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here - 5th International Conference on Bantu Languages

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Prosodic Phrasing in Copperbelt Bemba<br />

Lee Bickmore, University at Albany, l.bickmore@albany.edu<br />

Nancy C. Kula, University of Essex, nckula@essex.ac.uk<br />

This paper investigates the structure of prosodic phrases in Copperbelt Bemba with the goal of<br />

defining the mechanisms that determine these phrases (in particular, the ph<strong>on</strong>ological phase) and<br />

comparing them to those motivated in closely related languages. A number of syntactic<br />

c<strong>on</strong>figurati<strong>on</strong>s are investigated including verbal complementati<strong>on</strong> and nominal modificati<strong>on</strong>. A<br />

number of ph<strong>on</strong>ological rules have been found to be sensitive to phrase boundaries in Copperbelt<br />

Bemba: (i) Unbounded High Spreading (ii) Inter-word H Spreading and (iii) Inter-word H Fusi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Of these, Unbounded Spreading, is the <strong>on</strong>e which most clearly diagnoses ph<strong>on</strong>ological phrase<br />

boundaries. Specifically, the rightmost H in a word will undergo unbounded spreading if that word<br />

is ph<strong>on</strong>ological phrase-final, but will undergo bounded spreading if another word follows in the<br />

same p-phrase.<br />

Under this diagnostic, within the verbal domain a verb and its complement in V+Adv and<br />

V+Obj c<strong>on</strong>figurati<strong>on</strong>s phrase together in the same ph<strong>on</strong>ological phrase. However in cases w<str<strong>on</strong>g>here</str<strong>on</strong>g> an<br />

object marker is present <strong>on</strong> the verb in V+Object, the object begins a new ph<strong>on</strong>ological phrase. And<br />

if the NP after the verb is not an object, but rather a post-posed subject, then they are also members<br />

of distinct p-phrases. For multiple complementati<strong>on</strong> in V+Obj+Adv and V+Obj+Obj structures, the<br />

verb and following object are part of <strong>on</strong>e p-phrase, but the following word begins a new <strong>on</strong>e. In a<br />

Subj+Verb c<strong>on</strong>figurati<strong>on</strong> the two words are part of different p-phrases.<br />

In the nominal domain the nominal head plus the first following modifier phrase together<br />

and this pattern holds not <strong>on</strong>ly for adjectives, but also for associative phrases. However, in the case<br />

of a sequence of more that <strong>on</strong>e modifier it is <strong>on</strong>ly the modifier immediately following the noun that<br />

phrases together with the noun. The phrasing of adjectives differs between those with and without<br />

the augment, with the former, which can also be regarded as reduced relatives, generally not<br />

phrasing with the nominal head. In cases w<str<strong>on</strong>g>here</str<strong>on</strong>g> more than <strong>on</strong>e adjective is present, the first<br />

‘regular’ n<strong>on</strong>-augmented adjective phrases with the noun while following adjectives, with the<br />

augment, must phrase independently. In c<strong>on</strong>junctive phrases, t<str<strong>on</strong>g>here</str<strong>on</strong>g> is a ph<strong>on</strong>ological phrase break<br />

between the first NP and the c<strong>on</strong>juncti<strong>on</strong>, while the c<strong>on</strong>juncti<strong>on</strong> phrases with the following NP.<br />

In terms of defining these phrases with respect to the syntax, we will show that, as has been<br />

claimed for a variety of other <strong>Bantu</strong> languages, ph<strong>on</strong>ological phrase boundaries (within both verbal<br />

and nominal c<strong>on</strong>structi<strong>on</strong>s) are generally found at the right edges of maximal projecti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

While Copperbelt Bemba is quite similar to other related languages, such as Cilungu<br />

(Bickmore 1997), in how p-phrases are formed, it has several interesting properties which are not<br />

shared. First, the phrasal spreading properties of a H <strong>on</strong> a final or penultimate syllable are distinct<br />

from those <strong>on</strong> a pre-penultimate syllable. We will show that this is due to the fact that t<str<strong>on</strong>g>here</str<strong>on</strong>g> are<br />

word-level t<strong>on</strong>al rules which apply first (Kula & Bickmore forthcoming), which feed the phraselevel<br />

<strong>on</strong>es. Sec<strong>on</strong>d, the other two phrase level processes menti<strong>on</strong>ed above, Inter-Word Spreading<br />

and Inter-Word Fusi<strong>on</strong>, are shown to operate between words of distinct p-phrases, w<str<strong>on</strong>g>here</str<strong>on</strong>g>as in, e.g.<br />

Cilungu, they would not. Finally, we show that the spreading properties of a H depend not <strong>on</strong>ly <strong>on</strong><br />

its overall prosodic c<strong>on</strong>text, but also partially <strong>on</strong> its morphological status, e.g. whether it is an<br />

augment H versus a Root H.<br />

References:<br />

Bickmore, Lee. 2007. Cilungu Ph<strong>on</strong>ology. Stanford: Center for the Study of Language and<br />

Communicati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

Kula, Nancy & Lee Bickmore. Forthcoming. Ternary Spreading and the OCP in Copperbelt Bemba.<br />

Studies in African Linguistics.<br />

GS

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