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Why are Mexican mayors getting killed by traffickers? The dynamics ...

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states which can central-enforce and provide public services.<br />

In short, because legal trade increases illegal profits, even very powerful DTOs may find it<br />

harmful to dismantel the state and/or to substitute it <strong>by</strong> a parallel criminal state. Actually,<br />

the best scenario for DTOs is one in which they do not have to take the cumbersome and<br />

overly public task of ruling a country themselves. Traffickers prefer to outsource politics to a<br />

sufficiently strong and centralized government that will ensure the survival of illegal businesses.<br />

<strong>The</strong> paradox of the political/criminal nexus is a simple but powerful one: having a state reduces<br />

operational costs for drug <strong>traffickers</strong> (e.g. provides infrastructure, and increase legal trade) but<br />

also weakens <strong>traffickers</strong> because dealing with the state may entail non-trivial monetary costs<br />

(i.e. bribes).<br />

Lemma 1: Organized crime (i.e. a group of drug <strong>traffickers</strong> (N)) prefers to have a legitimate<br />

state (i.e. a group of politicians (A)) than to become the state, independently its relative<br />

strength (P n ) versus that of the state (P a ).<br />

Given Lemma 1, a question remains as to which would be the mechanism used <strong>by</strong> criminals<br />

and politicians to interact. In the following section, I introduce the traditional way in which the<br />

relationship between politicians and <strong>traffickers</strong> has been understood <strong>by</strong> the literature (“Silveror-lead”<br />

argument).<br />

2 Corruption mechanics: a bargain game between criminals<br />

and politics<br />

<strong>The</strong> political/criminal nexus between organized crime and politicians has so far being understood<br />

as a very straightforward exercise described <strong>by</strong> the “silver-or-lead” dichotomy. Those<br />

politicians ruling in <strong>are</strong>as of interests for <strong>traffickers</strong> have to decide between accepting bribes<br />

(silver) and <strong>getting</strong> <strong>killed</strong> (lead). According to this narrative, bribes <strong>are</strong> determined <strong>by</strong> how<br />

costly corruption is for politicians, as well as <strong>by</strong> the relative power of <strong>traffickers</strong> versus the state<br />

(Bo etal 2006). <strong>The</strong> price of a bribe thus is the outcome of a rational calculation.<br />

<strong>The</strong> price of bribes is determined <strong>by</strong> the relative power of the state versus <strong>traffickers</strong>. As<br />

a government becomes more powerful (i.e. able to enforce law), its ability to extract <strong>traffickers</strong>’<br />

profits via bribes increases. On one side of the spectrum, a powerful government extorts<br />

<strong>traffickers</strong> keeping most of the illegal profits for itself. Such would be the case of Montesinos at<br />

Peru, and the Communist Party at China. On the other side, <strong>traffickers</strong> retain almost all profits<br />

for themselves with small –or non-existent– bribes for authorities. Such would be the world of<br />

trafficker organizations that have managed to work in a virtual autonomy from the state, such<br />

6

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