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History Making and Present Day Politics - Stolten's African Studies ...

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H i s t o r y i n t h e n e w S o u t h A f r i c a<br />

War, as the process of decolonisation swept the world, the early, partly segregationist,<br />

liberal view gave way to the renewed liberal <strong>African</strong>ist discourse of<br />

the Oxford <strong>History</strong> <strong>and</strong> the subsequent Neo-Marxist historiography. 103<br />

What in Magubane’s opinion is striking about even the two latter paradigms<br />

is the absence of the <strong>African</strong> as an active participant in history despite<br />

the long record of national struggles. In Magubane’s view, very little of what<br />

has been written from both liberal <strong>and</strong> Neo-Marxist perspectives about the<br />

<strong>African</strong> experience has taken into full account the <strong>African</strong> memory. The author’s<br />

central argument, therefore, is that any historical discourse in South<br />

Africa should of necessity focus on <strong>African</strong> agency.<br />

The methodology that Magubane brings with him from historical anthropology<br />

attempts to raise the levels of abstraction <strong>and</strong> underst<strong>and</strong>ing through<br />

the use of historical parallels; a possibility often ignored by conventional historians<br />

in favour of the search for the unique <strong>and</strong> individual. 104 Magubane<br />

asks the important question: Did the events of 1994 make everything written<br />

by liberal historians nonsense? A question just as important seems to be<br />

where 1994 – or rather, global pragmatism towards neo-liberal solutions – has<br />

left the radical historians.<br />

In some respects, Christopher Saunders’ second contribution to this book<br />

“Four decades of South <strong>African</strong> historical writing” st<strong>and</strong>s in contrast to<br />

Magubane’s article. One of the key observations in Saunders’ paper is that<br />

the transfer of power in South Africa in the 1990s was not accompanied by<br />

any major new trend in historical writing. He argues that a major reason for<br />

this is that South <strong>African</strong> historiography had already undergone a fundamental<br />

change since the 1960s, when the liberal <strong>African</strong>ist work came into existence.<br />

In Saunders’ view, previous interpretations of twentieth century South<br />

<strong>African</strong> historiography, including those in his own work, 105 have laid too<br />

much emphasis on the distinction between liberal <strong>and</strong> radical historiography.<br />

While he recognises that there were fierce battles between the two schools<br />

of thought, he argues that the more important historiographical development<br />

was the one in which both liberal <strong>and</strong> radical historians were involved:<br />

placing black <strong>African</strong>s at the centre of the story of the South <strong>African</strong> past.<br />

103. Wilson, Monica <strong>and</strong> Thompson, Leonard M. (eds), The Oxford <strong>History</strong> of South<br />

Africa, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1969–71.<br />

104. See also, Bernhard Magubane, The <strong>Making</strong> of a Racist State: British Imperialism <strong>and</strong><br />

the Union of South Africa 1875–1910, Trenton, New Jersey, Africa World Press, 1996.<br />

105. For instance, Saunders, Christopher C., The making of the South <strong>African</strong> past: Major<br />

historians on race <strong>and</strong> class, Cape Town, David Philip, 1988.<br />

35

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