here - 5th International Conference on Bantu Languages

Upstep in Mbugwe (F34)
Vera Wilhelmsen, Uppsala University. E‐mail: vera.wilhelmsen@lingfil.uu.se
Mbugwe (classified as F34, see Maho 2009) is a tonal Bantu language, with a high (H) tone and a low (L)
default tone. On the surface, however, t<strong>here</strong> are more tone levels, due to phonological processes such
as automatic downstep, a (super) low boundary tone, and upstep in certain contexts. Mbugwe also has
H tone spread (HTS), in which a H tone spreads one mora to the right in most, but not all contexts.
These phonological processes will be exemplified and the rules for when they apply will be given.
Especially upstep will be investigated in detail, and an autosegmental analysis of the phenomenon will
be given.
T<strong>here</strong> are several different kinds of uptrends in Mbugwe. In some cases, when a H tone spreads
one mora to the right, or t<strong>here</strong> are two consecutive H tones, underlyingly, the second mora is realized
higher than the first mora. In both these cases it could be due to peak delay, however, w<strong>here</strong> the peak
of the H tone is not reached until well into the next syllable or mora (see Myers 1999). In other cases,
however, when t<strong>here</strong> are several adjacent H tones underlyingly, the last H tone is realized higher than
the preceding ones, as in (1): The first mora of the verb root is upstepped, and then the H tone spreads
one mora to the right. This mora is at the same height as the upstepped H. This is a clear example of
upstep, and could not be due to peak delay.
(1) vá-á-kó-ꜛ tómám-eyɛ 1
SM3PL‐PST‐OM2PL‐serve‐HEST 2
‘They served us (yesterday).’
The kind of upstep found in Mbugwe is similar to other kinds of upstep, w<strong>here</strong> a H is raised before a L
tone, and specifically t<strong>here</strong> are similarities with Hyman’s 1992 analysis of Kirimi, which is classified as
F32 (Maho 2009), and is quite close to Mbugwe geographically and perhaps genetically . In the paper we
will investigate how this kind of upstep can be represented theoretically, foremost in an autosegmental
analysis. One suggestion is a separate register tier, which may account for the upstep of certain H tones.
(Hyman 1992; Snider 1990; Yip 2002). Given that upstep is rather unusual, at least compared with
downstep, the presentation of new data and a suggestion for a theoretical account of the phenomenon
will put the current theoretical assumptions and models to a test, and hopefully contribute to advance
the field of tone studies in general and in Bantu languages specifically.
Hyman, L.M. 1992. Register tones and tonal geometry. In The phonology of tone: the representation of
tonal register, ed. by Harry van der Hulst and Keith L. Snider, p. 75‐108. Berlin: Mouton de
Gruyter.
Maho, J.F. 2009. NUGL online: The online version of the New Updated Guthrie List‐A referential
classification of the Bantu languages. June 4, 2009. Online file: http://goto. glocalnet.
net/mahopapers/nuglonline. pdf.
Myers, S. 1999. Tone association and F0 timing in Chichewa. Studies in African Linguistics 28. 215‐239.
Snider, K.L. 1990. Tonal upstep in Krachi: evidence for a register tier. Language 66.3, 453‐74.
Yip, M.J.W. 2002. Tone. Cambridge ; New York: Cambridge University Press.
1 An acute accent indicates surface H tones, underlyingly H moras are underlined. Low tones are not marked. An
upwards arrow marks upstep. Evidence that the first moras really are H and not L will be presented in the paper.
2 Abbreviations used which are not from Leipzig Glossing rules: SM: subject marker, OM: object marker, HEST:
hesternal tense.
GS