A Grammar of Italian Sequence of Tense - Lear
A Grammar of Italian Sequence of Tense - Lear
A Grammar of Italian Sequence of Tense - Lear
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152<br />
A <strong>Grammar</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Italian</strong> <strong>Sequence</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tense</strong><br />
be licensed by a non-speaker temporal reference, and the future-in-the-past only by a<br />
superordinate event. 35<br />
6.3. Subjunctive relative clauses<br />
Consider now subjunctive relative clauses. Independently <strong>of</strong> what determines the<br />
presence <strong>of</strong> a subjunctive vs. an indicative, it is possible to see that the distribution <strong>of</strong><br />
the verbal form is as expected, given the discussion so far. Consider for instance the<br />
following examples:<br />
(108) Gianni vuole vedere un film che lo diverta/ *divertisse<br />
Gianni wants(PRES) to watch a movie which amuses(PRES SUBJ/ *PAST SUBJ)<br />
him<br />
(109) Gianni voleva vedere un film che lo divertisse/ *diverta<br />
Gianni wanted(PAST) to watch a movie which amused(PAST SUBJ/ *PRES<br />
SUBJ) him<br />
If the verb <strong>of</strong> the main clause is a present tense, then the embedded subjunctive form is<br />
a present. Conversely, if it is a past, then the embedded verbal form is a past. As<br />
expected, the past subjunctive under a present tense, and the present subjunctive under a<br />
past tense are not acceptable. Again, this pattern is expected under the tense agreement<br />
hypothesis: the subjunctive does not express a temporal relation, but only a<br />
morphological relation.<br />
7. Concluding remarks<br />
In this article I discussed the properties <strong>of</strong> complement and relative clauses in <strong>Italian</strong><br />
with respect to <strong>Sequence</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tense</strong>. I proposed a unified account, able to distinguish<br />
between DAR contexts and non-DAR ones. The DAR effect arises as a double<br />
evaluation <strong>of</strong> the time <strong>of</strong> the embedded event. In DAR clauses the embedded event ends<br />
up being evaluated once with respect to the subject’s coordinates –and this is obligatory<br />
35 . Here I will only address the issue descriptively and will not discuss here why the future-in-the-past<br />
has precisely this property. For further discussion, I refer the reader to Giorgi (2008, ch. 4).