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A Grammar of Italian Sequence of Tense - Lear

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132<br />

A <strong>Grammar</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Italian</strong> <strong>Sequence</strong> <strong>of</strong> <strong>Tense</strong><br />

interpretation is the one expected under normal conditions. In particular, note the DAR<br />

configuration given in (49) is unavailable; hence, the relation between DAR and CD is<br />

just one-way. In any case, as discussed below, this is sufficient for permitting the<br />

establishing <strong>of</strong> a correlation between the two.<br />

At this point the following question must be addressed: What makes CD possible, or<br />

conversely what disallows the DAR? The superordinate predicate certainly has a role,<br />

because it is precisely the main verb, which selects an indicative –never admitting CD<br />

and always requiring the DAR– or a subjunctive –‘in many cases’ permitting CD and<br />

not requiring the DAR. Hence, one might proposes that the DAR –and consequently<br />

absence <strong>of</strong> CD– is a property <strong>of</strong> verbs such as dire, or the speech act ipotizzare, whereas<br />

verbs like credere never permits it.<br />

This hypothesis can be tested. Note that for some <strong>Italian</strong> speakers –even if not for the<br />

author <strong>of</strong> this article– credere (believe) can either select for a subjunctive or for an<br />

imperfect indicative verbal form, without changing its semantic interpretation. Only the<br />

subjunctive option however is compatible with CD. Consider for instance the following<br />

example: 19<br />

(51) (*)Gianni credeva *(che) aveva telefonato Maria<br />

Gianni believed that had(IND IMP) called Maria<br />

‘Gianni believes that Maria called’<br />

even for the speakers who accept the imperfect, CD is impossible, on a par with the<br />

verbs <strong>of</strong> saying such as dire (say), as discussed above.<br />

Given this piece <strong>of</strong> evidence, it follows that CD can neither be regarded exclusively as<br />

due to the main verb, nor to the subjunctive in itself, but must be investigated as a<br />

property stemming from the complex interaction between the two.<br />

Giorgi and Pianesi (2004a) pointed out that in many languages, including some <strong>Italian</strong><br />

dialects such as Salentinian, the complementizer introducing the indicative and the one<br />

introducing the subjunctive have different morphological forms. 20<br />

19 . Crucially the non-imperfect <strong>of</strong> the indicative is unacceptable for all speakers:<br />

(i) *Gianni credeva che Maria ha telefonato<br />

Gianni believed that Maria has(IND) called<br />

20 . On complementizer deletion in <strong>Italian</strong> see also Scorretti (1994) and Poletto (2000, 2001). On<br />

Salentinian, see Calabrese (1984).

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