here - 5th International Conference on Bantu Languages

“Strong Y-“ as an isogloss for Southern Bantu
Jeffrey Wills, University of Zimbabwe, wills@ucu.edu.ua
Two systems of conditioned obstruent changes are well-known and widespread
in Eastern Savannah Bantu — the effects of spirantizing high vowels and of preceding
nasals. But another important set of sound changes affected a smaller group of
languages in Southern Bantu through the impact of the class 5 nominal prefix *(di)-į
and the verbal prefix *jį- on following consonants. Hence, the difference between the
reflexes of proto-Bantu *-kúmì ‘ten’ and the unconditioned outcomes of *k (in
parentheses): N31 Cewa khúmi (k), P31 Makhuwa ni-khúmi ( ), S12 Zezuru gúmí (k),
S21 Venda fúmí (h), S31 Tswana lesómé, S42 Zulu ishumi, S53 Tsonga khume.
This general phenomenon is familiar: many of the relevant changes for
individual languages are recorded in Guthrie’s lists under *yį- clusters, and recent
attention has been given to the effects in individual languages, for example the
detailed papers by Creissels and Schadeberg on Tswana and Makhuwa respectively.
But problems remain and the general system has apparently not been re-examined
since Eiselen presented the significant data for it in 1924. We offer an updated study of
the range of the change, its consequences for language subgrouping, and improved
reconstructions.
First, the range of languages w<strong>here</strong> these changes take place is limited to
Southern Bantu (with the exception of a few distant languages which are argued to
have independent changes). This grouping is both areal and probably genetic (Ehret
also forms this group based on innovations in lexical morphemes). Much of the
evidence for this set of changes comes from irregular and fossilized forms, e.g. Chewa
béle/maéle ‘breast(s)’, indicators of a common antique sound change rather than of
areal borrowing. Before considering the special set of sound changes mentioned
above, it is argued that the regular proto-So.Bantu reflex of non-nasalized PB*j is *y
(not *z as Guthrie).
Because changes to class 5 nouns are often leveled by analogy to class 6,
many languages shows only vestiges of a sound change to initial consonants in those
nouns. The changes are best preserved in the S10 (Shona group) and N30-40
languages (Cewa, etc), from which data the general phonological pattern of the rule
can be reconstructed. Particular attention is given to the effects on the proto-Bantu
voiced obstruents. Fifteen verb stems in *jį- are also examined, as well as some
reflexives, showing the same changes as in Class 5.
The exact phonological path of the changes needs further clarification but it
seems likely that, in many sandhi and word-internal contexts, *-i/į- became a glide that
combined with the following consonant and apparently aspirated it. Accordingly, we
argue that the source of the consonant changes is not a preceding ATR+ vowel per se,
as is usually described, but rather a glide resulting from diphthongization of a high front
vowel. Evidence for this comes from similar changes to C2 after a stem-internal
diphthong, e.g. *bàįj- > Zezuru –veza, Kalanga -bezha, N. Sotho –bêtla (w<strong>here</strong>as
unconditioned *j > y, ). Further evidence for a rule based on a glide rather than the
ATR+ vowel comes from even a few examples with the ATR- front vowel.
The effects of what might be called “strong y-” are similar to those caused by
nasals in some languages (already observed by Bleek) and this has led some to
suggest that į>n. But differing results from *n- and *y- in other languages argue for two
different sound changes, the results of which then merged in some languages, with
further leveling. This may address some of the proto-Bantu reconstruction doublets
with a homorganic nasal infix, which seem to result from a preceding high front vowel.
References: contributions by C. Ehret, D. Creissels, and Th. Schadeberg in J-M.
Hombert & L. Hyman, Bantu Historical Linguistics: Theoretical and Empirical
Perspectives (1999).
GS