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Upsetting the Offset - Transnational Institute

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<strong>Upsetting</strong> <strong>the</strong> <strong>Offset</strong><br />

The case of <strong>the</strong> West African Gas Pipeline (WAGP) in a fur<strong>the</strong>r<br />

demonstration of how proposed projects in <strong>the</strong> CDM have been employed to<br />

claim credits for future reductions in gas flaring by multinationals. As one of <strong>the</strong><br />

region’s largest trans-boundary investments <strong>the</strong> WAGP, which is incorporated<br />

in Bermuda, is a 681 km onshore and offshore pipeline meant to transport<br />

natural gas from gas fields in <strong>the</strong> western Niger Delta of Nigeria to selected<br />

consumers in Benin Republic, Togo and Ghana. Construction on <strong>the</strong> WAGP<br />

started in 2004 and was ‘substantially completed’ in 2007. Project promoters,<br />

including Chevron and Shell, stated that WAGP will reduce carbon emissions,<br />

provide cheaper, more reliable and environmentally friendly energy, and foster<br />

economic development and integration in Ghana, Togo, Benin and Nigeria. But<br />

<strong>the</strong> WAGP was linked to a previously existing Escravos-Lagos Pipeline (ELP),<br />

which collects gas from Chevron’s Escravos Gas Plant that was built to process<br />

unflared non-associated gas.<br />

It remains unclear how <strong>the</strong> WAGP would reduce flaring, when it is intended<br />

to process not <strong>the</strong> ‘waste’ gas associated with crude oil that has been flared for<br />

decades, but ra<strong>the</strong>r <strong>the</strong> newer non-associated gas reserves often developed for<br />

export. So <strong>the</strong> question is how Chevron, Shell, <strong>the</strong> Nigerian government and<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r sponsors of <strong>the</strong> WAGP can explain how to end associated gas flaring by<br />

building a pipeline to transport non-associated gas? Interestingly, when this<br />

author and o<strong>the</strong>r citizen-activists confronted Chris Miller, a Chevron official<br />

and project manager of <strong>the</strong> WAGP face to face with this question, Miller<br />

admitted that projections on greenhouse gas emissions reduction from <strong>the</strong><br />

WAGP were ‘<strong>the</strong>oretical’. 16 But such assumptions did not stop Chevron from<br />

continuing to mount a spirited campaign to justify its request for carbon credits<br />

on account of <strong>the</strong> WAGP.<br />

Such <strong>the</strong>oretical estimations of emissions reductions is commonplace in <strong>the</strong><br />

industry, and should disqualify carbon credit seeking corporations for failing to<br />

meet measurability criteria of <strong>the</strong> CDM. Indeed, <strong>the</strong> corporations would fail on all<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r criteria of <strong>the</strong> CDM including additionality, sustainable development,<br />

Environmental Impact Assessment and community consultation.<br />

In Nigeria, gas flaring is also already prohibited and companies like Chevron<br />

and Shell have been paying a penalty for non-compliance. So, oil industry<br />

projects like <strong>the</strong> WAGP claiming to reduce gas flaring cannot be said to provide<br />

any additionality. 17 Also, oil and gas production rarely contributes to economic<br />

development in developing countries. Fifty years of oil and gas development in<br />

Nigeria have resulted in mass impoverishment, as a result of pollution and<br />

mismanagement of oil rents. Dependence on rent from oil and gas have resulted<br />

in <strong>the</strong> abandonment of o<strong>the</strong>r sectors of <strong>the</strong> economy like agriculture and<br />

manufacturing that contribute more to GDP.<br />

Communities in Nigeria and Ghana protested <strong>the</strong> inadequate processes and<br />

content of Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) for <strong>the</strong> WAGP. The draft<br />

EIA was not made available to community people for comments. Copies of <strong>the</strong><br />

draft EIA supposed to be on public display at <strong>the</strong> Lagos State Ministry of<br />

Environment were hidden in <strong>the</strong> office of <strong>the</strong> Permanent Secretary, away from<br />

93

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