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IPR - Institute for Policy Research - Northwestern University

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Politics, Institutions, and Public <strong>Policy</strong><br />

< Quality of Democracy<br />

As more of the world turns democratic, scholars have<br />

begun to worry about the quality of new democracies.<br />

Many suffer from weak rule of law, low government<br />

accountability, and high rates of corruption. Andrew<br />

Roberts aims to produce a workable concept of<br />

democratic quality and to find appropriate ways of<br />

studying quality. His <strong>for</strong>thcoming book, “The Quality<br />

of Democracy in Eastern Europe: <strong>Policy</strong> Re<strong>for</strong>ms and<br />

Public Preferences” from Cambridge <strong>University</strong> Press,<br />

provides a comprehensive analysis of the quality of<br />

democracy via issues of electoral accountability, policy<br />

responsiveness, and the in<strong>for</strong>mativeness of political<br />

campaigns in 10 Eastern European countries. He argues<br />

that politicians of Eastern European democracies are far<br />

more responsive and accountable to the public than is<br />

often assumed.<br />

< Electoral Laws and Women’s Representation<br />

Along with <strong>Northwestern</strong> political scientist Jason<br />

Seawright, Andrew Roberts is investigating the determinants<br />

of women’s<br />

representation in national<br />

legislatures. In particular,<br />

the two scholars probe<br />

conventional wisdom that<br />

proportional electoral<br />

rules increase the percentage<br />

of women elected<br />

to assemblies. Currently,<br />

women occupy only 18<br />

percent of legislative<br />

seats around the world,<br />

with Rwanda (56.4<br />

percent) and Sweden (47<br />

Andrew Roberts studies whether percent) at the top, and<br />

electoral laws can increase the<br />

Saudi Arabia, Belize, and<br />

number of women legislators.<br />

Qatar having none at all.<br />

The United States ranks 69 th in the world, with 17.4<br />

percent of legislative seats held by women. Using new<br />

techniques, including within-country comparisons and<br />

matching methods, they find that electoral laws might<br />

not be a “magic bullet” <strong>for</strong> increasing women’s representation;<br />

effects are not as strong as in previous studies<br />

and vary across countries. While the researchers show<br />

evidence of social and cultural changes driving increases<br />

in female representation, they do not dismiss using electoral<br />

laws, such as quota laws under certain conditions,<br />

to increase representation. However, more research is<br />

needed to identify the possible background conditions<br />

that would promote the success of such laws.<br />

< Political Messages and Campaign Web Sites<br />

How do campaigns work? What determines the<br />

messages candidates put <strong>for</strong>th? Political scientists<br />

Druckman, Michael Parkin of Oberlin College,<br />

and Martin Kifer of Mathematica <strong>Policy</strong> <strong>Research</strong><br />

address these questions, with a particular focus on<br />

U.S. congressional campaigns. The researchers have<br />

developed a framework and are currently testing their<br />

predictions with a unique data set, coming from<br />

content analyses of more than 1,000 candidates’ Web<br />

sites from four election cycles between 2000 and 2006.<br />

The data also enable them to explore the evolution of<br />

new media in the context of campaigns.<br />

One recent study looks at how candidates use advanced<br />

and interactive Web technologies, such as audio,<br />

video, and instant messaging. They find that in tight<br />

races candidates usually drop the bells and whistles of<br />

interactive features, reasoning that doing so will preserve<br />

their campaign’s central message. In another study, the<br />

three researchers use data on congressional candidate<br />

Web sites between the 2000 and 2006 elections to show<br />

that close elections pushed more candidates to go<br />

negative against their opponents. Since virtually all<br />

candidates now have Web sites, the project is providing<br />

the researchers with a unique opportunity to test<br />

multiple campaign theories—from issue engagement to<br />

image ownership and position-taking—in addition to<br />

comparing strategies across different media.<br />

< The Digital Reproduction of Inequality<br />

Alongside the advent of the Internet in the mid-<br />

1990s arose speculation about its implications <strong>for</strong><br />

social mobility and stratification. Communications<br />

researcher Eszter Hargittai recently reviewed the state<br />

of online inequality, suggesting that the concept of the<br />

digital divide should be shelved <strong>for</strong> the term digital<br />

inequality. She points to how the new term better<br />

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