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draft manuscript - Linguistics - University of California, Berkeley

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Table 2.18: Old Omagua Interrogative Pronouns<br />

mania<br />

maRiamai<br />

aw1R1(ka) 79<br />

maRai 80<br />

makati<br />

maniamai<br />

awa<br />

maRaiRa<br />

maraikua<br />

maniasenuni<br />

how<br />

how<br />

how many<br />

what<br />

where<br />

which<br />

who<br />

why<br />

why<br />

why<br />

Oblique-licensing postpositional nominal enclitics front with the interrogative word, and in such<br />

cases =tipa ∼ =pa attach outside <strong>of</strong> these morphemes, as in (2.46). Reflexes <strong>of</strong> all forms except<br />

maRiamai ‘how’ and maniasInuni ‘why’ are attested synchronically. The form maniamai synchronically<br />

means ‘what type <strong>of</strong>’, and not ‘which’.<br />

(2.46) maRipupetipa Dios yaw1k1 upakatu maRainkana?<br />

maRi =pupe =tipa Dios yaw1k1 upa =katu maRain =kana<br />

what =instr =interr God make all =intsf thing =pl.ms<br />

‘With what did God make all things?’<br />

(example (5.3a))<br />

Note the compositionality <strong>of</strong> the Old Omagua words for ‘why’, which are based on maRai ‘what’<br />

and mania ‘how’, the latter <strong>of</strong> which in its function in “why-words” we gloss as ‘what action’.<br />

Proto-Omagua-Kokama words for ‘why’ can be reconstructed as in Table 2.19, with a quadripartite<br />

distinction based on the word class <strong>of</strong> the questioned constituent and whether or not it is the purpose<br />

or cause <strong>of</strong> an event in question. The ‘Response’ column indicates the morpheme that attaches to<br />

the relevant constituent in the response.<br />

Table 2.19: Proto-Omagua-Kokama Words for ‘why’<br />

POK Response Questioning Translation<br />

*maRaiRa =Ra purpose in order for what thing<br />

*maRaikua =ikua cause because <strong>of</strong> what thing<br />

*maniasenuni =senuni purpose in order for what action<br />

*maniaikua =ikua cause because <strong>of</strong> what action<br />

The distinctions between these forms have nearly collapsed completely in the modern languages,<br />

with maniasenuni having fallen out <strong>of</strong> modern Omagua entirely, and neither maniasenuni or maniaikua<br />

attested in Kokama-Kokamilla. However, some distinctions are preserved in Old Omagua.<br />

Namely, answers to questions with maRaiRa are nominal and marked by =Ra (synchronically a purposive<br />

that appears only on nouns), and answers to questions with maniasenuni are verbal and<br />

37

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