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Why are Mexican mayors getting killed by traffickers? The dynamics ...

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profits’ levels determines the baseline price of the bribe, that is to say, the origin of the fairtrade-bribe<br />

line. <strong>The</strong> bold-dashed line represents a well-connected, politically relevant politician<br />

in a non-crucial position. <strong>The</strong> attenuated-dashed line represents a non-connected, politically<br />

irrelevant politician in a crucial position.<br />

[Graph 1 about here]<br />

<strong>The</strong> cost of corruption for politicians is larger as bribes increase in size because hiding a<br />

large amount of illegal profits is increasingly difficult. This explains why some politicians get<br />

moderate bribes even if they could get much more. Mr. (XX -closed source), high-level authority<br />

at Tijuana’s office of the Attorney General (Procuraduria General de Justicia del Estado<br />

de Baja California, PGJE) protected Arellano Felix DTO and yet, had a very modest car and<br />

lived in a very small apartment. He was using his moderately priced bribes only to take their<br />

daughters to private universities (XX -closed source). For politicians thus, the marginal costs<br />

of corruption <strong>are</strong> increasing which means their fair trade bribe is a convex function.<br />

Contrary, the cost of corruption for <strong>traffickers</strong> is smaller as bribes increase. Bribing one<br />

politician reduces the cost of bribing others because it shows the last ones that the probability<br />

of prosecution is low. If others do it, it should not be that dangerous. Corruption is contagious.<br />

Furthermore, corrupt authorities may pressure new authorities to be corrupt. As (XX<br />

-closed source), ex-member of Tijuana police acknowledge, “it is impossible not to [be corrupt],<br />

if you do not get [bribes] your boss will be pissed off because he won’t get his sh<strong>are</strong> of it.” In<br />

very a very well structured corruption market, as is Tijuana local police department, bribes<br />

<strong>are</strong> commonly distributed along the hierarchy <strong>by</strong> chunks. Each member gets a sh<strong>are</strong> of what<br />

their subordinate got, and gives a sh<strong>are</strong> of his profits to his supervisor. Supervisors ask for a<br />

“required quota” to each subordinate. As long as the quote is fulfilled, subordinates can keep<br />

the rest for themselves. Failures to get the quota <strong>are</strong> punished. Non-corrupt officials thus may<br />

become liabilities in corrupted institutions. Because for bribers the marginal costs of corruption<br />

is decreasing, the fair trade bribe for <strong>traffickers</strong> is a concave function.<br />

Result 1: <strong>The</strong> concavity of fair trade bribes (b ′ ) is undetermined; “Sometimes bribing more<br />

is less, not more expensive, and sometimes politicians want small bribes”<br />

Uncertainty plays an important role when determining whether actual bribes will be above<br />

or below fair trade bribes. If the briber is paying a higher bribe than the benefits he gets from<br />

no enforcement, is because the bribee is more powerful than the briber (i.e. the state extorts<br />

<strong>traffickers</strong> and takes part of their profits). <strong>The</strong> opposite is not true. We can imagine a situation<br />

in which the briber is paying less than the benefits he gets from no enforcement (i.e. <strong>traffickers</strong><br />

<strong>are</strong> extorting the state) without the briber being necessarily more powerful than the bribee.<br />

Because of information issues (Axiom 5), and the randomness of violence (Axiom 4), politicians<br />

<strong>are</strong> never certain about the real power of <strong>traffickers</strong>, and <strong>traffickers</strong> may get lucky in a political<br />

14

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