a mule.
On one side of the vamp, at the instep, there is an incision.
On one side of the incision there are two surviving
holes for shoe-strings.
As has been mentioned before, the quarters are cut off,
and the line is uneven.
The inner counter is made of rather thick (three-millimetre)
leather. It is cut off, too.
The insole is compounded. The parts are joined at the
flexible part of the foot.
No welt was found.
The length of the treadsole is 168 millimetres. It is profiled,
and has a rounded toe part. Its width at the flexible
part of the foot is 53 millimetres, 37 millimetres
at its narrowing, and 53 millimetres at the heel. The
treadsole is compounded. The parts are joined in approximately
the middle with a butted seam. The thickness
of the treadsole is three to 3.2 millimetres.
It should be pointed out that the entire bottom set has a
quadrangular cut-out of 31 by 36 millimetres in size at
the flexible part of the foot: that is, all the layers are cut
through. It is quite possible that the shoe was prepared
for patching, but then they changed their minds.
One heel lift has survived too. It is nailed to the treadsole
with small metal nails, a few of which have survived.
The thickness of the heel lift is three millimetres.
Here and there it is worn.
No welt was found.
The vamp and the treadsole are stitched together with
a closed seam. Other parts of the bottom set, just as
in the examples described above, are stitched together
with an overlapped seam.
The total length of the shoe is 175 millimetres.
Inventory Number 853
The available parts:
Item
No.
Part description Leather
thickness,
millimetres
1 Vamp 1.8–3
2 Toe cap
3 Quarters (trimmed) 2.5
4 Insole
5 Fragment of the slipsole,
and intermediate part of the
treadsole
1
6 Fragment of the treadsole 2
7 Fragment of the decorative
welt
The toe part of the vamp is pointed. The very tip is
worn away. Inside, a toe cap which follows the pointed
shape can be seen. The very tip is either worn away or
cut off.
The quarters are cut off. The remaining height is a
mere 11 to 13 millimetres. The line of the cut-off is
uneven. The quarters are stitched to the vamp with a
closed seam.
The length of the insole is 180 millimetres. It is not
profiled and gets wider at the flexible part of the foot
only. At this place, its width is 50 millimetres, and the
width at the heel is 38 millimetres. The toe part of the
insole is pointed.
Only a fragment of the treadsole, its middle part and
the part at the heel, has survived. The thickness of the
treadsole is three millimetres. At the heel, distinct traces
of wooden nails can be seen. However, the heel is
missing, although its traces are quite distinct.
The width of the welt is approximately eight millimetres.
The welt has survived in the middle and heel part.
Just like the entire bottom set, it is worn away in the
fore part of the foot. The underside of the low-cut shoe
and the mule, which was made from the shoe at a later
time, is badly worn out.
The bottom set of this shoe is stitched together with
an overlapped seam. The vamp is stitched to the insole
and the welt with a closed seam.
The total length of the shoe is 200 millimetres.

In my opinion, these remakes of low-cut shoes, mules,
indicate that high-quality shoes were made in general.
If one can make a mule from a worn-out low-cut shoe
and wear it until the treadsoles get worn through, this
indicates that the shoes were robust and of high quality.
Foot lengths of Klaipėda dwellers in
the 16th and 17th centuries
When making a judgement about foot length, we
should bear in mind that the foot rests on part of the
quarters and part of the inner counter. Therefore, the
measurement of the treadsole alone does not provide
accurate information on the wearer’s foot length. We
should pay attention to the ‘trampling down’ of the
quarters and the inner counter when the shoes were
worn. Shoes were measured from the extreme point of
the toe of the fore end to the extreme point of the inner
counter.
Lengths of the shoe samples
No 10 Žvejų St.
Men’s: 27 to 30 centimetres
Women’s: 24 to 25 centimetres; the mule: 27 centimetres
Children’s: 14.5 to 21 centimetres
No 3 Kurpių St.
Men’s: 26.5 centimetres
The mule, low-cut shoes: 20 centimetres
Thus, we can see that shoes dating back to the mid
and late 16th century are slightly smaller. However, it
should be pointed out that we still have too few shoe
samples available to determine the fluctuations of foot
sizes more precisely, when comparing the 16th and the
17th centuries.
Conclusions
To summarise what has been stated before, we can
claim that in the 16th and 17th centuries shoe fashion
trends in Klaipėda were more or less the same as in
Germany and the Scandinavian countries. This is il-
lustrated by the examples of shoes worn by people in
paintings by Dutch painters of the 16th to the late 17th
century: Pieter Bruegel, Pieter de Hooch, Gerard ter
Borch and Jan Steen.
We can also claim that the inhabitants of Klaipėda, especially
in the 17th century, used to wear diverse models
of shoes: with or without a heel, closed-type and
open-type low-cut shoes, shoes with decorated trimming
details, ribbons, buckles and straps. We also notice
differences between women’s and men’s shoes in
terms of their shape, treadsole profile and size.
Furthermore, we can notice a seasonal character to the
shoes: summer shoes were decorated with all kinds of
tracery cuttings, perforations, and so on, which added
to both the coolness and the aesthetic look of the shoes.
Therefore, shoes from Klaipėda possess all the traditional
features of classification. That is, in terms of season,
winter/summer shoes; in terms of gender, men’s/
women’s; in terms of age group, adults’/children’s; in
terms of purpose, everyday/smart; in terms of type,
primitive shoes/open-type and closed-type low cut
shoes/shoes/mules. When making a comparison with,
let us say, material from Vilnius, boots and ankle shoes
are missing in Klaipėda. One possible reason for this
might be the fact that the boot-legs of worn-out boots
were cut and reused for parts of new shoes.
References
Manuscripts
GENYS J., 1981. Pastato Klaipėdoje, Kurpių g. 4 rūsiai.
Archeologinių tyrimų ataskaita. Klaipėda, 1981(unpublished
excavations report). In: Archive of Lithuanian Institute
of History, Fund 1, file 867.
GENYS J., 1997. Archeologinių tyrinėjimų Klaipėdoje,
Sukilėlių gatv. Nr.12, ataskaita 1996 m. Klaipėda, 1997
(unpublished excavation report). In: Archive of Lithuanian
Institute of History Fund 1, file 2733.
Literature
PUŠKORIUS A., 2007. Senojo odinio apavo terminija. Lietuvos
archeologija, 30, 229-256.
Ramunė Bračiulienė
History Museum of Lithuania Minor,
Didžiojo Vandens St 2
LT-91246 Klaipėda,
Lithuania
archeologai@mlimuziejus.lt
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V
EVERYDAY
LIFE
IN KLAIPĖDA
209

The Footwear of Klaipėda
Dwellers in the 16th
and 17th Centuries
RAMUNĖ
BRAČIULIENĖ
210
XVI–XVII A. KLAIPĖDIEČIŲ
APAVAS
RAMUNĖ BRAČIULIENĖ
Santrauka
Šis straipsnis kartu yra ir archeologinių tyrimų metu
Klaipėdoje, Kurpių g. Nr. 3 (2007–2008 metais archeologiniams
tyrimams vadovavo Ieva Masiulienė)
ir Žvejų g. Nr. 10 (2006 metais archeologiniams tyrimams
vadovavo R. Bračiulienė), rastų odinio apavo
pavyzdžių, XVI–XVII a. nešiotų klaipėdiečių, išsamus
katalogas, kuriame aprašomos naginės, pusbačiai, klepės,
vaikiška avalynė ir kt. batai bei pateikiami kai kurie
batų odos tyrimų rezultatai. Aptariama batų forma,
pasiuvimo ypatybės (jungimo būdai, siūlės ir dekoras)
(1–17 pav.). Aprašomi klaipėdiečių apavo pavyzdžiai
yra būdingi Vakarų Europos renesanso ir naujųjų laikų
miestiečių avalynei.

BOOK REVIEW
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
213

Everyday Pottery from Klaipėda
Castle and Klaipėda Old Town
From The Mid-14Th Century to
the 19th Century
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
214
BOOK REvIEw
EvERYDAY POTTERY FROM KLAIPĖDA CASTLE
AND KLAIPĖDA OLD TOwN
FROM THE MID-14TH CENTURY
TO THE 19TH CENTURY
GINTAUTAS ZABIELA
Just before the New Year in 2011, Baltic researchers involved
in historic archaeology received a very rare and
valuable gift. The Museum of the History of Lithuania
Minor in Klaipėda published a book about everyday
pottery or domestic ceramics found in the city’s castle
and the Old Town during archaeological excavations.
To get a better understanding of its value, it is necessary
to make a short review of the role of Klaipėda and
the state of research into regional pottery.
Klaipėda (or Memel in German) nowadays appears
to be the only town and castle in modern Lithuania
Klaipėdos pilies ir senamiesčio buitinė
keramika XIV a. vid. – XIX a. Iš Mažosios
Lietuvos istorijos muziejaus rinkinių.
Domestic ceramics from Klaipėda Castle
and Old Town, mid 14th – 19th century
(From the collections of the History
Museum of Lithuania Minor).
Compilers R. Songailaitė, L. Rutkaitienė.
Klaipėda: Mažosios Lietuvos istorijos
muziejus, 2010 – 152 p.: iliustr.
founded by the Teutonic Order in Medieval times (the
mid-13th century). It was ruled by the Teutonic Order,
secular Prussia (from 1525), and the German Empire
(from 1871), up to the beginning of the 20th century,
remaining the northernmost town, port and fortress of
all these states. This history predetermined the development
of this region of Lithuania. It is particularly evident
in the material culture, including archaeological
finds. In 1252, the Teutonic Order founded Klaipėda
Castle in land that belonged to the Curonians, a Baltic
tribe. However, with the passage of time, tendencies

in the development of the material culture, originating
from German cities and formations, became dominant
both in the castle and in the town. In a wider sense, this
could be treated as the influence of western Europe
over the Baltic Sea region. This influence is particularly
evident from the beginning of the 16th century,
when the town started moving towards its present site.
Archaeological explorations in Klaipėda Old Town
started around 1970, and provide most of the material
illustrating this process. As in any other settlement,
archaeological ceramics (mostly potsherds) make up
the largest part of the finds. However, proper scientific
generalisation is inversely proportional to the quantities
of the material, which happens very often when
dealing with other numerous and abundant material.
In this sense, Klaipėda appeared to be very lucky. The
exploration and analysis of its ceramics started rather
early (Žulkus v. XvI–XIX a. Klaipėdos buitinės keramikos
klasifikacija, Archeologiniai tyrimai Lietuvos
miestų istoriniuose centruose, vilnius, 1981, pp.38,
39, 86, 87). It was collected in a modern way during
archaeological excavations in the 1970s, and included
the period until the middle of the 19th century (the
great Klaipėda fire of 1854 is imprinted in the cultural
layers of most parts of the Old Town). However, the
continuing archaeological research into the castle and
the Old Town formed impressive museum collections
(over 40,000 archaeological finds are mentioned in the
book, pp.7, 10 and 12). In that sense, the situation of
the last decade regarding the knowledge of archaeological
ceramics in Klaipėda hardly differs from the
situation in other towns in Lithuania. More has been
done only in the exploration and analysis of ceramics
in vilnius (in 1999, G. vaitkevičius defended his
doctoral dissertation ‘vilnius Everyday Pottery: 14th
to the 17th centuries’); whereas till now, on the whole,
only late ethnographic ceramics (19th century to the
beginning of the 20th century) have been more widely
presented (‘Lietuvių liaudies menas. Keramika, vilnius,
1959; Lietuvių liaudies keramika. XIX a. vidurys
– XX a. pirma pusė, vilnius, 2006).
There is still a shortage of research on specific historical
periods relating to the whole Baltic region. Belarusian
researchers are probably the most conspicuous
in this field, since they have made a broad analysis of
some types of these ceramics originating from their
joint heritage with the Grand Duchy of Lithuania
(Левко О.Н., Средневековое гончарство северо–
восточной Белоруссии, Минск, 1992; Здановiч Н.I.,
Трусаў А.А., Беларуская палiвная керамiка XI–XVI-
II стст., Мiнск, 1993). A study by the Estonian researcher
Erki Russow about imports of west European
ceramics should also be mentioned (Importkeraamika
Lääne–Eesti linnades 13.–17. sajandil, Tallinn, 2006).
Other related material is either scattered in articles by
other authors or, what is most frequent, is in publications
about specific archaeological objects.
The discussed study appears in this not very cheerful
general context, from a cognitive point of view. Naturally,
it cannot and is not attempting to fill a huge gap
in the exploration and research of ceramics. However,
it lightens the work of other researchers who are interested
in this mass archaeological material. It also
shows it from the point of view of Klaipėda Castle and
the town, introducing it into wider scientific circulation.
How is this done in the reviewed book?
It was carried out by five people, representing the museum
of the History of Lithuania Minor: the archaeologists
Ramunė Bračiulienė and Simona Rauktytė, the
museum director Dr Jonas Genys, the pottery restorer
Liolė Rutkaitienė, and Roma Songailaitė, the head of
archaeology-restoration. They selected and described
examples of ceramics from the catalogue, and prepared
the introductory texts. The resulting book, although a
study, is the result of joint efforts, and many more people
contributed to it: photographers, artists, translators
and editors. All this was done by the museum itself,
and it also received support from the Ministry of Culture.
The publication was prepared by experienced professionals,
and the younger generation (S. Rauktytė)
was also involved in the process. The final result is 500
copies of a colour, A4-size, hardback book, published
in three languages (Lithuanian, English and German).
It is a top-quality publication, on top-quality paper and
with perfect design, which shows that publishing in
Lithuania nowadays corresponds with the west European
level and standards. This is to be followed by a
broader analysis of the content.
The book consists of an introduction, briefly presenting
the museum itself and its archaeological collections,
and a brief characterisation of Klaipėda potters
and pottery (the chapter ‘Briefly about Klaipėda Potters
and Pottery’), taking up almost two pages with
references and brief descriptions of chapters. All the
ceramics presented and introduced in the book are divided
into the following seven categories: 1) different
pots, 59 items described; 2) trivet pods and pans, 39
items; 3) lids, 14 items; 4) plates and dishes, 270 items;
5) water bottles, jars, mugs, cups and bottles, 78 items;
6) candlesticks and glims, eight items; 7) other domestic
items, 43 items. These categories need no further
discussion, since they are all translated into English
(pp.130-140) and German (pp.141-151). The translation
into these languages is complete (it even includes
publishing-related information and item certification),
so we can treat it as ‘three books in one’. It is an additional
facilitation to the foreign reader, although cata-
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
R
REvIEwS
215

Everyday Pottery from Klaipėda
Castle and Klaipėda Old Town
From The Mid-14Th Century to
the 19th Century
GINTAUTAS
ZABIELA
216
logue-type publications are usually without this, as the
illustrations in them dominate. The book contains 506
illustrations (64 utensils have two photographs), with
502 specific ceramic articles, 364 intact and restored
(and also partly restored), and 78 fragments. Each illustration
is certified, and indicates the type of utensil,
the date on the basis of reports about archaeological
research, the place it was found, and the time (they
are absent only in photographs 83, 100, 106, 109, 151,
183, 224, 230, 244, 255, 301, 325, 366, 368, 371, 399,
436: 3 and 5), the basic data (the photographs give no
scale), and the inventory number in the museum. The
photographs in the book are not crowded (each page
has between one and eight, very often three or four),
and the items are presented reduced in scale (from 1.5
to four times), so it is always possible to distinguish all
the details easily. The ceramics presented in the book
were discovered at different times, starting from 1972
and ending in 2010 (as in the case of Klaipėda Castle,
where discoveries were made in the autumn of 2010).
Numbers 7, 11 and 349 could be treated as a peculiar
record in the finding of archaeological material and its
introduction into scientific circulation. very interesting
also is the spread of ceramics in compliance with its
dating. Ten items are dated to the 14th/15th century, 13
to the 15th century, eight to the 15th/16th century, 19 to
the 16th century, one to the early 16th century, five to
the first half of the 16th century, one to the second half
of the 16th century, one to the late 16th century/17th
century, two to the late 16th century/early 17th century,
one to the 16th century/early 17th century, three
to the 16th/17th centuries, 73 to the 17th century, two
to the early 17th century, five to the first half of the
17th century, one to the middle or second half of the
17th century, 25 to the second half of the 17th century,
seven to the late 17th century, four to the second half
of the 17th century/early 18th century, four to the second
half of the 17th century/18th century, three to the
late 17th century/early 18th century, 17 to the late 17th
century/18th century, six to the 17th/18th centuries, 97
to the 18th century, nine to the early 18th century, one
to the first half of the 18th century, two to the middle or
second half of the 18th century, six to the second half
of the 18th century, three to the late 18th century, four
to the second half of the 18th century/early 19th century,
32 to the late 18th century/early 19th century, one
to the late 18th century/first half of the 19th century,
one to the late 18th century/19th century, 57 to the 18th
century/early 19th century, two to the 18th century/first
half of the 19th century, 16 to the 19th century, 36 to
the early 19th century, nine to the first half of the 19th
century, and one to the second half of the 19th century
(No 385). One fragment (No 170) is undated. Another
11 ceramic items are specifically dated, starting with
1683 (No 419) and ending with 1837 (No 223) (they
are utensils, mostly plates and dishes). These statistics
should be useful for potential readers, since they tell us
about everything that it is possible to find in the book.
It is also a good demonstration of the chronological
precision of the material culture related to the Old
Town of Klaipėda and its castle.
The use of too many unconventional abbreviations
is one of the things in the book that could have been
better. One of them is even in the title (‘vid.’, meaning
‘middle’). Fortunately, this hardly comprehensible
point for foreign readers (they cannot be found in dictionaries)
is compensated for by the translations. Also
missing are the details of the pot depicted on the cover
of the book. The book could also have been provided
with a plan of Klaipėda Old Town, with the places of
the finds marked. That would have been very desirable.
Streets indicated in the details of the finds would have
provided them with additional information. Limits for
perfection do not exist.
To sum up, this book is a long-awaited study, important
to the material culture of the Baltic region, which will
very soon become a part of regional research culture.
It could be treated as a very good start for a new local
trend in the processing of large quantities of material.
The research conference ‘Aspects in Research of Urban
Culture in the Middle Ages and Modern Times (on
the Basis of Archaeological Data)’ which took place
at Klaipėda University on 12 and 13 November 2009
is another, more academic, aspect of this work (its
material will be published in a forthcoming issue of
Archaeologia Baltica). The project which the museum
started recently is in every possible way a model that
other museums and research institutions should follow,
as it shows that purposeful and focussed activities lead
to good results. Prestigious names and famous institutions
are not necessary.
Gintautas Zabiela
Klaipėda University Institute of Baltic Sea Region
History and Archaeology
Herkaus Manto St 84
LT-92294 Klaipėda
Lithuania
E-mail: gzabiela@gmail.com

GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS
218
GUIDELINES FOR AUTHORS
Archaeologia Baltica is a semiannual academic refereed
journal published in English about the archaeology
of the regions around the Baltic Sea, with the focus
on the eastern shore of the Baltic. The editorial policy
is to publish a wide range of contributions in all fields
of archaeology related to the Baltic Sea region, from
methodology to synthesis and theory. These may take
the form of substantial research papers (up to 8,000
words) or shorter research reports. Short papers may
include, for instance, new techniques, philosophical
discussions, current controversies and suggestions for
new research, as well as conventional research papers.
Review or overview papers are welcome, as long as
they are sufficiently critical, succinct and make a conceptual
contribution to the field. The submission of a
paper will be held to imply that it represents an original
article, not previously published, and that it is not being
considered for publication elsewhere. Only professionally
translated articles will be accepted
Separate volumes publish materials of international
conferences concerned with archaeological research in
the Baltic Sea region.
Articles for Archaeologia Baltica should be typed
in English, double-spaced on A4 paper, with at least
30-millimetre margins. Submitted articles must include:
• the name(s) and address(es) of the author(s), as
well as an abstract of up to 100 words, and up to
eight key words;
• a summary up to an eighth of the length of the
whole text, for translation into Lithuanian;
• captions for figures and tables supplied separately
and appended to the disc copy of the text;
• numbers and labelling on figures should be in
publishable form, the font size of the numbers and
letters should not exceed 12, figures and tables
should not be bigger than 16 centimetres wide and
24 centimetres high, with thin frames.
Three hard copies and a computer version (in Word for
Windows) of contributions must be submitted to the
Managing Editor. Computer-generated drawings must
be provided in hard copy and digital format (TIFF, EPS
or CDR), the resolution should be not less than 300
dpi.
References should be arranged using the Harvard citation
system (for a full explanation, see http://www.
bournemouth.ac.uk/library/using/harvard_system.
html):
• eg: Thomas 1996, p.10 (citation in the text), references
at the end of a piece of work
• eg: THOMAS, J., 1996. Time, Culture and Identity.
London: Routledge (reference to a book).
• eg: Bantz, C.R., 1995. Social dimensions of software.
In: J.A. ANDERSON, ed. Annual review of
software management. Newbury Park, CA: Sage,
502-510 (reference to a contribution in a book).
• eg: EVANS, W.A., 1994. Approaches to intelligent
information retrieval. Information processing
and management, 7 (2), 147-168 (reference to an
article in a journal).
References in Cyrillic should be transcribed in Roman
letters according to the following system:
Cyrillic Roman
а a
б b
в v
г g
д d
е e
ё e
ж zh
з z
и i
й i
Cyrillic Roman
к k
л l
м m
н n
о o
п p
р r
с s
т t
у u
ф f
Footnotes and endnotes should be avoided if at all possible.
Authors will be contacted by one of the editorial team.
Articles will be submitted to two referees and to a
professional language reviser. Manuscripts will then
be returned with comments. After the completion of
suggested changes (the computer version should be
corrected too), a new manuscript should be sent to the
editors for distribution. Text proofs of papers will be
provided to authors, to which only minor corrections
are allowed.
The whole contents of each publication will be put for
open use. When presenting his/her article for publiction
the author declares passing all the non-material
rights to the publisher and agrees with paper (or abstract)
electronic publication.
One free hard copy of Archaeologia Baltica of each
paper will normally be supplied to the authors.
Archaeologia Baltica volumes are available at: http//www.
ku.lt/leidykla/leidiniai/archaeologia
More detailed information is available from the editors.
Contact us at:
Klaipėda University,
Institute of Baltic Sea Region
History and Archaeology
Herkaus Manto St 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda
Tel. +370-46-398806
Fax +370-46-398805
E-mail: sakaliske@gmail.com
Cyrillic Roman
х kh
ц ts
ч ch
ш sh
щ shch
ъ ”
ы y
ь ’
э e
ю iu
я ia
Archaeologia Baltica can be purchased or ordered from:
Herkaus Manto St 84, LT-92294 Klaipėda
Tel. +370 46 398892
Fax +370 46 398999
E-mail: alfonsas.jankantas@ku.lt

Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16. SETTLEMENTS AND TOWNS
Dedicated to the 50th Birthday of Associate Prof Dr Gintautas Zabiela
Klaipėda, 2011
SL 1335. 2012 09 20. Apimtis 28,5 sąl. sp. l. Tiražas 350 egz. Klaipėdos universiteto leidykla, Herkaus Manto g. 84, 92294 Klaipėda
Tel. (8~46) 398 891, el. paštas: leidykla@ku.lt; spausdino spaustuvė „Petro Ofsetas“, Savanorių pr. 174D, 03153 Vilnius

3.1
1
3.2
3.3
Plate I
AlgirdAs girininkAs
NEW DATA ON PALANGA STONE AGE SETTLEMENT
1. A horn axe with a hole for the shaft; 2. Cone-shaped arrowheads; 3. 1 a bone dagger; 2, 3 bone chisels; 4.1–2 Horn axes
(photograph and drawings by A. Girininkas).
2
4.1
4.2
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
I

Plates
II
1
2
Plate II
ErnEsTAs VAsiliAUskAs
THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOWNS OF THE ŠIAULIAI CROWN ESTATE FROM THE 16TH
TO THE 18TH CENTURY
1. The section of layers of the remains of a mid-16th century stove: 1-4/C (127 Tilžės St, Šiauliai, 2000); 1-3 19th to 20th
century; 4-8 16th century; 8 flooring of burnt planks. ŠAM Pg 5007/ A-Pg 1481 (photograph by A. Šapaitė); 2. The foundations
and the cultural layers of Joniškis brick town hall (4a Miesto Square, 2006): 1, 2 the second half of the 20th century;
3 the second half of the 19th century/the first half of the 20th century (cobbled pavement); 4, 5 19th century; 6 17th to 18th
century; 3. A cobbled pavement and a foundation row in a Joniškis homestead dated to the second half of the 17th century
to the first half of the 19th century (Dariaus ir Girėno St, 2008) (2–3 photographs by E. Vasiliauskas).
3
Fig. 1

1
3 4
2
Plate III
ErnEsTAs VAsiliAUskAs
THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOWNS OF THE ŠIAULIAI CROWN ESTATE FROM THE 16TH
TO THE 18TH CENTURY
1. Shallow pot-shaped stove tiles from Šiauliai dated to the mid-16th century (154 Tilžės St, 2000). ŠAM I-A 212:35, 34;
2. A panel stove tile from Šiauliai dated to the mid-16th century (154 Tilžės St, 2000). ŠAM I-A 212:33; 3. A glazed
polychromatic stove crown-tile from Šiauliai (146 Vilniaus St, 2006). ŠAM I-A 212:82; 4. A panel stove tile (2 to 4 Šiaulių
Senoji St, Joniškis, 2006). JIKM GEK No. 9469/ AR 18:56 (photographs by E. Vasiliauskas).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
III

Plates
IV
Plate IV
ErnEsTAs VAsiliAUskAs
THE DEVELOPMENT OF TOWNS OF THE ŠIAULIAI CROWN ESTATE FROM THE 16TH
TO THE 18TH CENTURY
1-8. Parts of 17th and 18th-century smoking pipes: 1-3 from Joniškis (4b Miesto Square, 2010); 4-8 from Šiauliai.
1-3 JIKM, non-inv.; 4-8 ŠAM I-A 212:3, 1, 4, 24, 25 (photographs by E. Vasiliauskas).

1
2
Plate V
IEVA RĖKLAITYTĖ, BÁRBARA BOLOIX-GALLARDO,
EGLĖ ZAVECKIENĖ
A BRACELET FROM THE LANDS OF THE GOLDEN HORDE FOUND IN THE PALACE OF THE GRAND DUKES
OF LITHUANIA
1. The bracelet from the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania in Vilnius (photograph by Vytautas Abramauskas);
2. Drawings of the bracelet from the Palace of the Grand Dukes of Lithuania in Vilnius (drawings by Gintarė
Kaluškevičiūtė and Jolanta Kanažauskaitė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
V

Plates
VI
1
2
Plate VI
INDRĖ ŠIMKUTĖ
GLASS BOTTLES FROM THE 16TH CENTURY TO THE 19TH CENTURY IN THE OLD TOWN
OF KLAIPĖDA: DATA FROM ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS
1. The type of dark green glass globular-shaped bottle (type B) from the late 17th century to the 18th century. 1 H 20.2 cm,
lip Ø 3.0 cm; 2 H 21 cm, lip Ø 2.8 cm; 3 lip 2.9 cm; 2. The type of quadrilateral-shaped bottles (type D): 1 bore 1.0 cm,
16th century; 2 H 19 cm, early 19th century (photographs by I. Šimkutė).

1
2
Plate VII
GIEDRĖ PILIČIAUSKIENĖ, IEVA MASIULIENĖ
ANIMAL BREEDING AND BUTCHERING: A GLIMPSE FROM OLD KLAIPĖDA
1. The remains of storehouse I and lean-to, preliminarily dated to the late 16th and early 17th centuries; 2. The remains of
storehouse II, preliminarily dated to the 17th century up to 1678 (photographs by I. Masiulienė).
ARCHAEOLOGIA BALTICA 16
VII

Plates
VIII
1
3.1
3.2
Plate VIII
RŪDOLFS BRŪZIS
THE LUXURY LIFESTYLE IN THE NURMUIŽA MANOR
1. The location plan of the Nurmuiža estate in 1827 (after the Paulucci album, vol. 3, from Caune, Ose 2004, p.358);
2. The areas of the archaeological investigations on the Nurmuiža estate, 2008–2009 (after R. Brūzis); 3. 3.1 Oyster shells
from the Nurmuiza manor house; 3.2 ‘Regents of Kloveniersdolen eating oysters’ (Bartolomey van der Helst, 1655, oil,
canvas); 3.3 An Ostrea edulis from the North Sea.
2
3.3