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A Grammar of Italian Sequence of Tense - Lear

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130<br />

3.2. Complementizer Deletion<br />

A <strong>Grammar</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Italian</strong> <strong>Sequence</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tense</strong><br />

In section 2.3 I sketched the proposal that the DAR reading arises because the verb must<br />

enter a relation with the highest position in the C-layer. This position in endowed with<br />

the speaker’s temporal (and spatial) coordinates. In this section I’ll provide arguments<br />

in favor <strong>of</strong> this hypothesis.<br />

In standard <strong>Italian</strong> the complementizer introducing indicative clauses cannot be deleted,<br />

contrasting with the complementizer introducing a clause containing a subjunctive<br />

verbal form: 18<br />

(42) Gianni ha detto *(che) è partita<br />

Gianni said that (she) left<br />

(43) Gianni credeva (che) partisse<br />

Gianni believed (that) (she) left<br />

Before analyzing these cases, let me point out that the contrast in (42) and (43)<br />

immediately shows that there is a difference between <strong>Italian</strong> and English, as far as the<br />

omission <strong>of</strong> the complementizer is concerned. In English the generalization is that so-<br />

called bridge verbs admit that deletion, including therefore also verbs <strong>of</strong> saying.<br />

Therefore, the translation <strong>of</strong> a sentence without the complementizer such as (43) would<br />

be perfectly fine in English, whereas it is ungrammatical in (standard) <strong>Italian</strong>.<br />

Consider now what happens with the ipotizzare (hypothesize) examples illustrated<br />

above. The distribution <strong>of</strong> CD is the following:<br />

(44) Gianni ha ipotizzato (che) fosse incinta<br />

Gianni hypothesized (that) (she) was(PAST SUBJ) pregnant<br />

(45) Gianni ha ipotizzato *(che) sia incinta<br />

Gianni hypothesized (that) she is(PRES SUBJ) pregnant<br />

The main verb is a past form in both examples (44) and (45). In (44), where the<br />

embedded verbal form is a past subjunctive –i.e., where the subjunctive form appears<br />

18 . A special proviso holds in Fiorentino, where the deletion seems to be possible even in the indicative<br />

contexts appearing under dire (say), at least in certain cases. I leave the issue open for further research.

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